Scottish Independence Referendum Report on the Referendum Held on 18 September 2014
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Pdf, 649.7 Kb
Stands Scotland where she did? Scotland’s Journey back to statehood Joanna Cherry QC MP Wales Governance Centre Annual Lecture 27 November 2020 Noswaith dda. Thank you for inviting me to give this lecture. My pleasure at being asked has been tempered slightly by not getting the added bonus of a visit to Cardiff and Wales. But I hope that’s something that can be addressed when this pandemic is over or at least under control. And it’s great to be speaking at the end of a week when finally, there is light at the end of the tunnel thanks to the vaccines. My last trip to Wales was to give the fraternal address at the Plaid Cymru Spring 2018 conference in Llangollen. I greatly enjoyed the warmth and hospitality of my welcome. My only regret was that I was shamed by Liz Saville Roberts announcing to the whole conference that on the road trip up from London I and her other Scottish passenger had marred her usually healthy living habits by introducing her to the delights of Greggs pasties at one of the service station stops. It’s a great honour to be asked to give this speech. Since my election as an MP in 2015 I have benefited from the work of the centre and it’s been my pleasure to share platforms and select committee evidence sessions with Professors Richard Wynn Jones, Laura McAllister and Jo Hunt and to renew my acquaintance with Professor Daniel Wincott whom I first a long time ago when we were teenagers and he dated my best friend. -
Electoral Statistics for Scotland As at 1 December 2018
Electoral Statistics for Scotland as at 1 December 2018 Published on 22 March 2019 This statistical report provides information on the number of people registered to vote in UK Parliament, Scottish Parliament and Local Government elections. Electoral Statistics, Scotland, December 2018 Summary Electorates in Scotland Number of people registered to vote (millions) have decreased in 2018 4.11 The decrease in electorate compared with 2017 is 0.6% for the UK Parliament electorate in Scotland and 0.4% for the 3.99 Scottish Parliament 3.97 Scottish Parliament and Local and Local Government Government electorate. The 3.93 decrease in 2015 was caused by the introduction of Individual Electoral Registration (IER). UK Parliament 2001 2018 Number of attainers Number of attainers (thousands) remains similar to the previous year Attainers are people who will become old enough to vote (18 44.2 UK Parliament for UK Parliament, or 16 for 44.0 41.3 Scottish Parliament and Local Government elections) before December 2019. Since the Scottish Parliament voting age was lowered in and Local Government Scotland, there have been more 20.2 attainers for UK Parliament elections than for Scottish Parliament and Local 2008 2018 Government elections. Most electoral wards Change in electorate over previous year see a decrease Greater than 3.5% 5 wards compared to their 2.5% to 3.5% 6 wards electorate in 2017 electorate increasing 1.5% to 2.5% 16 wards Electoral wards are the sub- 0.5% to 1.5% 41 wards council level areas that are used -0.5% to 0.5% 111 wards to elect councillors for Local -1.5% to -0.5% 110 wards Government elections. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XX-2 | 2015 Bottom-Up Versus Top-Down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XX-2 | 2015 Le référendum sur l’indépendance écossaise du 18 septembre 2014 Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 La campagne du référendum écossais de 2014: la campagne officielle et la campagne de terrain Peter Lynch Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/405 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.405 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Peter Lynch, « Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XX-2 | 2015, Online since 23 July 2015, connection on 02 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/405 ; DOI : 10.4000/rfcb.405 This text was automatically generated on 2 May 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum... 1 Bottom-up versus Top-down Campaigning at the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 La campagne du référendum écossais de 2014: la campagne officielle et la campagne de terrain Peter Lynch 1 The proposal to use the referendum device to achieve a mandate for Scottish independence had been the policy of the Scottish National Party since devolution was instituted in 1999. In office after 2007, the party had floated the idea of a two-step referendum on enhanced devolution and independence but its success at the 2011 Scottish election gave it the majority and the mandate required to press for a one- question referendum on independence. -
Political Parties and the Costs and Benefits of Secession and Union in Scotland
Marriage versus Divorce: Political Parties and the Costs and Benefits of Secession and Union in Scotland. Peter Lynch Paper presented to the Canadian Political Science Association annual meeting, Dalhousie University, Halifax. Nova Scotia, 30th May to 1st June 2003. Peter Lynch, Department of Politics, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA. United Kingdom. Tel: +44 (0)1786 467599 Fax: +44 (0)1786 466266 [email protected] Introduction Secession occurs when a constituent nation or region withdraws from a sovereign state to establish its own sovereign state. As a practice, secession has been widely employed - not always successfully - in a range of different states and continents, particularly in post- cold war Europe. However, it has had relatively little success in advanced industrial democracies where the practice has been conditioned by economic and social factors as well as the need for democratic endorsement of secession such as a referendum mandate. Indeed, arguably, democracy is exactly what makes secession difficult in Western Europe and North America (Dion 1996). Difficult though it may be, this has not prevented political parties promoting secession from gaining electoral support, a reality which has in turn generated responses from statewide political parties opposed to secession and in favour of maintaining the existing state. Quebec is the prime example of this development, with two secessionist referendums in 1980 and 1995, with Scotland close behind through having a well-mobilised Nationalist movement which has successfully pressured for the creation of a Scottish Parliament. Rather than focus on the prospects for secession or the constitutional nuts and bolts to achieve secession which have been dealt with elsewhere (Murkens, Jones and Keating 2002; Lynch 2002),1 this paper will examine the manner in which political parties promote or dismiss secession in the Scottish context. -
Donations and Loans Received by Campaigners at the Referendum on Independence for Scotland (Pre-Poll Reporting: 18 December 2013 to 24 July 2014)
Donations and loans received by campaigners at the referendum on independence for Scotland (pre-poll reporting: 18 December 2013 to 24 July 2014) The Scottish Independence Referendum Act 2013 requires registered campaigners (that are not political parties) to complete pre-poll reports setting out what donations and loans over £7,500 they have received between commencement of the Act (18 December 2013) and 5 September 2014. Date Electoral Deadline for pre- Reporting period Commission will poll reports publish donations 18 December 2013 to 26 Thursday 3 July Tuesday 8 July June 2014 27 June to 24 July Thursday 31 July Tuesday 5 August 25 July to 21 August Thursday 28 August Tuesday 2 September Friday 12 22 August to 5 September Monday 15 September September This document is a summary of donations and borrowing reported to us in the second reporting period, 27 June 2014 to 24 July. After the referendum has taken place, registered campaigners will have to report: all donations and loans over £7,500 that they accepted their campaign spending during the referendum period (30 May 2014 up to and including polling day, 18 September 2014 - the period where campaigners are limited in how much they can spend) Please see our media handbook for more information: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0011/166556/S cottish-Independence-Referendum-media-handbook.pdf Read our news release on the pre-poll donations and loans at: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/i-am-a/journalist/electoral-commission- media-centre/news-releases-donations/second-pre-poll-donations-and-loans- -
From Social Democracy Back to No Ideology? - the Scottish National Party and Ideological Change in a Multi-Level Electoral Setting
From Social Democracy back to No Ideology? - The Scottish National Party and Ideological Change in a Multi-level Electoral Setting Peter Lynch Accepted for publication in Regional & Federal Studies published by Taylor and Francis Introduction Nationalist and regionalist parties have often been characterised as ideologically heterogeneous (Hix and Lord, 1997; De Winter and Türsan, 1998). This situation makes regionalist parties difficult to classify in conventional left-right terms though viewing these parties as an ideological family is to misunderstand their role and significance. Ideological profile can be understood as a secondary characteristic of regionalist parties, as opposed to their primary characteristic of support for self- government – the core business of autonomy (De Winter, 1998, 208-9): which in itself contains a variety of constitutional options to reorganise the territorial distribution of power within a state (Rokkan and Urwin, 1983). However, though ideological positioning may be a secondary characteristic, most regionalist parties have adopted an ideology – in the SNP’s case social democracy. As will be explained below, the reasons for adopting an ideology in itself, in addition to a particular ideology, are complex. For the SNP, the ideological position of elites, the policy preferences of the party’s membership and the adoption of an electoral strategy to challenge a dominant political party in the region (Labour) were all influential. The adoption of an ideological position was not always uncontroversial but became easier due to party system change (the electoral decline of the Conservatives in Scotland from the 1960s), as the SNP came to focus much of its attention on Labour as its primary competitor. -
National Identity Construction During the Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014
National Identity Construction During the Referendum campaign for Scottish Independence 2014. A Critical Discourse Analysis Asha Manikiza 861123T369 International migration and Ethnic Relations One-year Master Thesis (IM627L) Spring semester 2018 Supervisor: Anne Sofie Roald Word Count: 15,888 Abstract Scotland is one of the four nations that make up the plurinational UK. It is as of yet the only one of these nations to have a referendum on its independence. Using Critical Discourse Analysis of 20 newspaper articles at different times in the referendum campaign, I have seen how Scottish national identity has been constructed. The study reveals that far from constructing a national identity based on culture, symbols or historic myth, the Scots base their identity largely on a differing approach to economic policy than the English. Keywords: Scotland, Critical Discourse Analysis, Newspapers, National identity construction, Referendum Contents Page Abstract Table of Contents Abbreviations 1. Introduction 1 1.2 Aim and Research question 1 1.3 Delimitations 2 1.4 Research Relevance 2 1.5 Terminalogical Explannations 2 1.6 Thesis Structure 3 2. Contextual Background 4 2.1 The Scottish Question: A historical Overview 4 2.2 Why Focus on Scotland? 4 2.3 Why the Increase In Scottish Nationalism? 5 2.4 Why Focus on the Referendum Campaign for Scottish Independence 2014? 5 2.5 Role of the Newspapers in national identity construction 6 3. Previous Research 7 3.1 The Shifting Concept of a Scottish National Identity and Britishness 7 3.2 The Crisis of Union and the move towards Independence 8 4. Theoretical Framework 10 4.1 Banal Nationalism 10 4.2 Imagined Communities 11 5. -
Campaigning for the Female Vote in the Scottish Independence Referendum: Comparing Women for Independence and Women Together
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Edinburgh University Press in Scottish Affairs. The Version of Record is available online at: http://www.euppublishing.com/doi/abs/10.3366/scot.2018.0234. Campaigning for the Female Vote in the Scottish Independence Referendum: Comparing Women For Independence and Women Together Craig McAngus1 and Kirstein Rummery Abstract The 2014 Scottish independence referendum campaign saw a surge of campaigning activity from groups on both sides of the debate. The mainstream elements of the campaign were criticised for not bringing enough attention to women’s issues, and so Women For Independence (WFI) and Women Together (WT) were created in order to try and alleviate these concerns. This paper aims to compare the two organisations to ascertain whether or not they can be classified as part of wider social movements. Utilising data from the Scottish Political Archive at the University of Stirling, as well as face-to-face interviews and email conversations with activists from both groups, this paper explores the organisational structures and framing strategies of the two groups, as well as the opportunities and constraints they faced when it came to achieving their goals. Whilst WFI can be classified as a Social Movement Organisation operating within both the pro-independence and women’s movements, WT cannot be classified in this way and simply existed as a useful campaigning label during the independence referendum. WFI still continues to exist as a healthy, autonomous entitythat, should a second independence referendum be called, will be in a strong position to campaign for the female vote and overturn the persistent gender gap that exists in support for Scottish independence. -
An Analysis of the Relevance of Deliberative Democracy, Agonistic
SMITH, P. 2018. An analysis of the relevance of deliberative democracy, agonistic pluralism, and pluralist group theory in explaining Twitter activity during the Scottish independence referendum 2014. Robert Gordon University [online], PhD thesis. Available from: https://openair.rgu.ac.uk An analysis of the relevance of deliberative democracy, agonistic pluralism, and pluralist group theory in explaining Twitter activity during the Scottish independence referendum 2014. SMITH, P. 2018 The author of this thesis retains the right to be identified as such on any occasion in which content from this thesis is referenced or re-used. The licence under which this thesis is distributed applies to the text and any original images only – re-use of any third-party content must still be cleared with the original copyright holder. This document was downloaded from https://openair.rgu.ac.uk An Analysis of the Relevance of Deliberative Democracy, Agonistic Pluralism, and Pluralist Group Theory in Explaining Twitter Activity During the Scottish Independence Referendum 2014 Paul Smith A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Robert Gordon University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2018 Abstract This thesis is predominantly focused upon the relevance of deliberative democracy and agonistic pluralism in helping us to understand and analyse the Scottish independence referendum of 2014, as it played out on Twitter. In doing so, it advances theoretical political communication research into social media platforms, which often focuses upon the possibilities of deliberative democracy, whilst agonistic pluralism tends to be used in opposition to deliberative theory. Aspects of liberalism and communitarianism are also used in the empirical study as an aid to this comparison, by applying a model taken from Deen G. -
The Implications of Scottish Independence on Business; Higher Education and Research; and Postal Services
House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee The Implications of Scottish Independence on Business; Higher Education and Research; and Postal Services Fourth Report of 2014-15 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report, oral and written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 5 August 2014, pursuant to Standing Order No. 137 HC 504 [INCORPORATING HC 378-I, II AND III, SESSION 2013-14] Published on 8 August 2014 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 Business, Innovation and Skills Committee The Business, Innovation and Skills Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills. Current membership Mr Adrian Bailey MP (Labour, West Bromwich West) (Chair) Mr William Bain MP (Labour, Glasgow North East) Mr Brian Binley MP (Conservative, Northampton South) Paul Blomfield MP (Labour, Sheffield Central) Katy Clark MP (Labour, North Ayrshire and Arran) Mike Crockart MP (Liberal Democrat, Edinburgh West) Caroline Dinenage MP (Conservative, Gosport) Rebecca Harris MP (Conservative, Castle Point) Ann McKechin MP (Labour, Glasgow North) Mr Robin Walker MP (Conservative, Worcester) Nadhim Zahawi MP (Conservative, Stratford-upon-Avon) The following members were also members of the Committee during the Parliament. Luciana Berger MP (Labour, Liverpool, Wavertree) Jack Dromey MP (Labour, Birmingham, Erdington) Julie Elliott MP (Labour, Sunderland Central) Margot -
Scottish Independence Referendum and the Deaf Community in Scotland
Scottish Independence Referendum and the Deaf Community in Scotland Contents 1. Introduction 5 1.1. About British Deaf Association 6 1.2. About Empowering local Deaf Commnunities Project 7 1.3. Finding from the report on Impact of Welfare Reform on the 8 Deaf Community in Scotland 1.4. Scottish Independence Referendum 10 2. Scottish Independence Debate 12 2.1. BDA Scotland event 12 2.2. Question Time event 13 2.3. Key questions and concerns raised by the Deaf community in the event 16 2.4. Feedback from the Deaf community 18 3. Conclusion 19 3 4 1. Introduction The purpose of this consultation was to inform the Deaf community in Scotland about the Scottish Independence Referendum in their preferred language, which is British Sign Language (BSL). Representatives from the Yes Scotland and Better Together campaigns met members of the Deaf community to inform and discuss the upcoming referendum. BDA Scotland believes that the voices and opinions of Deaf people living in Scotland need to be heard in the debate about Scotland’s future; Deaf people should have equal access to all information and discussions about the Scottish Independence Referendum. 5 1.1. About the British Deaf Association The British Deaf Association (BDA) is the largest Deaf organisation in the UK that is run by Deaf people and united by shared experiences, history and, most importantly, by BSL. Our vision is “Deaf people fully participating and contributing as equal and valued citizens in the wider society”. Our Mission is to ensure a world in which the language, culture, community, diversity and heritage of Deaf people in the UK is respected and fully protected, ensuring that Deaf people can participate and contribute as equal and valued citizens in the wider society. -
The Arbuthnott Report and Scottish Elections
The Arbuthnott report and Scottish elections Standard Note: SN/PC/03918 Last updated: 21 May 2007 Author: Isobel White Parliament and Constitution Centre The Commission on Boundary Differences and Voting Systems was established to look into the consequences of having four different voting systems in Scotland, and different boundaries between Westminster and Holyrood. The Commission was chaired by Sir John Arbuthnott and published its report on 19 January 2006. This Note examines the Commission’s recommendations and subsequent consideration of the report by the House of Commons. Details of the Government’s response to the report are also given. Local elections and Scottish Parliament elections were held on 3 May 2007 and there have been reports of large numbers of spoiled ballot papers; the final sections of the Note give a brief review of the press reports about the elections and explain the procedure for challenging an election in Scotland. Contents A. Background 3 B. The Report 4 1. Boundaries 5 2. Voting 6 3. Representation 9 4. Reaction to the report 10 C. Consideration of the report by the Scottish Affairs Committee 12 D. Westminster Hall debate on the report on 20 July 2006 14 E. The Government’s response to the Arbuthnott report 17 F. The Scottish Executive’s response to the Arbuthnott report 19 G. Local and Scottish Parliament elections on 3 May 2007 21 1. Statement by the Secretary of State for Scotland 23 2. Electoral Commission review of the Scottish elections 25 H. Election petitions 26 Standard Notes are compiled for the benefit of Members of Parliament and their personal staff.