Scottish Local Election

Local authority elections in Scotland Report 3 May 2007 and Analysis The illustration on the cover of this report represents the town hall in Lerwick, Shetland, a building whose imposing features reﬂect the important role of local councils and local democracy. Its foundations were laid in 1884, the year that the Electoral Reform Society was established. Local authority elections in Scotland Report and 3 May 2007 Analysis Local authority elections in Scotland 3 May 2007 5 Contents Acknowledgements 7 Introduction 9 Summary 11 17 Part 1: What happened in the elections? Chapter 1: The results of 3 May 2007 17 Chapter 2: The political parties and the local elections 29 Chapter 3: Candidate strategy in multi-member wards 51 Chapter 4: Representation of women, young people and minorities 57 65 Part 2: The voters’ experience Chapter 5: More choice for voters 65 Chapter 6: Transferable voting 69 Chapter 7: Did people record valid votes? 83 91 Part 3: Election issues Chapter 8: Ballot design 91 Chapter 9: Multi-member wards 97 107 Part 4: Looking ahead Chapter 10: Looking forward 107 111 Appendix Scotland’s 32 new councils 111 Local authority elections in Scotland 3 May 2007 7 Acknowledgements and Dedication A project of this size is never a one-person job and I would like to thank Ken Ritchie, Amy Rodger and Martin Steven in particular for their constant help, guidance and support. Alasdair Stuart contributed magnificently to the sections on the results council-by-council and equalities. Other colleagues have assisted with the text and gathering data, including Christine McCartney, Gertrud Malmersjo and Hywel Nelson. I would also like to thank members of the ERS who contributed thoughts, including our Chair, Colin Rosenstiel. Errors and omissions are my own responsibility, and although the report is broadly in line with ERS policy, interpretations and expressions of opinion are also my own. Thank you also to the officers who work in the elections and information departments of Scotland’s local authorities who have provided data, and to several councillors of various parties who have contributed their insights. Particular credit is due to the Fairshare campaign, notably James Gilmour, Andrew Burns, Rob Munn, Ian Baxter, Willie Sullivan, Ken (again), Amy (again) and Ross Martin, not only for their help in writing the report but for making it all possible in the first place. I would like to dedicate this report collectively to Fairshare’s campaigners. Lewis Baston Director of Research Electoral Reform Society November 2007 Local authority elections in Scotland 3 May 2007 9 Introduction The Scottish local elections on 3 May 2007 did something to get someone elected, and were the first major use of the Single most voters now have councillor of their Transferable Vote (STV) system in a public choice. In terms of election administration, election in Great Britain. The introduction of these elections saw a number of innovations, STV followed decades of campaigning by both in voter education campaigns and in electoral reformers and, particularly after the vote-counting technology. establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999, was the subject of many consultations But the most significant aspect of the elections and often heated debates among Scotland’s is what they may mean for the future. Many politicians and parties. While the eventual regard STV – a proportional system which at decision to use STV for council elections might the same time allows voters to choose and have appeared as a pragmatic deal between rank candidates – as being the connoisseur’s coalition partners in the Scottish Parliament, choice of electoral system and wish to see it pro-STV campaigners always argued that STV used in all UK elections. It has already been was needed to give Scotland a better recommended for Welsh local government by democracy with more representative the Sunderland Commission, while the institutions. Arbuthnott and Richard Commissions have raised it as a possibility for the Scottish STV was not entirely new. Scotland had used it Parliament and Welsh Assembly. But, in spite to elect its Education Boards in the 1920s, but of STV’s apparent growing popularity, the these boards did not have the range of powers system nevertheless has its opponents: there of modern local authorities, and although are those who have argued, for example, that ‘university’ seats at Westminster were elected it is too complicated, that it will dilute the by STV in the first half of the last century, there nature of local representation, that it will reduce were only 12 of them. The Republic of Ireland the decision-taking effectiveness of local has used STV for all of its elections and the councils. To what extent do the Scottish local system has been re-introduced to Northern election results support the claims made by Ireland for all elections except those for proponents of STV, and to what extent do they Westminster, but the different political contexts justify the concerns of its critics? The answers in Ireland, both north and south, meant that the to these questions may influence the direction use of STV would be a very different proposition and pace of electoral reform in the UK and it is when transferred to mainland Britain. therefore such questions that we address in this report. These elections were therefore of much greater significance than the normal four-yearly battle STV is a more sophisticated system than First- for council seats. Politically, they have resulted Past-The-Post (FPTP). Analysis of the results in a dramatic redistribution of power between therefore allows a more sophisticated approach the parties in Scottish local government. They that can provide us with a fuller picture of how have ended the undeserved majorities that voters view the parties. As these were the first have given some party groups control with little STV elections, however, as well as looking at effective opposition, rescued others from party fortunes we have also examined the undeserved impotence and, in most local extent to which voters were able to use the authorities, they have required parties to come system effectively, and in looking at the results together to form administrations. Most votes we have needed to disentangle changes Local authority elections in Scotland 10 3 May 2007 resulting from the change in system from those arising from swings in party support. Our analysis is extensive, but our conclusions are clear: p STV has produced much more representative councils than would have been elected under the former First-Past-The-Post system; p parties appear to have adapted well to the new system, although we expect that parties will develop their techniques as they gain experience of STV campaigning; p voter understanding of the system appears to have been generally good, with a relatively low level of spoilt ballot papers (unlike the Scottish Parliament election held on the same day); p most votes mattered, in the sense that they contributed to the election of a councillor. Local authority elections in Scotland 3 May 2007 11 Summary The-Post (FPTP) system and also gaining seats Part 1: What that the unfairness of FPTP had denied them. happened in the Councils across Scotland are now much more representative of the views of their voters. No elections longer are there councils where parties have majorities that cannot be justified by electoral The report begins by looking at the outcomes support; where parties with significant support of Scotland’s local elections in May 2007 and have no, or few, seats; or where the largest considers the effect of the Single Transferable parties in terms of seats are not those with Vote (STV) system, used for the first time in most votes. Measures of disproportionality those elections. show a marked improvement over the pre- 2007 situation. If the elections had a clear The first chapter discusses the results. With winner, it was the voters who got what they the change to a new, proportional voting wanted. system, significant changes in the pattern of representation across Scotland’s councils Chapter 2 examines the results from the might have been expected, and this was perspectives of the political parties. The indeed what we saw. Prior to the elections, Conservatives used the opportunity presented Labour was the strongest party in Scottish by the new system to put up nearly a full slate local government but its position was far from of candidates in mainland Scotland, including dominant – it only controlled 13 of the 32 candidates in many areas where the councils and there were almost as many Conservatives had not previously contested councils in which no single party or group had elections. Their chances would have been overall control. In 2007, Labour was the only greater had their national popularity stood a bit party to win outright control of any councils, higher, and if they had managed to obtain winning Glasgow and North Lanarkshire, while more transferred votes from supporters of Independents control three further councils. other candidates. Labour had a bad election, However, the norm (27 out of 32 councils) is but it was not without its brighter spots, now no overall control (NOC) and a varied including full control of two councils and more pattern of coalitions has emerged. council leaders than any other party. The bulk of Labour voters tended to transfer However, in looking at the changed fortunes of preferences to other Labour candidates, the parties, it is important to separate out two meaning that fears of split votes turned out to effects – that of the change in voting system have little justification. If Labour’s vote recovers and shifts in party support. We have done this from its low point in 2007, the party could win by looking at what the 2003 elections might back a significant number of councils.

Load more