For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 68 / Autumn 2010 / £6.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Elections 1910 and 2010 Ian Packer The 1910 general elections Turning points in British politics? John Curtice The 2010 election Has the mould of British politics finally cracked? Mark Pack The 1910 and 2010 elections Continuity and change in election campaigning Steve Belzak Swinging in the ’60s to the Liberals Mary Murphy and Pontypridd UDC Jonathan Calder Searching for Paddy Logan Discovering Harborough’s Liberal history Liberal Democrat History Group Liberal Leaders of the Nineteenth Century The latest publication from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party 1828– 1899.

The forty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal leader from the Great Reform Act to the end of the nineteeth century – the heyday of the Liberal Party.

The total of eleven biographies stretches from Lord Grey to Sir William Harcourt, including such towering figures as Viscout Melbourne, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston and William Ewart Gladstone.

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Liberal Leaders of the Twentieth Century The companion volume from the Liberal Democrat History Group is Liberal Leaders: Leaders of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats since 1900.

The sixty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat leader since 1900. The total of sixteen biographies stretches from Henry Campbell-Bannerman to Nick Clegg, including such figures as H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, Jo Grimond, David Steel, David Owen and Paddy Ashdown.

Liberal Leaders is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £5 (normal price £6) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £5.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ.

2 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 Journal of Liberal History Issue 68: Autumn 2010 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Lloyd George book launch; Song from Francis Hirst; George Newnes: Liberal Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl press baron Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini The 1910 general elections 6 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Turning points in British politics? by Ian Packer York Membery Letters to the Editor 13 Patrons Pennine Liberal representation (Michael Steed); Campbell-Bannerman Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; (Michael Meadowcroft); George Garro-Jones (Sandy S. Waugh); Radical Professor John Vincent Reform Group (William Wallace); Liberator (Mark Smulian) Editorial Board The 2010 election 14 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Has the mould of British politics finally cracked? byJohn Curtice Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr The 1910 and 2010 elections 20 Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe Continuity and change in election campaigning; by Mark Pack

Editorial/Correspondence Swinging in the ’60s to the Liberals 26 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and Mary Murphy and Pontypridd Urban District Council; by Steve Belzak book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Searching for Paddy Logan 35 Contributions should be sent to: Jonathan Calder discovers Harborough’s Liberal history Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ email: [email protected] Report: Red Guard versus Old Guard? The 37

All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. influence of the Young Liberal movement on the Liberal Party in the 1960s and 1970s Advertisements with Matt Cole, Michael Steed, William Wallace, George Kiloh and Bernard Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Greaves; report by Graham Lippiatt Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please contact the Editor. Report: Thomas Paine and the radical liberal 40 tradition Subscriptions/Membership with Edward Royle and Edward Vallance; report by Emily Robinson An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes Reviews 43 membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. Bayliss, Scarborough’s MPs 1832 to 1906; Scarborough’s Mayors 1836 to 1906, reviewed by Robert Ingham; Williams, Climbing the Bookshelves, reviewed by The institutional rate is £50.00, which includes online Tom McNally; Oaten, Screwing Up, reviewed by Tom Kiehl; Vaughan, Samuel access. As well as printed copies, online subscribers are able to access online copies of current and all past Morton Peto: A Victorian Entrepreneur, reviewed by Robert Ingham Journals. Online subscriptions are also available to individuals at £40.00.

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Payment is also possible via our website, Liberal Democrat History Group www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o occasional publications. 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. September 2010 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 3 Liberal history news Autumn 2010

Liberal History News is a new regular feature in the Westminster and a National National Library in Aberystwyth. Journal (except in special themed Assembly governing on Welsh It was preceded by a lecture by Dr issues), reporting news of meet- soil, there is so much of David Jones on the marriage of Lloyd ings, conferences, commemora- Lloyd George’s legacy which has George and Frances Stevenson. tions, dinners or any other events, prevailed or is reflected in Welsh Graham Jones is a fine speaker together with anything else of and British politics today. Dr J and at times the lecture seemed contemporary interest to our Graham Jones, Head of the Welsh to be more of a dramatic presen- readers. Contributions are very Political Archive at the National tation, with Dr Jones acting the welcome; please keep them rea- Library of Wales and one of the voices of the key characters when sonably concise, and accompany most prolific contributors to the quoting from diaries or letters. them, if possible, with photos. Journal of Liberal History, has now The book was then launched Email to the Editor on journal@ produced a new book, published in the company of Ffion Hague, liberalhistory.org.uk by the National Library, Lloyd the author of The Pain and Privi- George and Welsh Liberalism, to lege (HarperPress, 2008), which illuminate some of the more itself threw new light on Lloyd Lloyd George book launch at overlooked aspects of LG’s life. George’s private affairs. Mrs the National Library of Wales Graham Lippiatt was present at Hague said she had vowed to put ith the Liberal- J Graham Jones, the launch. away all her Liberal jokes now Conservative coali- Ffion Hague and The book was launched on that the coalition was in office. Wtion government in Dafydd Wigley Saturday 26 June 2010 at the Also present was the former

4 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 liberal history news leader of Plaid Cymru and MP in the story of British popular for Lloyd George’s old seat of journalism. What’s more, he was Caernarfon Boroughs from 1974 that rare beast – a Liberal-sup- to 2001, Dafydd Wigley, who porting press baron. praised LG’s radical and Welsh Sensing a niche for a publica- nationalist heritage. tion that would appeal to the Dr Jones’ book will be newly-literate lower-middle reviewed in a future edition of classes, the minister’s son in 1881 the Journal of Liberal History by launched the weekly magazine Professor K. O. Morgan. Tit-Bits – ‘a compendium of entertaining and amusing stories and tit-bits from all the most Song for Francis Hirst interesting books, periodicals iberal Democrat History and newspapers in the world’, in Group executive member its own words. Unable to raise LGeofffrey Selldiscovered the capital conventionally, the the following extract from the Derbyshire-born Newnes, who autograph book of his grand- worked in the City after leaving mother, Eveline Dora Noble school, funded his new magazine (1889–1971), relating to the candi- by opening a vegetarian restau- dacy of Francis Hirst for the Sud- rant in Manchester. bury Division in the January 1910 His weekly proved an instant general election. hit, and thanks in part to his flair for publicity and quirky Vote for Hirst prize-reader competitions – one involved the chance to win a The Liberals are packing seven-bedroom house, provided no energy lacking the winner agreed to call the all bent on attacking house ‘Tit-Bits Villa’ – it would the opposite party go on to reach a circulation high of 700,000 by the end of the 19th Heads up they are pushing century, making it one of the Sir George newspapers favourable to the Lib- and shoving and crashing biggest-selling publications in the Newnes, c 1905 eral cause. and striving and rushing land. In 1893, after W. W. Astor had this way to the prize The title helped revolution- bought the previously Liberal ise popular journalism, paving Pall Mall Gazette, and turned it Our man is Hirst the way for the launch of mass- Tory, Newnes founded a new the best will be first market papers like the Daily Mail Liberal paper, the Westminster So vote altogether (founded by Alfred Harmsworth, Gazette. The ‘pea-green incor- For free trade forever.’ a one-time contributor to ruptible’, as it was dubbed Tit-Bits) and the Daily Express – Gladstone had personally The entry was made by Frank (launched by C. Arthur Pearson, approved its green colour – soon Backler, licensee of the Bell who spent five years atTit-Bits became the heavyweight Liberal Hotel, Haverhill, Suffolk in after winning a competition to paper of the day, even though December 1909. The Hirst get a job on the magazine). In its circulation never exceeded referred to was Francis Wrigley 1891, Newnes went on to have 25,000. Newnes also launched a Hirst, Liberal candidate for Sud- further success with Strand Maga- ‘Liberal’ morning penny news- bury in the January 1910 general zine, which serialised the Sher- paper, the Daily Courier, designed election. He was defending a seat lock Holmes stories, and soon to compete with Harmsworth’s captured by the Liberals in 1906 had a circulation of around half a new, halfpenny Daily Mail; but he was unsuccessful. million. unfortunately it lasted less than Jaime Reynolds’ article, ‘The A lifelong Liberal, in 1885 he six months. Nonetheless, he was Last of the Liberals’, in Journal of became MP for Newmarket, a duly rewarded for his readiness Liberal History 47 (summer 2005) seat he held until 1895, when he to bankroll Liberal papers with a provides a full biography of Hirst. was defeated. However, soon baronetcy. afterwards he was offered the safe Despite being all but forgotten Liberal seat of Swansea, which he now, the Encyclopaedia of the Brit- George Newnes: The Liberal held from 1900 until his retire- ish Press rightly observes that ‘in Press Baron ment in January 1910. Among his many ways, George Newnes was ork Membery recalls the few distinctions as an MP was the father of the New Journalism: life of the Liberal-support- to be nominated as one of the others were to adapt it more suc- Ying press baron, who died a best-dressed men in the House. cessfully, but to him must go the hundred years ago. However, he served the party credit for seeing the potential’. It’s The name George Newnes in other ways and was valued by just a shame that so few press might be all but forgotten now, Lord Rosebery, among others, barons have shared his political but in a way he’s the missing link for his willingness to bankroll views.

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 5 The 1910 general elections turning points in British politics?

The two general elections held in the United Kingdom in January and December 1910 were among the most closely contested, bitterly fought and significant elections of the last two centuries. At both elections, the two main parties, the Liberals and Conservatives,1 gained virtually the same number of seats. Virulent debates between politicians about the constitution, trade policy, taxation, social reform and defence produced an enormous response from the voters, with turnout in January 1910 reaching a staggering 86.7 per cent.2 Ian Packer analyses the two elections of 1910.

6 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 The 1910 general elections turning points in British politics?

he outcome was that for the Liberal government.4 On party’s own moneyed support- the Liberal government becoming chancellor, he had been ers, as well as flying in the face first elected in 1906 was faced with a huge deficit in the of much conventional economic able to narrowly retain public finances, brought about wisdom that taxing the wealthy power and push ahead both by increased naval expendi- would harm the economy by Twith its agenda of constitutional ture and by the unexpectedly high reducing the amount of money and social reform. Even if, in cost of the 1908 Old Age Pensions available to invest in produc- some ways, the 1910 elections rep- Act, which had introduced state tion. To counter these dangers, resented the end of an era – they pensions for the first time. Nei- Lloyd George did not attempt to were the last elections called by ther item could be cut: pensions minimise the radicalism of his a Liberal government, the final were believed to be hugely popu- proposals or apologise for their contests under the terms of the lar; and more Royal Navy ships necessity. Instead, he concen- Third Reform Act of 1884 and needed to be built to keep ahead trated the government’s fire by the last general elections in which of Germany’s programme of naval emphasising other new taxes in women could not vote – they still construction. As the Liberals were his 1909 budget, which hit land- pointed the way towards major committed to free trade, Lloyd lords and the drink industry. The transformations in the nature George could not introduce taxes chancellor knew these groups of the United Kingdom and its on imports or exports. Borrowing were unpopular within his own politics. to cover deficits (at least in peace party as close allies of the Con- The background to the 1910 time) was still anathema to all servatives, and could be accused of elections was an important rea- parties. Direct taxes on incomes merely consuming wealth, rather son for the controversies that and death duties would therefore than being involved in its pro- surrounded them. The Liberal have to provide a large slice of the duction. In effect, Lloyd George’s government had been elected tax rises in the 1909 budget. This budget suggested that the Liberals in January 1906 with a landslide was not quite as alarming a politi- should launch a radical campaign majority of 400 of the 670 seats cal prospect as it seemed. Most to justify their financial propos- in the United Kingdom.3 A new working-class voters did not earn als and take the fight to the party’s election did not have to be called enough to cross the threshold of traditional enemies. for another seven years, until Jan- £160 per annum required to pay This strategy was driven uary 1913, and the electorate could income tax. But Lloyd George by political as well as financial reasonably have expected they was keen to spare the vast majority imperatives. Despite its huge would not be required to go to the of the 1.2 million or so income tax majority in 1906, and some signif- polls again until 1911 or 1912. The payers any pain, by concentrat- icant achievements, especially the recent Conservative governments ing his tax rises on the wealthiest 1908 Old Age Pensions Act, the elected with secure majorities in amongst them – the small group Liberal government was in deep 1886, 1895 and 1900 had all waited of 11,500 who earned over £5,000 trouble and the evidence from by- between five and six years before per annum.5 Moreover, by further elections suggested its popularity calling another election. How- graduating income tax and death was waning fast. In 1908, there ever, the 1906 parliament was cut duties, Lloyd George could hope were ten contests in seats which short by a dramatic constitutional to produce an effective new rev- A peer lays a saw a straight fight between Lib- crisis, occasioned by the House of enue stream that would provide log, labelled eral and Conservative candidates Lords’ reaction to the Liberal gov- the basis for more social reform in ‘obstruction’, both at the 1906 general election ernment’s budget of 1909. the future. across the path and at the by-election. The swing The budget was the work of Lloyd George knew this would of the train of to the Conservatives was no less David Lloyd George, Chancellor create a huge wave of protest from progress; Liberal than 9.61 per cent – enough to of the Exchequer since 1908, and the wealthiest members of society. election leaflet, overturn the Liberal landslide embodied his political strategy It might also alienate the Liberal November 1910 victory of 1906 and produce a

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 7 the 1910 elections: turning points in british politics?

Conservative government.6 By to carry the battle to the constitu- (often in full) in the national and the end of 1908 the Cabinet seem encies. But the choice they had to local press, and in the election to have concluded that they would face was whether to use the House manifestos which every candidate lose the next election.7 This trans- of Lords to defeat the budget and published and distributed to the formation in the party’s fortunes so precipitate an early general voters in his constituency.14 The was partly due to declining trade election, as no government could unusual circumstances in which and rising unemployment, as the be expected to carry on once its the election had been called natu- economy went into a sharp reces- budget was defeated in parliament. rally dominated the issues of the sion during 1908.8 But the gov- The case for reluctantly agreeing to campaign. Of the Liberal candi- ernment also seemed unable to the budget was powerful. Reject- dates, 99 per cent mentioned the deliver on many of its promises. ing it in the Lords might breach House of Lords in their election In particular, its Education Bill of constitutional convention, give the address and 82 per cent placed it 1906 and its Licensing Bill of 1908 Liberals a popular cause and raise first. This reflected the Liberals’ had been blocked by the Conserv- the whole question of the posi- intention to make the election ative-dominated House of Lords, tion of the House of Lords. But a referendum on the role of the which still had the power to veto ultimately the argument for using House of Lords. The Liberal gov- all legislation. Lloyd George’s the Lords against the budget was ernment not only needed to defeat 1909 budget was an attempt to too powerful to resist. Many inter- the Lords to continue in power revive the party’s fortunes by est groups in the Conservative but also felt ‘The Peers versus the finding a way round the House of party, especially landowners, the People’ was the best ground on Lords. Since, by convention, all drink trade and the City, pressed which to fight the election. When measures of taxation were solely a for rejection. The Conservative Asquith gave his opening speech matter for the Commons, it could organisation suggested that, at the of the campaign at the Albert be argued convincingly that the very worst, the Liberals’ major- Hall on 10 December 1909, the upper house would have to pass ity over all other parties would be stage carried a huge banner ask- the budget, however much they removed in an election. To allow ing ‘Shall the People be Ruled disliked its measures.9 the budget to pass would hand the by the Peers?’15 Liberal addresses When Lloyd George intro- Liberals a great victory and severely emphasised again and again that duced his budget, in a speech impair the prestige and role of the the Lords’ action in rejecting the of over four hours, on 29 April Lords as a bulwark against radical budget was an assault on democ- 1909, it transformed the political measures. Most importantly, per- racy, and often threw in some climate. While a few, more con- haps, many leading peers made it abuse of the upper house’s previ- servative Liberals were shocked known they would vote against ous record in rejecting Liberal by its far-reaching measures, most the budget, whatever Balfour bills and the useless or malevolent were delighted and enthused. and Lansdowne thought. Balfour role of landowners in society. The response in the country was slowly moved to accept this posi- The Conservatives, on the equally heartening. In the three tion. By August 1909, rumours other hand, had a different strat- by-elections in 1909 that were started to circulate that the Lords egy. While 94 per cent of their held after the budget, and which would veto the budget, and on 30 candidates’ addresses mentioned were contested only by Liberal November they finally did so, by the House of Lords, only 15 per and Conservative candidates at 350 votes to 75. After a one-day cent placed it first. Most thought the by-election and in 1906, the session of the Commons, organ- the Lords were not the strongest anti-government swing subsided ised so that Asquith, the Liberal part of their case, despite Balfour’s to 4.6 per cent.10 Lloyd George prime minister, could denounce claim that they had only referred turned up the pressure in his the Lords, parliament was pro- the budget to the electorate for famous speech at Limehouse on rogued on 3 December 1909 and the people’s verdict. Instead, 100 30 July 1909, denouncing the the campaign began, though the When Lloyd per cent of Conservative election landowners in terms that had formal dissolution did not occur addresses mentioned tariff reform scarcely ever been heard before until 10 January 1910. George and 74 per cent gave it pride of from a Cabinet minister. As Lloyd place. The Tory strategy was very George declaimed, ‘Who is the introduced simple – it was to make the elec- landlord? The landlord is a gen- The issues tion a contest between the rela- tleman … who does not earn his Polling still occurred over a two- his budget, tive merits of the Liberal policy of wealth … His sole function, his week period at this time, with free trade and the Conservatives’ chief pride is stately consumption most contests occurring between in a speech proposal for tariffs, or taxes, on of wealth produced by others’.11 15 and 31 January (although a of over four imports. The Tories felt that tariffs Lloyd George’s daring initiative handful of constituencies took would give them a populist policy placed the Conservative leaders, even longer to vote).13 This hours, on 29 that would overshadow the Lords Arthur Balfour in the Commons meant there was nearly eight issue. They claimed that taxing and Lord Lansdowne in the upper weeks of frenetic campaigning April 1909, it imports would increase wages and house, in a difficult situation.12 before the result of the election preserve employment by keeping They, and the whole Conservative was finally known, with only a transformed foreign goods out of the British party, loathed the budget. It was few days’ break over Christmas. and empire markets. This was a fought vociferously in committee The key issues were outlined in the political very risky strategy for the Con- in the House of Commons and a the speeches of the party lead- servatives. They had put tariffs at Budget Protest League was formed ers, which were widely reported climate. the forefront of their campaign in

8 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 1910 elections: turning points in british politics?

1906, only to go down to a dis- astrous defeat. But many in the party believed passionately in the proposal as being essentially patri- otic and imperialist.16 They felt that in 1910 the party was united behind tariffs (as it had not been in 1906) and could make its case effectively to the public. The Lib- eral response replicated their key argument of 1906 – tariffs would raise the price of basic goods, especially the price of food. All the other issues in January 1910 were essentially subordinate to these two arguments about the Lords and tariffs. The 1909 budget was mentioned by 88 per cent of Liberal candidates and 84 per cent of Conservatives, but only 5 per cent of Liberals and 6 per cent of Conservatives thought it the most important issue. Quite simply, the budget controversy of 1909 was swallowed up in the argument about the Lords, their actions and their future role in the constitution. Liberals claimed the budget was a fair allocation of the burden of taxation and that it provided the means for social reform, while Conservatives saw H H Asquith Nationalists disliked aspects of the the exhausted voters at last had it as harming the economy and (1852–1928), 1909 budget.18 The Labour Party a chance to assess the outcome. embodying a vindictive, socialist Liberal leader had been founded in 1900 as the They had gone to the polls in approach to the wealthy. On the and Prime Labour Representation Com- unprecedented numbers and the Liberal side, 75 per cent of can- Minister in 1910 mittee and had only forty-five 3.6 per cent increase in turnout didates also mentioned old age MPs in 1909. While officially a from 1906 seems to have ben- pensions as a key achievement. completely independent party, it efited the Conservatives, though The Conservatives preferred to was actually closely linked to the not enough to give them an out- talk about defence and Irish home Liberals. Fifty-one of its seventy- right victory. The key factor rule, which appeared in 96 per eight candidates in January 1910 was the position in the House of cent and 82 per cent of their elec- were not opposed by Liberals, a Commons, as this would deter- tion addresses, respectively. The legacy of the secret ‘Lib–Lab’ pact mine who could form the next Conservative case was usually that of 1903 to try and avoid splitting government. On this basis, the the Liberal government had not the anti-Conservative vote.19 The Liberals had won, but only if they built enough new ships to guard main issues in the election also could rely on their Irish Nation- British naval supremacy and that made it hard for Labour to make alist and Labour allies. The Con- in the future the Liberals would a distinctive impact. Like the Lib- servatives increased their seats by produce a measure of Irish self- erals, they were opposed to the over a hundred from 157 in 1906 government, thus threatening the House of Lords and tariffs and to 273 in January 1910. But, while integrity of the United Kingdom. were generally favourable towards the Liberals declined from their The two other parties who the 1909 budget, old age pensions high-water mark of 400 in 1906 contested the election were and Irish home rule. Labour can- to 275, there was a clear anti- mainly viewed as essentially didates tended to talk more about Conservative majority because being on the side of the Liber- the need for social reform, but of the eighty-two Irish Nation- als. The Irish Nationalists, the their voices were drowned out by alists and forty Labour MPs. The party who stood for home rule, the two major parties and, except results in Ireland were a foregone had returned eighty-three MPs in in the few constituencies where conclusion – fifty-five of the Irish 1906, but, as they only contested they were opposing a Liberal, they Nationalist MPs were unopposed one seat outside Ireland in Janu- usually seemed like an adjunct of and they dominated Ireland out- ary 1910, they were largely invis- the government. side Ulster and a few Dublin ible to the British electorate.17 The seats, where there were Protes- knowledge that removing the tant and Unionist majorities.20 Lords’ veto would open the way The result Labour, on the other hand, made for home rule lined them up with When the election finally drew little progress. It held five fewer the Liberals, even though many to a close in late January 1910, seats than before the election and

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 9 the 1910 elections: turning points in british politics?

falling steadily. There were, of course, exceptions to these gen- eralisations, which showed that British voting patterns retained strong regional and local ele- ments. Dockyard towns, which depended on orders for new naval vessels, for instance, swung heav- ily to the Tories.23 There was also a distinct class element to voting. Predominantly middle-class seats in England swung to the Con- servatives by 6.2 per cent, while mainly working-class seats saw only a 3.8 per cent swing.24 Rural areas showed a 6 per cent move- ment in opinion, perhaps because taxing the land was not popular in agricultural areas and social pressure from landowners was effective.

Hiatus: February–November 1910 The Liberal government sur- vived the January 1910 election, but it was not clear how it should proceed. The Irish Nationalists would naturally demand home rule as the price for their support and that would require an end to the Lords’ veto power. But mod- erates in the Cabinet, like Sir Edward Grey, the Foreign Secre- tary, disliked a strategy of depend- ing on the Irish and anything that looked like single-chamber gov- ernment.25 As the Cabinet had not agreed before the election what its policy on the House of Lords would be, the January election was followed by several months of anguished debate, before a deci- failed to win a single constitu- But England itself was starkly ‘The canvasser sion was finally made on 13 April ency where it was opposed by divided along North–South and the to pursue the policy of replac- both Conservatives and Liber- lines. The swing to the Con- unimpression­ ing the Lords’ veto with a power als.21 In Great Britain the swing servatives in their heartland, the able voter’; to merely delay legislation, but to the Conservatives from the south-east, was 9.6 per cent, but Punch, 12 January with reform of the second cham- Liberals was 4.3 per cent, but in Lancashire and Cumbria it was 1910 ber’s composition to take place this overall figure masked huge not much over 2 per cent, and in at some unspecified date in the disparities. The Conservatives the West Riding of Yorkshire it future. This secured the support made very little impact in Scot- was as low as 1.4 per cent. Urban, of the Irish Nationalists and the land, where they won only nine industrial England proved to 1909 budget was duly passed by out of seventy seats, and Wales, have little sympathy with the the Commons and the Lords (who where they returned two out of House of Lords and, as in 1906, now accepted the people’s verdict thirty-four MPs. Here the swing not much interest in tariff reform, as delivered by the election). to the Conservatives was only 1.8 which it was feared would raise But this still left open the ques- per cent and 1.9 per cent, respec- the prices of ordinary goods. Per- tion of how the Liberals would end tively.22 Landowners were not haps if the economy had been in the Lords’ veto on all legislation, as popular in Scotland or Wales, worse shape, and voters had been the consent of the second chamber especially as they were seen as more worried about unemploy- would be required for such a law. ‘English’ figures, and free trade ment, tariff reform might have The only practical means of secur- appealed to the great exporting had more appeal. But, instead, ing the Lords’ agreement to the industries of these countries, like the economy had recovered dur- emasculation of their powers was coal and shipbuilding. ing 1909, with unemployment to threaten them with the creation

10 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 1910 elections: turning points in british politics? of hundreds of new Liberal peers, January, but rather than boredom, Hall, Balfour agreed to subject tar- to provide a Liberal majority in this reflected a rise in uncontested iff reform to a referendum, too.31 the House of Lords. But the king’s seats and an out-of-date elec- But none of these retreats from consent would be needed for such a toral register.28 The result was a their position in January did the threat, as it was the monarch who virtual replica of that in January Tories much good. Very few voters (formally) bestowed all peerages. 1910, with 271 Liberals, 84 Irish had changed their mind in the ten However, on 15 December 1909, Nationalists and 42 Labour MPs months since the previous election. Edward VII’s private secretary had forming a bloc against 273 Con- told Asquith’s private secretary servatives. There was a miniscule that the king would only agree to swing to the Conservatives of Aftermath such a mass creation of peers after 0.8 per cent. In December 1910, The consequences of the 1910 a second general election had been it was clear that the election was elections were momentous. held, specifically on the issue of the only taking place to decide the Firstly, it settled the fate of the Lords’ powers.26 Once the Cabinet fate of the House of Lords, and House of Lords. On 20 Decem- had decided its policy on the Lords’ the second chamber dominated ber 1910, Asquith had a somewhat veto this meant, therefore, that the campaign. Ninety-eight per uncomfortable interview with there would have to be another cent of Liberal candidates’ elec- George V, in which it was made election in 1910. It was only tion addresses put the Lords first.29 clear to the monarch that he would delayed by the death of Edward Among Conservative candidates, have to fulfil his pledge to create VII on 6 May and the accession of 74 per cent agreed. This situation hundreds of new Liberal peers, if his son, George V. The Cabinet also reflected a major loss of faith necessary.32 Under the shadow of felt that a show of reasonableness amongst Conservatives in the this possibility, the Lords agreed would strengthen their hand when electoral appeal of tariff reform, in August 1911 to a Parliament dealing with the new monarch and which was the front-rank issue in Act, which replaced their veto were, perhaps, reluctant to make only 17 per cent of their addresses, with a power to delay legislation the voters go to the polls again so compared to 74 per cent in Janu- for two years. The significance soon after the last election. They ary. Eighty-eight per cent of of the House of Lords in British proposed a Constitutional Con- Conservatives also mentioned the politics was greatly diminished ference with the Tories, to see if threat of Irish home rule – some- at a stroke and the supremacy of an agreed solution to the Lords’ thing only 41 per cent of Liber- the Commons firmly established. powers and composition could be als were willing to deal with. The Liberal government, though, reached.27 This dragged on until Chastened by its lack of success left the composition of the Lords November 1910, producing a range in January, Labour cut back its unchanged, bequeathing a conun- of ingenious proposals, but no number of candidates to fifty-six drum to successive generations of agreement. Ultimately, it proved and played a less significant role in politicians about how to construct impossible to get round the issue the election.30 a second chamber that would have of home rule. The Liberals needed This outcome was deeply dis- some democratic legitimacy, but Irish Nationalist support to remain piriting for the Conservatives. would still be subordinate to the in government and the price was In December They had done everything they Commons. Much less noticed, the an end to the Lords’ veto power. could to achieve victory, includ- Parliament Act also increased the This was something the Con- 1910, it was ing some major adaptations to frequency of general elections, to servatives could not accept. The their policies. Between 17 and 24 at least once every five years. Conference ended on 10 Novem- clear that November, the Lords committed The Parliament Act was fol- ber and the Cabinet demanded themselves to agreeing to reform lowed in 1912, as everyone knew George V should agree to a mass the election their composition and that dis- it would be, by an Irish home rule creation of peers, if they won a putes with the Commons should bill, to fulfil the government’s new general election and needed was only be settled by joint sittings of the pledges to the Irish. The Lords to force amendments to the Lords’ Houses or a referendum on any held the bill up for two years and powers through the upper house. taking place crucial issues. This sudden inter- the First World War intervened Very reluctantly, on 16 Novem- est in the referendum on the part of just as it was about to become ber, the king agreed, though this to decide the Conservatives surprised many law. But the Liberal government’s was not made public. Parliament people, as this concept had hitherto determination in the years 1912– was dissolved on 28 November the fate of played little part in British politics 14 established that major changes and the second general election of and it was mainly associated with would be coming to Ireland’s 1910 took place between 3 and 19 the House of the left. But the Conservatives constitutional relationship with December. had defended the Lords’ actions the rest of the United Kingdom. Lords, and in rejecting the 1909 budget as a The delay in instituting home rule the second referral of the issue to ‘the people’, because of the war only produced Déjà vu: the December 1910 so they had already started down a situation whereby Ireland moved general election chamber the path towards endorsing refer- towards full independence much Considering that they were fac- enda. Crucially, they hoped they more swiftly than most people had ing their second general election domi- could win a popular vote on some imagined possible in 1914. Rather in a year, the electorate still voted issues on which the Commons and less welcome to the Liberals and in impressive numbers in Decem- nated the Lords would disagree, especially Nationalists, the scale of resistance ber 1910. The turnout of 81.6 per Irish home rule. On 29 Novem- to Irish home rule from Ulster cent was 5.2 per cent less than in campaign. ber, in a major speech at the Albert Protestants in 1912–14 (including

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 11 the 1910 elections: turning points in british politics? forming their own army, the its disastrous performance General Elections of 1910 (Mac- 20 B. M. Walker, Parliamen- Ulster Volunteer Force) also at the 1918 general election. millan, 1972), pp. 50–1. tary Election Results in Ireland, made it more or less certain But, of course, nobody could 9 There is no definite evidence 1801–1922 (Dublin: Royal Irish that Ireland would be parti- have foreseen that outcome in that Lloyd George intended Academy, 1978), pp. 171–77. tioned.33 Major social reforms December 1910. to create a budget that would 21 Blewett, The Peers, the Parties also flowed from the Liberal entrap the Lords into reject- and the People, p. 261. victories in 1910, perhaps most Dr Ian Packer is Reader in His- ing its proposals. The possibil- 22 Ibid, p. 396, Table 18.9 for vari- importantly the National tory at the University of Lin- ity that the budget might be ations in the Liberal to Con- Insurance Act of 1911, which coln. He has published widely rejected only became a matter servative swing. formed the basis of the entire on Edwardian politics, includ- of political discussion in late 23 For instance, the astonish- system of national insurance ing Lloyd George, Liberalism summer 1909. ing 19.8 per cent swing at that is with us today, as well as and the Land (2001) and Lib- 10 Mid-Derbyshire, Dumfries Portsmouth. instituting sick pay and, rather eral Government and Politics and High Peak. All were in July 24 Blewett, The Peers, the Parties later in 1913, unemployment 1905–1915 (2006). 1909. In Mid-Derbyshire the and the People, p. 400, Table benefits, for the first time.34 Lib–Lab miners’ candidate was 18.11. But the elections of 1910 1 Officially, the Conservative technically a member of the 25 R. Fanning, ‘The Irish Policy also had consequences for side in politics was represented Labour party. of Asquith’s Government and the political parties involved. by an alliance of the Conserva- 11 H. du Parcq (ed.), Life of David the Cabinet Crisis of 1910’, in The Conservatives entered a tives and the Liberal Union- Lloyd George, 4 vols. (London: A. Cosgrove and D. McCart- period of infighting and con- ists, collectively known as ‘the Caxton, 1912–13), vol. 4, pp. ney (eds.), Studies in Irish His- siderable uncertainty. Balfour Unionists’ (the two parties did 678–96 for Lloyd George’s tory: Presented to R. Dudley was ousted as leader in 1911 not merge until 1912). But, in speeches at Limehouse, and at Edwards (Dublin: University and the party embarked on practice, the much smaller Lib- Newcastle on 9 October 1909. College, 1979), pp. 279–303. an increasingly embittered eral Unionists had become hard 12 Murray, People’s Budget, pp. 26 J. A. Spender and C. Asquith, and dangerous flirtation with to distinguish from the Con- 209–35; A. Adonis, Making Life of Herbert Henry Asquith, the Ulster Protestant lead- servatives by 1910 and the term Aristocracy Work: the Peerage and Lord Oxford and Asquith, 2 vols. ership in their resistance to ‘Conservative’ is used through- the Political System in Britain, (London: Hutchinson, 1932), Irish home rule.35 It was by no out for both parties. 1884–1914 (Oxford: Clarendon vol. 1, p. 261. means certain that they could 2 F. W. S. Craig, British Par- Press, 1993), pp. 144–157. 27 J. D. Fair, British Interparty Con- have won the election due in liamentary Election Results, 13 Craig, Parliamentary Election ferences: a Study of the Procedure 1915 and another lost election 1885–1918 (London: Macmil- Results, p. 589. The six univer- of Conciliation in British Politics, might have produced disas- lan, 1974), p. 583. All elec- sity constituencies and Orkney 1867–1921 (Oxford: Clarendon trous consequences for the toral statistics are taken from and Shetland voted a week or Press, 1980), pp. 77–102. party.36 The Irish National- this source, unless otherwise so after the other seats, pro- 28 Blewett, The Peers, the Parties ists obtained the promise of indicated. longing polling until 10 Febru- and the People, pp. 379–380. home rule, only to see the 3 A. K. Russell, Liberal Land- ary 1910. 29 Ibid, p. 326, Table 15.7 for can- prize snatched away by the slide: the General Election of 1906 14 Blewett, The Peers, the Parties didates’ election addresses in arrival of World War I, dur- (Newton Abbot: David and and the People, p. 317, Table December 1910. ing which they were increas- Charles, 1973). 15.4 for candidates’ election 30 R. McKibbin, The Evolution ingly outflanked and then 4 B. Murray, The People’s Budget addresses in January 1910; pp. of the Labour Party, 1910–24 destroyed by more extreme 1909/10: Lloyd George and Lib- 315–325 for the arguments on (Oxford: Clarendon Press, nationalists. Labour survived eral Politics (Oxford: Claren- both sides, more generally. 1974), pp. 51–4. what was for them the very don Press, 1980), especially pp. 15 The Times, 11 December 1909. 31 Blewett, The Peers, the Parties unfavourable climate of the 112–47. 16 E. H. H. Green, The Crisis of and the People, pp. 172–3; The 1910 elections, without mak- 5 For some of the difficulties of Conservatism: the Politics, Eco- Times, 30 November 1910. ing much progress. The Liber- equating nineteenth and twen- nomics and Ideology of the British 32 National Library of Scotland, als, on the other hand, proved tieth century fortunes with Conservative Party, 1880–1914 Elibank papers 8802, fos. 161–2, their great victory in 1906 was present day monetary values, (London: Routledge, 1995). Elibank to Lloyd George, 21 not an aberration. Why the see N. Ferguson, The World’s 17 Liverpool, Scotland, a seat December 1910. Liberal party went into such Banker: the History of the House dominated by Irish immi- 33 P. Jalland, The Liberals and Ire- rapid decline after 1914 could of Rothschild (London: Wei- grants. It returned the Irish land: The Ulster Question in Brit- become a debate, rather than denfeld & Nicolson, 1998), pp. Nationalist, T. P. O’Connor, as ish Politics to 1914 (Hassocks: seeming like a foregone con- 1034–6. But an income of over its MP 1885–1929. Harvester Press, 1980). clusion. But, ironically, their £5,000 per annum in 1909 18 Eleven of the Irish Nationalist 34 B. Gilbert, The Evolution of success in 1910 meant that they would certainly be equivalent MPs elected in January 1910 National Insurance in Great Brit- were in power when the First to yearly earnings of several were opponents of John Red- ain (London: Michael Joseph, World War broke in August million pounds in 2010. mond’s official Nationalist 1966). 1914. As a result, they had to 6 I. Packer, ‘Contested Ground: party and supporters of Wil- 35 D. Dutton, ‘His Majesty’s Loyal take the responsibility for not trends in British by-elections, liam O’Brien’s All for Ireland Opposition’: The Unionist Party winning the war in 1914–15 1911–1914’, Contemporary British League. They tended to be in Opposition 1905–1915 (Liv- and then enter a coalition with History (forthcoming). critical of Redmond’s align- erpool: Liverpool University the Conservatives, thus cre- 7 British Library, Add MS 46330, ment with the Liberals and the Press, 1992), pp. 211–250. ating the conditions for the John Burns diary, 9 December 1909 budget in particular. 36 P. Clarke, ‘The Electoral Posi- Lloyd George–Asquith power 1908. 19 Blewett, The Peers, the Par- tion of the Liberal and Labour struggle of 1916 and the result- 8 N. Blewett, The Peers, the Par- ties and the People, pp. 241, 318, Parties, 1910–14’, English His- ing division in the party and ties and the People: The British Table 15.5. torical Review, 90 (1975), 828–36.

12 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 Garro-Jones is also of particu- father-in-law, Edward Rush- lar interest. As a Liberal he worth, had for many years LETTERS gained South Hackney from been both a member of RRG Labour (Herbert Morrison) and of the party executive. at the 1924 general election He made little distinction Pennine Liberal and served until he joined between being a Liberal and representation the Labour Party in 1929. being a teetotal nonconform- In the Radio 4 interview Cambell-Bannerman, in He was then Labour MP for ist; his instincts were anti- reported in Journal of Liberal which he is usually accepted Aberdeen North in 1935–45, authoritarian and socially History 66 (spring 2010), Dun- as being a sound leader with with Aberdeen North being egalitarian. can Brack claimed that it was radical views, who held the constituency for which In the 1962 Orpington by- the West Country, along with together the different strands another former Liberal, Wil- election Michael Steed and I Scotland and Wales, which of Liberalism in the early liam Wedgwood Benn (later stayed for a week with the Sel- kept Liberal representation in years of the 1906 government. Viscount Stansgate) was don family while canvassing; the House of Commons going In the course of my thesis Labour MP in 1928–31. After Marjorie was an active party during the bleak years. on Leeds politics 1903–28, I being created Lord Trefgarne member, but her husband Actually, only Wales was in touch with Douglas in 1947, Garro-Jones resigned Arthur had ‘left the party over provided continuous rep- Crockatt, a distinguished from the Labour Party in 1952 free trade’ and was engaged resentation. Furthermore, elderly Liberal who was too and rejoined the Liberals in with others of that group in the Pennine North made frail to be interviewed. He 1958. finding an alternative vehi- more of a contribution than had been a municipal candi- Dr. Sandy S. Waugh cle for their ideas – which Scotland or the South West. date three times and contested became the Institute for Eco- There were only 18 months York in 1929. He wrote to me nomic Affairs, through which between the loss of Bolton/ as follows: Radical Reform Group free-market liberal ideas later Huddersfield in 1964 and the Campbell-Bannerman was Graham Lippiatt’s very useful influenced Margaret Thatcher gain of Colne Valley/Chea- the finest Liberal Premier we article on the Radical Reform and her advisers. dle in 1966; and of just over ever had – concise in speech, Group ( Journal of Liberal His- William Wallace (Lord Wallace two years between the loss firm to principle, modest, and tory 67, summer 2010) does of Saltaire) of Colne Valley/Cheadle in in policy and personal rela- not fully convey the confu- 1970 and the gain of Rochdale tions magnanimous. Even in sion of the Liberal Party in the in 1972. That compares with 1905 with victory obviously mid-1950s over its direction Liberator well over four years for Scot- just round the corner Asquith, and purpose. James Graham’s article about land (1945–50) and a lot longer Haldane and Grey (the Liberal The group of free-trade New Radicalism ( Journal of for the South West, between Imperialist party) ‘ganged Liberals that included Liberal History 67, summer the defeat of Frank Byers in up’ against CB, insisting that S.W.Alexander and Oliver 2010) correctly states that North Dorset (1950) and Mark he should go to the Lords Smedley had drive, financial Liberator was never formally Bonham Carter’s victory in and leave Asquith to lead the resources, and a clear sense in alliance with New Radi- Torrington (1958), when no Commons. But, more than of Liberalism in a libertarian, calism. However, I think it Liberal MP sat for these areas. any other Liberal Leader, CB minimum-state interpreta- is worth pointing out that (at Any analysis of what had character. He declined to tion. The almost anarchic least since it ceased to be sustained the Liberal Party be ‘elevated’ and the Liberal structure of party assemblies a Young Liberal organ in in that period must encom- Imperialists had to climb allowed for such groups to 1978), Liberator has never been pass all four of these areas; down. Had CB had a five- exert real influence. ‘formally in alliance’ with awkward nonconformism, a year term things would have RRG, as I recall, provided anything because it is maga- distinct sense of geographical been very different. He died the most coherent alterna- zine, not a faction. identity and a distance from in about two years. He was tive definition of Liberalism Liberator’s extensive cover- the metropolis applied to all magnanimous towards the – much closer to the radi- age of New Radicalism arose four. ‘Lib-Lab’ candidates, and the cal Liberal tradition, and to mainly simply because its Michael Steed history of the Labour Party the nonconformist beliefs driving force, Donnachadh and its dominance by the which a high proportion of McCarthy, was undertak- trade unions would have been its members held. It helped ing interesting activities in Campbell-Bannerman very different if he had had a enormously that Jo Grimond the party and was willing to In the midst of an excellent five years reign - or more. as leader was naturally sym- write regularly on these, and issue on ‘Liberals and the Perhaps this is a more pathetic to the RRG perspec- the bulk of our readers were left’ ( Journal of Liberal History accurate description. tive; but the existence and likely to be in broad sympathy 67, summer 2010), there was Michael Meadowcroft activities of RRG, and the with his aims. We occasion- one curious and unsupported arguments of its members on ally shared sponsorship of epithet. In his piece ‘The the Party Executive, made conference fringe meetings, Liberal Party and the New George Garro-Jones Grimond’s task in reorienting but there was never any sug- Liberalism’, Michael Freeden In addition to the Liberals the party much easier. gestion of any formal link. describes Henry Campbell- who joined the Labour Party Joining the party in 1960, Mark Smulian (Liberator Bannerman as ‘insipid’. in 1914–31, as mentioned by I caught only echoes of the Collective) This description John Shepherd ( Journal of Lib- arguments that had con- runs counter to just eral History 67, summer 2010), vulsed the then-tiny party about every study of the political career of George in the 1950s. My future

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 13 The 2010 election has the mould of British politics finally cracked?

14 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 The 2010 election has the mould of British politics finally cracked?

Of one thing we espite disappoint- campaign, beginning with the ment on the night, budget unveiled by Alistair Dar- can be sure: the 2010 the overall outcome ling shortly before the election election will acquire was a hung parlia- date was formally announced. ment, and, following Even before the first leaders’ a large entry in the Dlargely unexpected concessions debate on 15 April there had been from the Conservatives on elec- some sign that the party might annals of Liberal toral reform, Liberal Democrat be managing to push its support Democrat history. The MPs found themselves sitting on above the 20 per cent mark, a level the Treasury front bench for the below which it had been stuck for campaign came alive first time since 1945. After more much of the previous five years. than sixty years in the political Even so, the impact of that first for the party when, wilderness, the party acquired a debate on the party’s poll rating following the first- role on the centre stage of British is clear. In the week following the politics. first debate, the party’s average ever televised prime Less certain, however, is what rating was nine points higher than that entry on the 2010 election it had been the week before. With ministerial debate in will eventually say about the sig- the party three points ahead of nificance of these events. Will it Labour and only two behind the the UK, the party’s state that the 2010 election was the Conservatives, it appeared that for poll rating reached decisive moment when the mould the first time ever in polling his- of Britain’s two-party political tory a UK general election was a the 30 per cent mark system was finally cracked? Or three-horse race. Inevitably there might it record, instead, that the was much talk of a Liberal Demo- for the first time election was but a brief moment of crat ‘breakthrough’. during the course of apparent success that ultimately, However, there were always much like the polls during the warning signs in the polls that this a general election. campaign, proved to be a mirage – sudden surge of support might or even a poisoned chalice? Which not be sustained through to poll- However, on polling of these entries comes to be writ- ing day. More than one poll found day itself the party’s ten will, of course, depend in part that those who said that they were on how the electorate reacts to the going to back the Liberal Demo- hopes were dashed, record of the coalition govern- crats were also more likely than Nick Clegg and ment and of the Liberal Democrat Conservative or Labour support- and, instead of making Vince Cable face ministers within it. Nevertheless, ers to indicate that they might a breakthrough, it the cameras in there is much that can already be change their mind by the time Bradford, 13 April revealed by taking a closer look at they came to vote. Liberal Demo- actually found itself 2010 – between the rollercoaster ride that the 2010 crat support also appeared to be them, David election proved to be for the party. relatively high amongst those who with slightly fewer Ward, who Let us begin with that ‘surge’ said they did not vote last time – seats then before. John went on to win in party support in the campaign including many younger people the Bradford opinion polls. Table 1 provides – and the strength of whose com- Curtice analyses the East seat details of the average rating of mitment to vote this time might (photo: Liberal the parties during each of the be doubted, Meanwhile fewer 2010 election. Democrats) key phases of the 2010 election voters said they thought that the

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 15 the 2010 election: has the mould of british politics finally cracked?

Table 1: Summary of opinion polls, 2010 election campaign There is certainly a degree of Con % Lab % LD % Others % evidence that some of the weight- ing of their samples undertaken Post-budget 37 30 19 14 by the polls to improve their NI/C4 debate 38 30 20 12 accuracy may have helped con- After Easter 39 30 19 12 tribute to their apparent over- estimating of Liberal Democrat Manifesto launches 37 31 21 11 support. However, it also seems Post 1st leaders’ debate 32 27 30 11 that a significant number of vot- Post 2nd leaders’ debate 34 27 29 10 ers who had told the pollsters that Post 3rd leaders’ debate 35 27 28 10 they did not know how they were going to vote eventually swal- Final polls 36 28 27 10 lowed their reservations and voted Labour anyway, thereby helping Chart based on all published polls, conducted wholly or mostly between the following dates: Post-budget, 25–29 March; NI/C4 debate, 29 March–2 April; after Easter, 4–10 April; manifesto launches, 10–15 April; post to open up the gap between the 1st leaders’ debate, 15–22 April; post 2nd leaders’ debate, 22–29 April; post 3rd leaders’ debate, 29 April–3 two parties. In any event, it seems May; final polls, 3–5 May. likely that the annals will have to record that, although during the 2010 campaign the Liberal Dem- ocrats mounted what at the time Table 2: How the Liberal Democrat performance varied appeared to be the most serious First party/second party 2005 Mean change in Liberal Democrat challenge yet to the dominance share of vote since 2005 of the Conservative and Labour parties, in reality that challenge Conservative/Labour +3.3 – built on the back of a just a sin- Labour/Conservative +0.6 gle television performance – was Conservative/Liberal Democrat +0.5 based on support that was too soft, Labour/Liberal Democrat +0.4 sudden and insubstantial. Yet there is also a danger that Liberal Democrat/Conservative –0.4 the high expectations gener- Liberal Democrat/Labour –0.9 ated by the opinion polls lead us ALL SEATS +0.8 to undervalue what the Liberal Democrats’ achieved in 2010. Set Seats where any party other than Conservative, Labour or Liberal Democrat was first or second in 2005 are against the longer-term histori- not shown separately, but are included in the calculation for ‘All Seats’. cal record, the performance still appears highly impressive. The party secured the second high- Liberal Democrats had the best of the vote cast across Great Brit- est share of the vote to be won by policies on any particular issue ain represented just a one-point the Liberal Democrats or any of than said they were going to vote increase on its tally at the last elec- its predecessor parties at any elec- for the party. In truth, the surge tion in 2005. Far from challenging tion since 1923 – only the Liberal/ appeared heavily dependent on for second place in votes, the party SDP Alliance vote of 26 per cent Nick Clegg’s newfound personal still trailed Labour by as much as in 1983 outranks it. Similarly, popularity and his apparent abil- six points. Meanwhile, with fifty- although the party’s tally of fifty- ity to tap into the disenchantment seven members, the parliamentary seven seats was five less than in with politics many people felt in party now contained five fewer 2005, it still represented the par- the wake of the MPs’ expenses members than it did immediately ty’s second highest total since 1929 scandal. These always looked after the 2005 contest. After the (when, leaving aside two univer- like potentially relatively fragile high expectations generated by sity seats, the Liberal Party also foundations on which to build a the campaign, the eventual out- won fifty-seven seats). In short the breakthrough come came as a bitter blow. party’s performance in 2010 was Certainly, as polling day Indeed, it was a blow more bit- one of its best since it lost its status approached it was becoming ter than might reasonably have as the principal competitor to the increasingly clear that the surge been expected even on a pessimis- Conservatives in the 1920s. was slowly receding: Nick Clegg tic reading of the opinion polls. That such a performance proved unable to outshine his Even if the trend of declining sup- should have been greeted with rivals in the second and third lead- port had continued further in the an air of disappointment is in ers’ debates, and after each one the final hours of the campaign, the truth an indication of the signifi- party’s support fell by a point or party might still have expected to cant longer-term progress that so. By the time that the final opin- win at least a quarter of the vote. the party has made and is now ion polls were published on poll- The extent of the discrepancy regarded as part of the country’s ing day, it appeared that the party between the eventual outcome political fabric. The party has now was at risk of losing the race for and the final polls clearly raises won over fifty seats at three gen- second place in votes. questions as to whether the opin- eral elections in a row. Between And so proved to be the case. ion polls exaggerated the scale of 1945 and 1992 it had never man- At 23.6 per cent, the party’s share the surge in the first place. aged to win as many as two dozen.

16 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 2010 election: has the mould of british politics finally cracked?

Although the first-past-the-post support quite substantially com- where it could profit most, Table electoral system may still make prised those who first captured 2 suggests there was another nota- life difficult for the party, the 2010 their seat in 2005 and were thus ble variation in the pattern of the result confirms not only that is defending it for the first time. On Liberal Democrat performance it able routinely to garner some- average their vote increased by 3.1 – that the party found it easier to where between a fifth and a quar- points – doubtless many of them gain ground in areas of Conserva- ter of the vote, but also that it is had managed to use their first tive strength than in those where better able than in the past to turn few years as the local MP to boost Labour was relatively strong. This those votes into seats. their local profile and thus their was indeed the case. Apart from Nevertheless, it might still be support. Only one such ‘new’ MP doing relatively poorly in those asked why the party ended up was defeated: Julia Goldsworthy seats where Labour were weak- with fewer seats than in 2005, in Camborne & Redruth, where est of all in 2005 (most of which even though it won slightly more a 1.6 point increase in her vote were places where the Liberal votes. After all, if the changes in proved insufficient to stem an Democrats are relatively strong) the shares of the vote won by the even stronger pro-Tory tide. the stronger Labour were in 2005, different parties had been uniform Equally, a glance at the eight Well-estab- the less likely it was that the Lib- across the country as a whole, the seats that the party gained in par- eral Democrat vote increased Liberal Democrats would have tial compensation for the thir- lished sit- between 2005 and 2010. Thus, in secured sixty-four seats, two more teen that it lost also indicates the seats where Labour won between than in 2005, so votes were cer- importance of personal local ting Liberal 20 and 40 per cent of the vote tainly not converted into seats popularity in achieving success. in 2005, the Liberal Democrat as effectively as five years ago. Two of these ’gains’ were in fact Democrat vote increased on average by Table 2 gives us an initial clue. It achieved by existing Liberal Dem- just under two and a half points, shows that the party’s vote typi- ocrat MPs – Lorely Burt in Soli- MPs whose while in seats where Labour won cally advanced most strongly in hull and Sarah Teather in Brent more than 40 per cent in 2005, seats where it was least likely to Central – who, on account of personal the increase in the Liberal Dem- bring the party a reward, that is boundary changes, found them- ocrat vote averaged just under in constituencies where it started selves fighting seats that it was vote was half a percent. The party per- off in third place. Meanwhile, estimated the party would not formed especially poorly in one the party’s vote actually fell back have won in 2005. Both secured first accrued traditional Labour stronghold in somewhat in those seats it was substantial increases in their sup- particular – Scotland. Here the attempting to defend. Such a pat- port of 3.5 and no less than 13.1 some time party’s vote actually fell back by tern is of course the very opposite points respectively. Meanwhile no less than 3.7 points, while, in of what is needed if votes are to be five of the six remaining gains ago were sharp contrast to the position in turned into seats. were secured by candidates who typically able England and Wales, Labour’s vote The party struggled above all had also stood locally in 2005 (if increased by 2.5 points. in those seats that were not being not also earlier) and who doubt- to do little This is the very reverse of what defended by an incumbent Lib- less had devoted considerable happened in the 2005 election. eral Democrat MP. In the ten seats time and effort to getting them- more than Then, the party advanced most where this was the case (including selves known locally. Strong per- strongly in areas of relative Labour York Outer, a new seat that it was formances by the party leader hold their strength, areas that had hitherto estimated would have been won on television may help create a often been relatively barren for by the Liberal Democrats if it had favourable backdrop for achiev- own – and the party and a pattern that helped been contested in 2005), the party’s ing electoral success, but it appears it make record gains at Labour’s vote fell on average by no less than that the party cannot afford to for- not always expense at that election. Voters in 4.7 points. Six of these seats were get the importance of sustained areas of Labour strength who were lost. In the remaining fifty-two local activity if votes are to be that – while disaffected with Labour demon- seats that the party was defend- turned into seats. strated an unprecedented will- ing, the party’s vote increased a In any event, it is now clear the party ingness to vote Liberal Democrat little on average, by 0.6 of a point. why the party ended up with – and especially so in seats with Only seven of these fifty-two seats fewer seats at Westminster. Well- often lost relatively large numbers of Mus- were lost, albeit including the most established sitting Liberal Demo- lims and students, as the issues of spectacular defeat of all, of Lembit crat MPs whose personal vote was ground Iraq and tuition fees in particular Opik in Montgomery, a seat that first accrued some time ago were took their toll on Labour support. the party had previously only lost typically able to do little more where the While not all the party’s relative once in 130 years. than hold their own – and not incumbent advance in Muslim and student This loss of support where the always that – while the party often seats in 2005 was reversed, most incumbent MP stood down sug- lost ground where the incumbent MP stood of the relative progress secured in gests that the personal local popu- MP stood down and his or her Labour territory was in fact lost in larity of individual candidates still personal vote was lost. Mean- down and his 2010. plays an important role in ena- while, scattered local successes As a result, although the bling the party to win and retain elsewhere proved insufficient to or her per- party made five gains at Labour’s seats. Other evidence points to compensate for the seats that were expense in 2010 – more than it the same conclusion. The one lost as a consequence. sonal vote had done in all elections between group of Liberal Democrat MPs However, apart from a ten- 1945 and 2001, though less than that did manage to increase their dency for the party to advance less was lost. the eleven secured in 2005 – the

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 17 the 2010 election: has the mould of british politics finally cracked?

party still finds itself fighting the Liberal Democrats between them ‘The more they Two key lessons for the party Conservatives locally in more potentially had just enough seats argue, the more can be drawn from this experi- places than it fights Labour. together with their allied parties in they sound the ence. The first is that its opportu- Whereas there are now forty seats Northern Ireland to be able to sus- same’ – Nick nity to exercise influence does not where the Liberal Democrats and tain a government. Between them Clegg in the first simply depend on how many MPs the Conservatives share first and these parties had 319 seats, only TV debate, 15 it has, but also on the balance of second place and are within 10 per four short of an effective majority April 2010; and its opponents’ forces. The party’s cent of each other, there are only given the failure of five Sinn Fein voters show their influence is at its maximum when twenty-six where Labour and the MPs to take their seats. True, such approval not only does no single party have Liberal Democrats are in the same a government would be reliant a majority, but Conservative and position – even though nationally on the support of the Scottish and Labour have roughly the same Labour performed poorly in 2010. Welsh nationalists, Caroline Lucas number of MPs such that a deal The party thus remains more vul- of the Greens and the Independent with either party would produce nerable to a Conservative than to MP, Lady Hermon, but all of them an overall majority. The out- a Labour advance in the polls. had good reason to prefer such a come of the 2010 election was far Yet it is with the Conservatives government to a Conservative one from perfect in that regard – the that the party now shares power, – and especially so if it were to be arithmetical foundations of any following the failure of any party committed to significant electoral Labour/Liberal Democrat gov- to secure an overall majority for reform. ernment would undoubtedly only the second time in the post- Faced with the danger of being have been fragile – but it was suf- war era. It was an outcome that few denied power, Mr Cameron ficiently close to give the party had anticipated. Whatever else the proved unexpectedly flexible on more leverage than it has ever had two parties had in common, there his attitude to the electoral sys- before in the post-war period. appeared to be one major obstacle tem. His opening offer to the Lib- Secondly, however, being able to the possibility of the two parties eral Democrats – of a commission to exercise such leverage implies doing a deal: the Conservatives’ on electoral reform – may have a willingness to strike a deal with apparently resolute defence of the been obviously too little to form either Labour or the Conservatives first-past-the-post electoral system the basis of an agreement, but it – and not to privilege a prior pref- that the Liberal Democrats have signalled an appreciation of the erence to do a deal with one rather long regarded as unfair. Labour, in importance of the issue to the Lib- than the other. In other words, contrast, had signalled a renewed eral Democrats. Eventually, after the party has to accept that it is a interest in electoral reform, with a long weekend of negotiations, ‘hinge’ party that sometimes does a a promise in its manifesto to hold the Conservatives signed up to deal with Labour, sometimes with a referendum on the introduction the Labour proposal that they had the Conservatives – and does not of the alternative vote. Mean- hitherto opposed: a referendum regard coalition as the first phase in while many a Labour and Liberal on the alternative vote, a refer- some form of realignment of either Democrat activist feels that the endum that has now been sched- the ‘right’ or the ‘left’. two parties have a natural affinity uled to take place at the beginning It is with this logic in mind that that some hope might eventually of May next year. In contrast, the value of the deal on electoral result in some kind of ‘realignment Labour’s divisions on the sub- reform with the Conservatives has of the left’, the first stage of which ject of electoral reform were laid to be judged. There is no doubt might be the formation of a coali- bare as a number of its prominent that, if implemented, the alterna- tion government between the two members, most notably David tive vote would produce far from parties. Blunkett and John Reid, indi- a proportional outcome, and still However, the parliamentary cated on the air waves that they leave the Liberal Democrats at arithmetic presented David Cam- felt doing a deal with the Liberal some considerable disadvantage eron with a dilemma. His party Democrats on electoral reform in turning votes into seats. Tak- might be the clear ‘winner’ of was a price not worth paying in ing into account the evidence the election, but Labour and the order to stay in power. on the second preferences of

18 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 2010 election: has the mould of british politics finally cracked? voters collected by ComRes for between twenty-eight and thirty. a number of reasons – the aver- The Independent shortly before So, together with the representa- age electorate in seats won by polling day, it can be estimated tion secured by the Liberal Demo- the Conservatives is higher than that if the system had been in crats, it has become the norm for in those won by Labour, as is the place in 2010, the party would still the Commons to contain some turnout, while the Conservatives only have won some seventy-nine eighty to ninety MPs belonging are also somewhat less success- seats, only twenty-two more than to parties other than Conservative ful than Labour at winning seats it secured under the current sys- or Labour. That in itself has made by small majorities. This bias may tem, and just 12 per cent of the hung parliaments more likely. be reduced somewhat at the next total seats in the Commons. However, the ability of first election if the new government is Even so, the potential impact of past the post to generate an overall successful in implementing its aim the alternative vote on the party’s majority for either Conservative of reducing the disparity in the bargaining power is considerable. or Labour also depends on there size of constituencies. But while If we look further at what might being a plentiful supply of seats such action may make it somewhat have happened if that system had that are marginal between those easier for the Conservatives to been in place in 2010, the Conserv- two parties. If a small lead for one win an overall majority in future, atives, with 281 seats, would not of those parties in votes is to be equally it will become more diffi- have been far ahead of Labour on transformed into a lead in seats cult for Labour to do so. The over- 262. On these figures the Liberal that is big enough to give it an all width of the range of results that Democrats would have been able overall majority, then many a seat would produce a hung parliament to form a majority government needs to change hands between is unlikely to be affected – and in collaboration with either of its those parties as a result of the would encompass more or less any two bigger rivals. So introduc- swing of the national pendulum. reasonably narrow Conservative or ing the alternative vote could well However, the number of such Labour lead in votes. have a bigger impact on the Liberal seats fell markedly in the 1970s, So the hung parliament in 2010 Democrats’ future prospects than primarily because the northern was not a one-off accident. It was immediately meets the eye. and more urban half of Britain the product of long-term and now This perhaps is even more became increasingly Labour and well-established changes in the clearly the case if we consider the southern and more rural half electoral geography of Britain. what the Liberal Democrats more Conservative, leaving fewer As a result, even if the alternative might do with such bargain- and fewer seats potentially repre- vote were not to be introduced, ing power. One obvious option sentative of the national mood. hung parliaments could well would be to press for yet further The trend was reversed some- still be quite common in future electoral reform to something what when New Labour had – potentially giving the Liberal more clearly proportional than some success in the 1990s in chas- Democrats new opportunities to the alternative vote. That suggests ing southern voters, but after the exercise leverage to have the sys- that switching to the alternative 2010 election the number of mar- tem changed even if the vote next vote may be no more than a stag- ginal seats has fallen once more to May is lost. ing post in a move towards a more So the hung around half the level it was in the The 2010 election undoubtedly proportional system. Viewed in 1950s and 1960s. contained its disappointments and that light the outcome of the ref- parliament The combination of fewer setbacks for the Liberal Demo- erendum vote next May would marginal seats and more third- crats. It was a salutary reminder certainly seem to be crucial. in 2010 was party MPs has profoundly under- of the limitations of what can Yet curiously this may not be mined the ability of first past the be achieved with a successful the case after all. For we also have not a one-off post to generate overall majori- national election campaign and to consider why first past the post ties. This can be seen by looking of the continued importance of failed to deliver David Cameron accident. at the range of results that would long-term activity by popular his majority in the first place. produce a hung parliament if we candidates and MPs in their con- Was it simply an accident that is It was the assume that support for the Liberal stituencies. The party still finds unlikely to be repeated any time Democrats and other smaller par- it harder to mount a challenge in soon? Or did it signal a more pro- product ties remains as it was in 2010, and Labour territory than in Conserv- found change in British politics, then investigate what the outcome ative seats. But at the same time it whereby hung parliaments are of long- in seats would be as a result of was an election that demonstrated likely to be more common even if various uniform national swings how the first-past-the-post system first past the post remains in place? term and from the 2010 result between has now become significantly less We have already noted the now well- Labour and the Conservatives. effective at denying the party lev- long-term growth in Liberal Such an exercise reveals that any erage. Meanwhile, limited though Democrat representation in the established outcome between an 11.2-point the reform might at first appear, House of Commons. The party lead for the Conservatives and a introducing the alternative vote is not alone in its challenge to the changes in 2.7-point lead for Labour would would increase that leverage yet Conservative and Labour domi- produce a hung parliament. further. There does indeed now nation of the Commons. Before the electoral This range is, of course, asym- seem to be a substantial crack in the 1970s, typically only two or metrical. It is currently harder the mould of British politics. three independent or minor party geography of for the Conservatives to secure a MPs were elected. At each of the majority than Labour. This reflects John Curtice is Professor of Politics at last four elections, there have been Britain. a ‘bias’ in the system that arises for Strathclyde University.

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 19 the 1910 and 2010 elections continuity and change in election campaigning

This year marks the espite the Liberal signs in the results both of contin- government’s double ued Liberal dominance yet also centenary of the last victory in 1910, in of a changing balance of electoral occasion on which a reality the electoral forces, particularly with forty, results were rather and then forty-two, Labour MPs Liberal government Dmore ambiguous. The Liberals being elected in 1910. went into the January 1910 elec- The conflicting signs of conti- went into a general tion with a majority of 130 (and, nuity and change are also present election. As Ian Packer’s in practice, a working majority when comparing the campaign of more like 350 on most issues, techniques used by candidates in article in this issue given the small number of Con- 1910 with those of 2010. Superfi- servative MPs, who comprised the cially, the two worlds of election- describes, not only did main opposition party). Yet they eering are very different, with a Liberal government came out of the January election 2010 having universal suffrage, without any majority, and indeed including women, mass media go into a general were sixty seats short of one. Just coverage through the TV and as the 1945 Labour landslide dis- radio, and the increasing use of election, but one also appeared at the general election the internet and marketing, pub- that followed it, so too did the licity and PR professions which came out of it too – and 1906 Liberal landslide. have evolved new languages, not just once but twice, However, unlike the in 1950s, approaches and techniques in in the early twentieth century the intervening century. Scratch with elections in both there was a sufficient number of under the surface, however, and MPs from other parties – princi- many signs of continuity emerge. January and December pally Labour and Nationalists – 1910. A hundred for the results in 1910 to keep the Liberals firmly in power, with the Campaign finance years later, Liberals party winning on both occasions The costs of politics are much (on most counts) a tiny handful talked about in 2010 and they Democrats entered the of seats more than the Conserva- imposed a heavy financial bur- election in opposition tives. The Liberal grip on power den in 1910, albeit that elections was assisted by the lack of a con- were often more profitable than and emerged to hold cept of a ‘popular mandate’ based in the twenty-first century. Years on who won the most votes over- after the 1906 Liberal landslide, the balance of power in all. The Conservatives topped Herbert Gladstone boasted how a hung parliament. Dr the popular vote both times, but, he had made a profit for the Lib- unlike more recent times, that was eral party on the campaign. And Mark Pack looks back not a significant factor in post- not just a small profit: the cam- election manoeuvrings. paign had cost £100,000 but he at the 1910 campaigns The ambiguity inherent in had raised £275,000 – a profit from the perspective of both results helps feed the debate of £175,000. In modern money about whether or not the Liberal that is a cost of around £8.5 mil- the techniques used in Party had entered a period of ter- lion and a profit of nearly £15 minal decline before the outbreak million.1 In an echo of modern 2010. of the First World War. There are times, both 1906 Liberal victor

20 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 1910 and 2010 elections continuity and change in election campaigning

Campbell-Bannerman and the there was far less campaigning all period was more than half as Conservative Prime Minister year round.3 great again in [January] 1910 as Balfour before him were accused In 1910, events also conspired in 1906. As the [Liberal Publi- of using honours to reward those to encourage such pauses in cam- cation] Department does not who had donated to party funds. paigning for, as the National Lib- distribute literature broadcast, One use of central funds was eral Federation reported in its 32nd but sells it to the various locali- to support key local contests. Annual Report, ‘There is always ties, this increased volume of Although the terminology of a natural tendency to lethargy business in the best possible target or marginal seats was not in the early months following a proof that the publications are centre stage for early-twentieth- General Election. But to this have deemed attractive and useful century election planning, the been added the exceptional condi- … Over forty-one millions of methods were frequently simi- tions brought about by the death separate publications were sent lar. For example, for the 1906 of King Edward [in May 1910]’. out from 42, Parliament Street election in London the Liberal When campaigning did pick in two months.4 Chief Whip (it was Chief Whips up, it featured large quantities of who organised party election written literature. The broad pic- This material included 104 differ- campaigns and elections funds) ture of twentieth-century elec- ent leaflets, four booklets, five sets divided the sixty-one London tioneering is of the heavy use of of campaign notes, draft posters seats into three groups – twenty- leaflets in the early parts of the and printed pictures and posters. eight it could win, ten it might century, which falls away in later Although the nature of the just possibly win and twenty- years as mass media start to domi- printed election material in 2010 three it was unlikely to win – nate but then rises again in the last was different in many ways from and then concentrated financial quarter of the century. 1910, including the widespread help and party agents on those The volume of literature in use of full colour printing and of first twenty-eight. The money the early twentieth century was direct mail, in terms of volume came with strings – it had to be impressive. In 1906 the Liberal and the value attached to dis- matched locally and was only Publication Department centrally tributing pieces of paper, a cam- given where candidates were in issued no fewer than 25 million paigner from 1910 would have felt place. That combination of seg- leaflets and books – for an elec- at home in 2010 and vice versa. menting and setting conditions torate of just over seven million. Two aspects would, however, is very similar to what has been That is equivalent to more than have struck them as different: the done in the run-up to the 2010 three items for every elector in the role of music and the content of general election by all parties.2 country, without including any the literature. literature produced outside of the LPD. Large scale leafleting The 1910 elections were simi- Music Whilst the financial pictures in larly paper intensive: Political songs were a common 1910 and 2010 bear striking simi- feature of elections in the early larities, the length of campaign Beforehand it was hardly twentieth century and there were was typically different. For many expected that the figures ‘nearly a million Liberal song candidates and campaigners, poll- of 1906 could or would be sheets’ distributed for the January ing day in 2010 was the culmina- exceeded, but as a fact the 1910 election. These songs typi- tion of a local campaign that had number of separate publica- cally took well-known tunes and seen several years of intense effort; tions put into circulation replaced the words with a politi- but in the early twentieth century during the General Election cal message. For example, The

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 21 the 1910 and 2010 elections: continuity and change in election campaigning

Times of 4 January 1904 reported Labour Party with its renditions Liberal election technologies and typographical on a by-election in Ashburton, of the Red Flag at party confer- leaflets from 1910 fashions but also because of the Devon,5 giving the words of the ences continuing well in to the style and form of the content. Liberal Working Men song, to late twentieth century or with In 2010 election literature be sung to the tune of Auld Lang the Liberator Song Book still pro- was usually A3 or A4, with some Syne: duced by a group of liberal and newspapers that were approxi- Liberal Democrat activists. How- mately the equivalent of eight Let Newton Abbot lead the ever, such singing is now prima- sides of A4, plus longer, but way rily aimed at an internal audience largely unread, national election And Teignmouth follow on at internal events, rather than manifestos. By contrast, in 1910 Bovey, Dawlish and Moreton being part of public campaigning.6 long items of literature and asso- too, Public music in the 2010 elec- ciated pamphlets were extremely Chagford and Ashburton. tion was mostly confined to common. theme tunes, played during TV For the January 1910 election The once again in freedom’s broadcasts, or after speeches and 900,000 copies of two election fight the like. Whether or not the editions of the Liberal Monthly United we’ll combine, tunes had words with them, this were distributed. Pamphlets of Send Mr Eve to Parliament was music to be listened to rather twenty or more closely printed And lick the Tories fine. than, as in 1910, songs to be sung pages were also common. In by supporters. 1910 these frequently included For Harry Trelawney Eve, my lengthy constitutional argu- boys, ments – a reflection of the fact With him we all agree, Content of literature that the major political issue of the We’ll fight for him and work It was not only the role of music moment was the constitutional for him which varied between 1910 and role of the House of Lords. Those And make him our MP 2010. Looking at a political leaflet arguments were often bolstered, from either year, it is immediately and the literature lengthened, by Political singing has not com- clear which year it is from, and not detailed recitations of evidence pletely died away, whether in the only because of different printing from history.

22 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 1910 and 2010 elections: continuity and change in election campaigning

In many respects, party pam- justifies the Liberal government’s accurately, cartoon) posters were phlets did what think tanks and approach to taxation with a line much more common in 1910 than bloggers now do for political par- of argument that starts with the in previous elections, but text ties. For example, The House of medieval city state of Florence, heavy posters were still common. Lords: who they are and what they passes through Charles I and the Despite the importance attached have done by Harold Spender came Long Parliament with a nod in to promoting individual candi- out in a revised edition in 1909 the direction of Pitt the Younger, dates, posters were frequently with fifty-six pages of detailed before getting to the late nine- political messages and not the argument, much of which went teenth century and the financial modern-style name-recognition through the history of past Lords policies of William Gladstone. type posters. votes. Partly the length was a But it soon diverts back to six- The Conservatives tended necessary result of the argument teenth-century Holland, ancient to favour large posters, whereas being made, namely that the Athens and a host of other his- the Liberals more often used a Lords had consistently blocked torical stops before commencing number of different small posters many worthy measures. But it also a contemporary argument. Such covering a range of issues to take reflected a willingness by many detailed justification and exten- up an equivalent amount of space. people to read lengthy political sive context for a political case With text-heavy designs, pieces.7 An advert on the inside would now far more commonly graphical variation either came back cover of Spender’s work be found online or in a think from the inclusion of cartoons gives an indication of the scale tank’s publication than in a party’s or from the imaginative use of on which these pamphlets were election literature. blank space. One cartoon showed consumed, with a sliding scale Literature in 1910 was inclined a peer putting an obstacle on the of prices ranging from six copies to be text heavy and printed in track in front of a train marked through to 1,000. black only, with the occasional ‘Progress’, while a Liberal leaflet These lengthy pamphlets typi- use of other colours such as red. from 1910 had a front page asking: cally read like a cross between a Even items intended to be posted ‘Is the House of Lords a fair and political argument and a history up on walls, in a form of political impartial second chamber? Turn book. J. M. Robertson MP’s pam- fly-posting, often contained a fair over the page if you wish to find phlet of 1910, The Great Budget, amount of text. Picture (or, more some facts that will help you to

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 23 the 1910 and 2010 elections: continuity and change in election campaigning answer this question.’ Inside are A new development in 1910 Conservatives was the support of two pages each headed as contain- was the use of large newspaper motorcar manufacturing firms ing the bills ‘rejected, wrecked or advertisements. Their popularity Rover, Swift and Daimler who mutilated by the Lords’ during the has waxed and waned in elections provided vehicles for the 1910 last Tory and Liberal governments during the late twentieth and campaigns. Across both parties respectively. The Liberal page is early twenty-first centuries, but in the January election perhaps as packed with bills while the Tory their use really started in Decem- many as four million voters were page has a large blank space with ber 1910. taken to and from the polls.11 ‘None’ printed in the middle. Less glamorous, but effective Helped by 1909 being the cen- in its own way, was the bicycle. tenary of William Gladstone’s Other aspects of campaigning As late as the inter-war years, birth, he featured in many Lib- In addition to the literature put the Liberal election manual The eral publications. But the over- out by the party’s central publica- Conduct and Management of Par- riding content in 1910 in centrally tion department, there was locally liamentary Elections was extolling produced Liberal literature was produced literature, including the virtues of having, ‘a corps of the Lords, with a touch of naval local newspapers and pamphlets cyclists, formed from those who armament, pensions, free trade from local figures. The mix of ride and who display no eagerness and food prices,8 and a smattering canvassing, public meetings or for house-to-house canvassing’12 of other issues getting a mention lectures (the prevalence of the lat- whose role would be to distrib- now and again. A similar pattern ter showing the didactic emphasis ute literature and to trace electors was present in local literature, of campaigns which saw a need who have moved. with a little more emphasis per- to educate as well as to persuade), Another aspect of campaign- haps on the budget, social reform pamphlets, leaflets and local news- ing was the exercise of influence more generally, the government’s papers made up a long-standing – together with, particularly in record and, in December 1910, staple of local campaigning.9 rural areas, older forms of cam- home rule. The volume of this campaign- paigning such as intimidation and The House of Lords issue ing was assisted by voting taking the exercise of power by landlords mixed both principled and prag- place on different days in differ- over others still lingering. matic arguments. The pragmatic ent constituencies. As a result, Partly in response to the Janu- were along the lines of the leaflet although campaigns were more ary 1910 election the Liberal Party mentioned above, highlighting decentralised in 1910 than in created the Gladstone League measures the House of Lords had 2010, there was scope to move both to campaign on free trade blocked. Typical of the principled effort about as polling finished in and land reform and also to battle arguments was a one-sided leaflet/ some seats and started in others. voter intimidation: poster with simply the one slogan, In January 1910, this included a ‘Give the LAST WORD in legis- wave of Liberal ministers going The Gladstone League sought lation to The House of Commons to make speeches in the West to organise rural villagers into which you YOURSELVES elect.’ Country in January in response small, self-governing groups of These arguments and slogans ech- to poor initial election results in men and women who would oed that used on the banner about the region. Winston Churchill read newspapers together, dis- Prime Minister Asquith when he was amongst those despatched cuss political questions, and launched the first 1910 general to try to turn the tide in those be ready to work, at the next election campaign with a speech West Country seats which had election, ‘to preserve the inde- at the Albert Hall: ‘Shall the Peo- not yet voted. Austen Chamber- pendence of electors, to secure ple be Ruled by the Peers?’ lain blamed this incursion for the Almost half the supremacy of the House Just as campaign songs of the failure of the Conservatives to of Commons, to oppose taxes time often used popular tunes make expected gains in several the country’s on food of the people, and to and caricatured popular lyrics Devon county seats: ‘we were establish the people’s rights in in order to provide a common overwhelmed at the last moment cars were regard to the land.’13 frame of reference for the audi- by the weight of oratory on the ence, so in literature there was government side’.10 used for Despite the franchise being the use of parables and faux fairy The physical distances many greatly restricted in 1910 com- tales. The Liberal leaflet ‘A little voters had to travel to vote, com- electioneer- pared to 2010, public participation parable’, for example, used this bined with the paucity or expense in elections ran high. Amongst format to make the case for free of public and private transport ing in 1906, voters turnout was consistently trade, reproducing a story that options for many, meant candi- and in 1910 far higher; but elections them- first appeared in the Westminster dates put significant efforts into selves were also in part entertain- Gazette of a housewife going into transporting voters. The elec- the motorcar ment for the public, as one witness a shop. In discussion with the tion of 1906 had been the first recalled from 1906 in Bath: shopkeeper, it turns out that all motorcar election with the then continued the goods have gone up in price still new technology making its At election times one of the thanks to tariff reform, even first big impact. Almost half the to play an sights was to see these brothers though the shopkeeper himself is country’s cars were used for elec- [one Tory, one Radical] driv- clearly doing well, judging by the tioneering in 1906, and in 1910 important ing round Bath with harness, affluent clothes he is wearing in the motorcar continued to play whip, horses, dogcarts and the accompanying cartoon. an important role. A bonus for the role. themselves decorated in party

24 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 the 1910 and 2010 elections: continuity and change in election campaigning

colours. It looked like a com- There is an interested are held back by the highlighting this report. petition for the best-dressed shrouds of secrecy around what is 6 Will.i.am’s ‘Yes We Can’ song for dogcart. essential a competitive profession in what is the Barack Obama 2008 US presi- largely a zero-sum endeavour: if dential campaign is a rare exception And also: similarity in one party wins a seat, by necessity to this. that means the other parties lose it. 7 This wordiness was also reflected I was outside the Old Herald many of the As a result, many of the questions in candidates’ election addresses, Office watching the results that this comparison of campaign- which averaged around 1,000 words of the polling come in. There aspects of ing in 1910 and 2010 may provoke each in 1910: Blewett, Peers, Parties was an immense crowed reach- campaign- are not readily answerable. and People, p. 315. ing from St Michael’s, Bridge In addition, this article has not 8 Possibly a defensive reaction by Street, to the top of New Bond ing which looked at the ‘national campaign’ Liberals to rising food prices in Street; excited, pushing and where, due to the rise of mass rural areas. See P. Lynch, The Lib- swaying.14 would make media, presidential-style poli- eral Party in Rural England 1885–1910: tics and the grip of national party Radicalism and Community (Oxford: a local helper HQs, the 2010 campaign looks OUP, 2003), Chapter 6. Thanks to Primaries: not such a new idea very different from that of 1910. Graham Lippiatt for drawing my There is one footnote which from 2010 Nonetheless, we can see many attention to this source. intriguingly suggests the pub- similarities, especially in the fields 9 For example, see Lynch, Liberal lic may have been involved in feel rather of finance and the emphasis on the Party in Rural England, p. 141. other ways too: it comes from large-scale use of literature. There 10 Quoted in Blewett, Peers, Parties and the Gower.15 During the 2005– at home in a is an essential similarity in many People, p. 104. 10 parliament, the question of of the aspects of campaigning 11 Blewett, Peers, Parties and People, using open primaries has been 1910 election. which would make a local helper pp. 293–4. Candidates without debated in British politics, and from 2010 feel rather at home in a cars found themselves needing to have been used on a limited scale 1910 election. remind voters of the secrecy of the by the Conservative Party, as an ballot while encouraging them to innovation based on importing Mark Pack completed a PhD in nine- get lifts from their rivals, as with American practices. However, the teenth-century elections before working the Labour candidate in Cock- Liberal Party got there a century in the higher education and IT sectors. ermouth whose January 1910 plac- earlier with an open primary. He was the Liberal Democrats’ Head ards read, ‘Ride to the poll in Tory Held on 22 November 1905, of Innovations until last year and and Liberal motor cars, but vote the Gower primary was open to is now Head of Digital at Mandate Whitehead.’ any ‘loyal’ Liberal voter, with Communications. He also co-edits 12 William Woodings, The Conduct provision for anyone voting in the Liberal Democrat Voice (www.Lib- and Management of Parliamentary primary to have to make a public DemVoice.org). Elections: A Practical Manual, 9th declaration of loyalty to the Lib- edn., eds. H. F. Oldman and J. eral Party if challenged before 1 Although the central costs were low Manus (London: Liberal Publica- casting their ballot. The con- compared to current expenditure, tion Department, 1933), p. 2. test between T. J. Williams and at a local level the situation was very 13 Lynch, Liberal Party in Rural Eng- J. Williams saw 5,062 votes cast different with a candidate in a 1910 land, p. 205. In addition to the out of a total electorate (includ- contested election typically declar- intimidation of individual vot- ing non-Liberals) of 13,212.16 T. J. ing election expenses of around ers, the use of physical violence to Williams won, but went on to lose £85,000 in modern money. attempt to break up meetings of to a different J. Williams in the 2 The Liberal Party’s machine did opponents and intimidate speakers 1906 election. not just look after its own candi- was not unknown, both in rural and The primary appears to have dates. As a result of the close rela- urban areas. For several examples gone unremarked other than in tions and electoral deals with the see Blewett, Peers, Parties and People, contemporary local newspaper Labour Party, in some seats it was pp. 103–4. reports, which, combined with the Liberal organisation which ran 14 Quoted in Stephen Tollyfield, ‘Bat- the lack of any clear reason why campaigns for Labour candidates. tling Bath Liberal’, Journal of Liberal Gower should have used a novel 3 There were some exceptions, and History, 48, Autumn 2005, p. 23. and unique system, suggests this the Liberal defeat in the 1908 Mid- 15 Thanks to Steve Belzak of the Uni- may well not have been the only Devon by-election was blamed by versity of Wales Institute, Cardiff primary of the time. some Liberals partly on the fact who both first drew my attention to that the Tory candidate had ‘assidu- this primary and shared with me his ously and lavishly nursed the con- research findings. Conclusion stituency … [the sitting Liberal] had 16 That 38 per cent turnout compares The little puzzle that the Gower’s been conspicuous by his absence’: with a 24 per cent turnout in the primary leaves behind illustrates a Neil Blewett, The Peers, the Parties Conservative Party’s all-postal pri- wider point. Despite the growth and the People: The General Elections mary in Totnes in 2009. Votes were of the political science profession, of 1910 (London: Macmillan, 1972), used to elect delegates who in turn the detail of how campaigns are p. 45. selected the candidate. organised and run is very rarely 4 National Liberal Federation, 32nd documented in public. Even Annual Report. those outside observers who are 5 Thanks to Graham Lippiatt for

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 25 Swinging in the ’60s to the Liberals Mary Murphy and Pontypridd Urban District Council

At the beginning of the 1960s, the Pontypridd parliamentary constituency in south Wales was dominated by the Labour Party and the coalmining industry, although in some respects it was a disparate cluster of communities from Pontypridd in the north to Llantrisant further south, and including Cowbridge and Bonvilston in the Vale of Glamorgan. Steve Belzak examines the story of how a small group of Liberal activists, led by the redoutable Mary Murphy, set out to challenge Labour’s hegemony.

26 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 Swinging in the ’60s to the Liberals Mary Murphy and Pontypridd Urban District Council

n terms of local govern- Liberal support was dropping.3 It twenty of the twenty-seven seats, ment, Pontypridd’s constitu- is true that the 1964 general elec- with just one Liberal (two from ent municipalities made up a tion enabled the party to ‘break 1962 onwards), and a handful of patchwork of different areas, into new ground’ with a share Independents. The Council was including Pontypridd Urban of the poll, at 11.2 per cent, that divided into seven multi-member IDistrict Council, Llantrisant and was double its 1959 level, and nine wards with elections every year Llantwit Fardre Rural District MPs.4 However, the closeness of for a third of its membership for Council, and also parts of Cardiff the result brought with it fresh three-year terms. Rural District Council and Cow- problems, with a national squeeze Liberal membership of the bridge Rural District Council. from the two main parties, and, council in the early 1960s was The constituency came into with the exception of Roxburgh, concentrated in one four-mem- existence in 1918 and was held Selkirk & Peebles, a crop of disap- ber ward, Trallwn, which lies until 1922 by a coalition Lib- pointing by-election results in the between Pontypridd town centre eral, Mr T. A. Lewis, who lost subsequent parliament. and the mining village of Cilfy- it in a by-election to Labour in In Wales, the fortunes of Lib- nydd. It was, and still is, predom- 1922, who have held it ever since. eralism in the 1950s seemed to be inantly comprised of terraced Between 1922 and 1970 it was going in the opposite direction to houses built around the end of contested by the Liberals only at those of Liberalism in England. the nineteenth century, although the 1931 and 1938 by-elections Just as the latter was showing signs some houses on Pontypridd (and in the latter case it was by a of new life, the former suffered Common, on the eastern side of National Liberal), and in the 1931 the catastrophic loss of the Car- the ward, might be considered and 1945 general elections.1 marthen by-election to Labour. home to a wealthier professional However, as David Roberts points group. out, the new tide did, as the 1960s Until 1948 the ward was The Liberal situation in dawned, lap against Wales, with entirely Labour, but one seat was England and Wales at the successes in the local government won by a Liberal, Eddie Williams, dawn of the 1960s elections that year in Cardiff, in a by-election in November The sensational by-election result Neath and Llanelli.5 Neverthe- 1948, and held by him until 1954. at Orpington in 1962 gave an less, as J. Graham Jones notes, the The by-election was caused by the enormous boost to the fortunes Liberal position in Wales in the death of a Labour councillor. The of the Liberal Party.2 However, early 1960s remained ‘precarious’ ward Labour Party nominated a the sort of voters that the Liber- as the party prepared for the com- Mrs Milton, a longstanding mem- als in southern England were ing Westminster election, and ber of the party, to be its candi- appealing to at this stage were ‘ultimately there was no Liberal date, but her nomination was not the sort to be found in the recovery in Wales in 1964.’6 rejected by the constituency party South Wales industrial mining Cllr Mary Murphy because, at sixty-five years of age, communities. The latter were, in as Mayor of she was considered too old.7 The the main, the kind of working- Pontypridd Urban District Pontypridd in campaign of Eddie Williams, class voters who lived in terraced Council (PUDC) the mid 1960s a deacon and treasurer of a local houses and tended to vote Labour At the beginning of the 1960s, (photo by kind chapel, seized on this in a hard- at parliamentary elections. In any the council was overwhelm- permission of fought campaign in which he was event, Cook argues that the 1963 ingly dominated by the Labour Rhondda Cynon described as ‘a firm friend of the local election results showed that Party, which held more than Taf Libraries) old age pensioners, whose fight he

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 27 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council supports.’8 Williams won against Mary Edwards, later to become between the official Labour can- the Labour candidate by 1,381 Mary Murphy, was a Pontypridd didate and an Independent Labour votes to 986 in what was described woman, the daughter of Mr candidate. Although the official as ‘one of the heaviest polls known Richard Edwards and Mrs Annie Labour nominee was returned in a by-election.9 It was a cam- Edwards of Taff Villa, Berw comfortably by 1,682 votes to 754, paign which had seen both the Road. She attended Pontypridd the result was described by the local Labour MP and the Labour Girls’ Grammar School and Ban- local press as a ‘jolt for Labour.’20 MP for Hartlepool (whose home gor Teacher Training College At least the Labour candidate in was in the ward) out canvassing, where she studied physical educa- the October 1964 general election but to no avail. Councillor Wil- tion. A fluent Welsh speaker, she was not returned unopposed, but liams’ agent described the result as was a member of Sardis Congre- his competition was provided by a conclusive proof ‘that the Trallwn gational Church, Pontypridd, Conservative only – there was no ward is Liberal’, while the Labour and returned to her native town, Liberal challenger. agent branded it as a victory for teaching first at Mill Street Sec- The 1965 round of elections ‘the combined forces of Liberals ondary School and then at Ysgol was to produce no real advance. and Tories in the ward.’10 Eddie Uwchradd, Rhydyfelin. She also After the elections there were Williams served as a councillor travelled widely, lived for a year twenty-three Labour councillors, for five and a half years until he in the United States and visited, two Liberals in the Trallwn ward, unexpectedly lost his seat in 1954 among other places, the Soviet and two Independents in the Tre- in what was described by the local Union (in 1958) although she told forest ward. Pontypridd was, in newspaper as a ‘sensational elec- the Pontypridd Observer that it was the words of the local newspaper, tion result.’11 Israel that impressed her most.16 ‘a Labour citadel.’21 The ward was then bereft of In the May 1963 elections, Liberal representation until 1960 Cyril Morgan failed by a con- when another Liberal, W. L Sim- siderable margin to win a seat in On the attack mons, defeated a Labour candi- Rhydyfelin, but Mary Edwards An interesting change appears date.12 Simmons was joined two won her seat in Trallwn by 1,183 to have taken place between the years later by Reg Price, and when votes to Labour’s 846.17 Labour early and mid-1960s in respect of Simmons announced that he was also gained a seat from the Inde- press coverage of PUDC meet- resigning from the council in pendents that year, two of whom ings. Reports in the earlier period early 1963, because he had moved had represented the Town ward. had all the quality of the old Soviet to Bideford, Price expressed his Liberal activity in the local Weekly. No doubt this was due not deep regrets. Within a fortnight, press began to pick up, with arti- to the local press currying favour the local Liberal Association, cles and letters on issues such as ‘The tragedy with the Labour administration, meeting in Pontypridd YMCA, how the Liberals would run the but because of the general lack of had decided to adopt two new town’s buses, and the party’s pol- of Pon- opposition within the council. candidates – ‘two prominent local icy on housing. In April 1964, it typridd is The new style of Liberal oppo- residents’, in the words of the local was announced that, for the first sition was exemplified by the newspaper – for the May elec- time in many years, the Liberals that it is in Liberal attack on the all-Labour tions: Mr Cyril Morgan for Rhy- would contest the Town ward, composition of the Pontypridd dyfelin, and Miss Mary Edwards the candidate being a fifty-six the grip of Burial Board. They argued that for the vacant Trallwn seat.13 year old who had been a Liberal not all members of the Board were Mr Morgan explained his out- member since the age of eight- a monopoly entitled to be on it since they were look: ‘The tragedy of Pontypridd een.18 In the event, Labour won not ratepayers, as laid down by the is that it is in the grip of a monop- in the Town ward, unseating factor in the Pontypridd Burial Board Act of oly factor in the guise of the the remaining Independent, and 1892. This attack was given added Labour Party that seems to have attributing this to the develop- guise of the weight by the Pontypridd Liber- the impression that the council is ment of a large council housing als seeking advice from Michael the exclusive right of the Labour estate at Glyncoch which pro- Labour Party Meadowcroft, local government Party.’14 Derek Lewis amplifies vided solid backing for socialism.19 officer at the party’s London HQ. this by explaining that, while It is worth noting that Labour that seems Meadowcroft in consequence there were Liberals, like himself, were returned unopposed in the wrote to Welsh Secretary, Jim who became active for ideologi- Cilfynydd, Graig, Rhydyfelin and to have the Griffiths, asking him to investi- cal reasons, there were many who Trallwn wards. gate the matter.22 While this was disliked the ‘one-party totalitar- However, it was not just the impression going on, the Liberals gained a ian style’ of Labour in the Welsh PUDC wards mentioned above in third member, in a by-election valleys and passionately believed which candidates were returned that the caused by the death of a Labour in the merits of opposition and without an election. This was council is councillor representing Rhydy- political competition. Not that true to an even greater extent of felin. Leslie Broom was elected ideology excluded an oppositional the Glamorgan County Council. the exclu- on 11 February 1966 following an stance; the two often went hand- Elections were held every three energetic campaign in which he in-hand.15 It seems safe to con- years, in April, and the record of sive right of said that candidates should con- clude that national phenomena, competition was abysmal. The test their seats – ‘Allowing candi- like Orpington and Jo Grimond, Liberals decided not to contest any the Labour dates to be elected unopposed can had much less of a role to play than county seats in 1964, but there was lead to apathy and complacency purely local factors. one contest in the Rhondda ward Party.’ … Councillors should be seen in

28 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council and around the ward concerning Pontypridd themselves with people’s prob- Urban District lems, and there are a great many Council wards ward matters that need atten- tion.’23 Mr Broom instanced der- elict houses, culverts, allotments and the need for a reduction in rent and rates. Meanwhile, the two main par- ties were gearing up for the gen- eral election. Sitting MP Arthur Pearson argued that ‘people like both the pace, content and extent of Labour’s policies,’24 while the Conservatives’ Kenneth Green- Wanstall argued that ‘there is only one job for us to do during this election campaign, and this is to bring home to the electorate the gravity of the economic situa- tion.’25 In contrast, the local Liber- als met and decided not to put up a candidate for the parliamentary election on 31 March. But they were in no way downcast – they decided that they would contest a PUDC by-election in the Rhon- dda ward on 7 April. Moreover, the ‘meeting closed with a feel- ing that Liberalism in the area was now becoming really alive and energetic and was becoming the offensive. The following Tues- ‘had I not seen this fiasco from the counter balance to the one party day, the council’s treasurer asked public gallery, I would not have domination from which the town for a resolution to be passed which believed it possible … Would any had suffered so far.’26 would permit him and his deputy thinking man agree that every In the event, Labour retained to audit the accounts of the Burial Labour councillor is better suited their seat in the by-election,27 but Board. A resolution ought to be for a committee than any Liberal the Pontypridd Observer was excited passed each year, he said, but it or Independent councillor?’32 It about the approaching May elec- had been many years since such seems that every Labour council- tions. Before nominations closed, a resolution had been made, and lor was considered better than Lib- the paper talked in its 22 April they were asking for this to be erals or Independents when the 1966 edition of ‘Sensational Elec- done now. The council agreed to council decided to send three of its tion Prospects – Four of the Seven put the item on a future agenda, Labour members to Pontypridd’s Wards to be Contested’.28 The fol- but Miss Edwards intervened, German twin town of Nurtin- lowing week it found its expec- saying that it seemed that discus- gen. Councillors W. J. Griffiths tations exceeded as its headline sion of the Burial Board in recent and Mary Edwards did not suggest proclaimed; ‘Contests in Seven months had brought to light many sending members of other parties Wards – Liberals and Independ- ‘customs’, and this request to instead, but questioned the value ents Present Arms’.29 overturn a custom and return to of sending councillors at all. Rep- The front page of the Pon- the letter of the law would seem resentatives of local organisations typridd Observer on 13 May told the to indicate that there had been would be much better, argued story of the polling the day before: some ‘irregularity’ in the past. Miss Edwards.33 ‘Shocks for Labour Party – Two There was immediate uproar in But for Labour councillors used Seats Lost, Others Held only Nar- the chamber, with Labour mem- to their officers being politically rowly’. Labour had lost one seat to bers rising to their feet, and Miss on side there was worse to come. Liberal W. J. Griffiths in the Rhy- Edwards withdrew the word On 9 July 1966, Mary Edwards dyfelin ward, and another to the ‘irregularity’ unconditionally.31 married Bernard Murphy, the Independents in Treforest. The The bitterness of the Labour Clerk to Pontypridd Urban Dis- Town ward they retained by just Party was demonstrated by their trict Council. The couple tied the eighty-seven votes against Derek decision soon afterwards to knot at St Dyfrig’s Roman Catho- G. Lewis, and Mary Edwards was exclude all Independent and Lib- lic Church, with a short service returned with an increased major- eral councillors from every com- attended only by family mem- ity in Trallwn, despite an all-out mittee and sub-committee at the bers and intimate friends. The effort by the Labour Party.30 council’s annual meeting, lead- bride wore a light blue suit with With the elections barely over, ing Derek Lewis to state in a let- white hat, and best man was Ber- Miss Edwards returned to the ter to the Pontypridd Observer that nard’s brother, Gerald. After the

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 29 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council

view … income, education, back- ground … anything you care to name.’40 Mrs Murphy was supported by Reg Price, who pointed out that for many years the council had denied council tenants the opportunity to buy their own homes. This was an anomaly and moreover, the economy’s tem- perature was dropping, with colliery closures and the like. ‘To have an integrated society is precisely what we are here for.’ Labour obviously did not agree because Mrs Murphy’s motion was defeated by twenty-one votes to two.41

The national picture and 1967 ceremony the couple departed for not ratepayers in the traditional The deteriorating state of the Dover en route to a month-long sense of the word. ‘Labour coun- national economy had local honeymoon touring Europe and cillors are endeavouring to be just ramifications. Welsh Secretary Morocco.34 and acting by modern-day stand- Cledwyn Hughes, on a visit to Back in Britain, the new Mrs ards in their determination that all the Rhondda, adjacent to Pon- Murphy was present in Llanidloes classes of people, whether prop- typridd, found himself confronted on 10 September for the formation erty owners, Council or private by anti-unemployment demon- of the new Welsh Liberal Party, house tenants, be allowed to serve strators.42 The local newspaper created out of the merger of the on this board.’38 The criticism was itself, in an editorial, came out old North Wales and South Wales vehemently denied by the then in favour of the location of the Liberal Federations. This was a Miss Edwards, who pointed out new Royal Mint in Llantrisant.43 necessary move because, as Emlyn that every member of the Burial The council, meanwhile, passed Hooson has pointed out, ‘the Lib- Board could be a council ten- a motion calling for a joint meet- eral organization in Wales was ant as long as he was a member of ing between itself and adjoining a recipe for disaster,’35 although the local authority and the Board local authorities, with the prime Russell Deacon reminds us that complied with the provisions of minister, the Chancellor of the the new arrangements were not the 1933 Local Government Act, Exchequer, the Secretary of State popular in South Wales.36 permitting its financial affairs to for Wales and the president of the Elected to the post of chair be subject to audit by a govern- Board of Trade. of the new party, Mrs Murphy ment auditor, which was not the Mrs Murphy described this told the Llanidloes gathering of case.39 resolution as ‘the most shattering plans for a spring offensive in the The PUDC Housing Com- indictment of the Member of Par- council elections. ‘Wales has 33 mittee had met and recommended liament for this area.’ She went on yes-men in the Government,’ she that 536 houses built by the coun- to say that she could not ‘recall any said, referring to the tendency of cil at Glyntaff be offered for sale. particular push or activity on his Welsh Labour MPs to support the Mrs Murphy argued that they part for the crying need for new Labour Government whatever the should be offered for rent and industries … for something like circumstances. ‘It was,’ she went that this would clear the coun- the Royal Mint.’ Referring to the on, ‘about time [the Welsh people] cil’s housing waiting list. ‘After MP’s canvassing in a local election were freed from them.’ The Lib- meeting the needs of the peo- the previous May, she said, ‘But a erals, she said, aimed to shape the ple of Pontypridd then, and only year ago he was devoting his ener- destiny of Wales and beyond that, then, should we think in terms gies to prevent another Liberal Britain and Europe.37 of attracting people from outside from returning to this council And then it was back to the the area.’ Developing her point, chamber. I think it would have attack in Pontypridd. Mrs Mur- Mrs Murphy argued that by offer- been more to the point if he was phy had been criticised by the ing a form of rent differential, the invited to the meeting tonight. Labour Party for what they said council could attract all types of It would have been personal tes- were her backward-looking views people into the area, ‘I reject this timony to his complete and utter on council tenants who didn’t idea of concentrating one class ineffectiveness as a representative pay rates. This, according to one of people in one housing estate, of this area.’44 The MP, Arthur county councillor, John Howell- the so-called exec-admin profes- Pearson, reacted angrily, saying Davies, was what lay behind her sional type, and relegating peo- that the attack was ‘mere political attack on the composition of the ple of lower incomes to another spleen. I am sure that “Murphy- Pontypridd Burial Board – coun- area. I believe in a mixed society ised” buckets of political muck cillors who were also tenants were … mixed from every point of will not assist in bringing either a

30 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council new Royal Mint or other indus- and was certainly better than the houses at Glyncoch.56 She raised tries into the area.’45 A few weeks result obtained by Plaid Cymru in the question of whether there later it was announced that the its first outing on the Pontypridd was any benefit to be gained from Mint would go to Llantrisant.46 electoral scene. Their candidate the expense of sending council- The local Liberals meanwhile in the Rhondda ward had been lors – Labour ones – to national were proceeding with their plans beaten by 1,350 to 708, a margin of and other conferences.57 The front for the continuing assault on nearly two to one.51 page headline of the 15 February Labour. The press announced that But the real battle was for edition of the Pontypridd Observer the Liberals’ annual dinner was to Pontypridd, and the local press announced: ‘£32,000 Loss on be held at the Gourmet Restau- was excited. ‘It has been a case Buses Expected’, and Mrs Mur- rant on 16 February 1967, with of alert status on the local politi- phy declared the situation ‘horri- Welsh Liberal President Edward cal front this week in preparation fying’, while Derek Lewis called Davies as the guest speaker. At the for next Thursday’s battle in the for independent consultants to same time, Mrs Murphy’s public urban district council elections,’ be brought in to tackle the situa- profile was to receive a further the Pontypridd Observer declared tion.58 Mrs Murphy was not slow boost from appearing on televi- on its front page the first week of to attack the increase in local tax- sion twice in four days: on the May.52 ‘And make no mistake, the ation. ‘Up Go the Rates – County BBC Wales programme Disgwl Labour Party is leaving nothing to Mainly to Blame’, said the Pon- Cwmni (Expecting Company) in chance. Their opponents are at the typridd Observer on its front page which she talked about the role gates of the socialist citadel.’ a few weeks later, adding ‘Figures of magistrates courts; and then on The following week the news- Excessive Declares Mrs Murphy’.59 the same channel’s Llwyfan (Plat- paper headline said: ‘Jolt for The Pontypridd Observer form) in which invited represent- Labour – Three Liberal Gains’. described the May polls as ‘the atives of political parties debated Reg Green had won in Trallwn most exciting elections for many and answered questions from the to take a third Liberal seat in that years.’60 Cilfynydd was to be public.47 ward, by 1,065 to 868. In the Rhy- contested by newcomer Colin And another front was to be dyfelin ward two seats were up Purcell, the ward having been opened up. Referring to the fact for grabs, and the Liberal Arthur subject to the unopposed returns that Labour nominees to the Gla- Davies came second to take a seat. of Labour candidates for many morgan County Council were The top-placed Labour candidate years. In the event, Labour’s regularly returned unopposed in received 1,857 votes to the Liber- George Paget beat the Liberal in the area, Mrs Murphy said, ‘I feel al’s 1,565, while the second Labour that ward, by 855 to 472, but else- that the County Council affects candidate polled just 1,399. And where there was victory, causing the lives of ordinary people more in the Town ward, Derek Lewis the Pontypridd Observer to headline directly even than the govern- won at his second attempt, oust- its front page ‘Sensational Liberal ment on a national level. There are ing Labour by 974 votes to 794.53 Hat Trick’.61 so many things which are causing Labour were not happy and The Liberals won a fourth seat me concern, particularly in the shortly afterwards the constitu- in Trallwn; a second seat in Town field of education and planning. I ency party asked Transport House – 789 to Labour’s 551 and Plaid seriously think it is high time that for advice on ‘the unsatisfactory Cymru’s 403; and a seat in the some opposition was registered on relationship between Mrs Mur- Graig ward, where two seats were the County Council, rather than phy and the Town Clerk.’ Mrs being contested. The top Labour the situation at present whereby Murphy was phlegmatic, waving candidate gained 722 votes, while more than 80 members seem to the matter aside with her obser- the Liberal, Carrick A. Rees came have to kow-tow to the dictates of vation that ‘if I were a member of second with 684, and the bot- a small caucus who have been in the Labour Party there would be tom–placed Labour candidate got power for far too long.’48 no criticism.’54 ‘And make 513. In addition, Leslie Broom, In April the Liberals fought the by-election victor, held on in two of the four county seats. no mistake, Rhydyfelin. Derek Lewis polled well in the High tide This was a significant result Town-Graig division but was 1968 was not a good year for the the Labour because, with an Independent beaten by Labour by 1,515 votes Labour Party at a national level. winning a third seat in Trefor- to 1,125. In Cilfynydd & Tral- The recent devaluation, the credit Party is leav- est, the Labour majority on the lwn, Labour beat Mrs Murphy squeeze, the balance of payments, council had been shaved to just by 1,821 to 1,544, but the victor, and the incomes policy all acted ing nothing one vote; fourteen Labour coun- W. Edryd Lewis, was reappointed to severely dent the government’s cillors to ten Liberals and three as an alderman and this neces- popularity. Local MP Arthur to chance. Independents, the latter two sitated a by-election six weeks Pearson spoke at the Trallwn Their oppo- groups seeing eye to eye on many later.49 Mrs Murphy stood again, Labour hall of ‘the long and hard issues.62 How far this was due to but the margin of victory of the road to national solvency.’55 And nents are at local campaigning, and how much locally popular Labour candidate, Mrs Murphy was not slow to take to national factors, is matter of Emrys Peck, was greater than on advantage of Labour’s discom- the gates of conjecture. Certainly the Liber- the previous occasion: 1,999 votes fiture. She accused the council’s als campaigned hard, but Labour to 1,409.50 Nevertheless, the over- housing committee of dilatori- the socialist in 1968 was incredibly unpopular all Liberal performance in the ness in considering the matter of a and performed badly across the county contests was impressive, tender for the construction of 505 citadel.’ UK, losing such towns as Sheffield

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 31 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council and Sunderland for the first time is of taking young activists in cars Rhondda ward. In Rhydyfelin, since the war.63 In Wales, the to campaign for Wallace Lawler in Miss Pat Troman was just thirty; South Wales Echo missed the events the successful Birmingham Lady- and the youngest candidate was in Pontypridd, talking instead of wood parliamentary by-election aiming to win the third seat in the the Labour Party fighting a dou- in June 1969. Town ward – Miss Elizabeth For- ble challenge from the Conserva- 1969 dawned with Labour still est being just twenty-three.74 tives and Plaid Cymru, with 600 unpopular, and Arthur Pearson Despite the hyperbole of the candidates contesting 328 seats in declaring his intention to not seek local press – ‘The Most Exciting borough and urban council seats re-election to parliament. The Election for Decades’75 – the result across the principality.64 Liberal offensive continued, with was a disappointment. There were This was, of course, in the the Liberals opposing a plan to no gains, and the Liberals failed to days before the Liberal Party had replace a Welsh place name with win the third Town ward seat by embraced community politics at an English one. Despite speaking just seven votes. Labour polled 707 its 1970 Assembly, but the Liberal the language Mary Murphy was to the Liberal’s 700 votes, while a campaigns in Pontypridd were often accused of being anti-Welsh, Plaid candidate received 473.76 certainly vigorous, and involved and felt it necessary to explain her being seen around the ward, position in the council chamber: knocking on doors, dealing with ‘I am totally against stuffing the The tide goes out case work, attending public meet- Welsh language down peoples’ 1970 witnessed three sets of elec- ings, visiting pubs and clubs, and throats,’ she said, ‘but here we tions in Pontypridd, and the first even breaking the convention of have a perfectly good place name set was for Glamorgan County distributing just one leaflet dur- like Graigwen, and to change it Council. As in 1967, the Liber- ing an election campaign. In to White Rock is certainly not als decided to contest two of fact, Derek Lewis recalls being conforming to the traditions of the four county seats within the criticised by a Labour opponent Pontypridd, since this is part of PUDC area. Mary Murphy stood for putting out two leaflets dur- the district and a well-known in a different ward, the Town- ing a campaign.65 And of course, place name here.’ Labour mem- Graig division, and was beaten by the detailed accounts of the Lib- ber George Paget disagreed on the Labour by 1,626 to 1,402, while in eral–Labour confrontations in the basis that ‘90 per cent of the popu- Treforest & Rhydyfelin Labour council chamber that were car- lation of the town do not speak beat Liberal W. J. Griffiths by ried by the Pontypridd Observer, Welsh.’68 1,692 to 1,354. The party claimed which was widely read, carried The Liberal campaign in the not to be disappointed, pointing the implicit message that ‘the Lib- council chamber included ‘bread- to the increase of 200 votes in the erals work all year round, not just and-butter’ ward issues such as Town-Graig contest. Mrs Mur- at election time.’ unmade roads – ‘blots on the phy declared that organisational Derek Lewis was press officer landscape’69 – as well as drains problems had been identified for the Pontypridd Liberals, and in the Town ward.70 There were and that these would be recti- also held the position of chair- also issues of wider import, such fied for the forthcoming PUDC man of the Young Liberals. As as the plans for a new bus station, The Liberal elections.77 such, he contributed regularly to which the Liberals opposed at that And then there was a bomb- the letters pages of the Pontypridd particular time71 and battles over campaign in shell – Derek Lewis announced Observer, sallying forth on topics Labour’s exclusion of the press that he would not be standing such as Plaid Cymru’s unrealistic from council meetings.72 the council again in the Town ward. His deci- notions of an independent Wales, One particular action of the sion had been taken on the basis and the Vietnam war. On this lat- Liberal leader nearly provoked chamber of medical advice and in order ter issue Lewis criticised an anti- a strike, or so it was alleged by to keep his business going, but war petition circulating in the Labour councillor George Paget. included he hoped, he said, to return as a town because, he said, it avoided Mrs Murphy explained it thus Liberal in the future.78 The Town any mention of North Vietnamese in the council chamber: ‘I was ‘bread-and- ward was one of two losses suf- aggression and was, in effect, an disturbed to see an employee fered by the Liberals in May, as invitation to back a Communist in council uniform come out butter’ ward Labour regained the seat with dictatorship.66 of a public house, go into a bet- 792 votes to the Liberal tally of Under his direction the Young ting shop, and re-enter the pub- issues such 704, with Plaid bringing up the Liberals engaged in a number lic house. I approached him and rear with 348. In Rhydyfelin, of activities such as sailing a raft asked him courteously if he was as unmade two seats were at stake and both down the River Taff as part of a on duty.’ Labour councillor Sam Labour candidates finished well publicity and fundraising exercise; Davies responded to this by label- roads – ‘blots ahead of the Liberals – 1,440 and taking photographs of the coal ling Mrs Murphy’s actions as on the land- 1,405 as opposed to 983 and 928.79 tips above Cilfynydd, which many ‘Gestapo Tactics’.73 There was one more campaign residents were worried about after The Liberal line-up of can- scape’ – as ahead, and that was for the general the Aberfan disaster; and hiring didates for the May elections election on 18 June, which the a bus in the summer of 1968 for a included a number of young well as drains Liberals decided to contest, with YL delegation to deliver a letter people. Colin Purcell, stand- Mary Murphy as the candidate. to 10 Downing Street, an act that ing once more in Cilfynydd was in the Town ‘Liberals think the election ought enraged the local Labour Party.67 only twenty-eight years of age, as to be about the quality of life in Lewis’s fondest memory, though, was the party’s candidate in the ward. this country, and looking after

32 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council those who are getting the rough The most were common, with the Con- the Liberals failed to win in the 1960s, end of the stick,’ declared Mrs servatives being the third party, at various levels of local government Murphy.80 The candidate was her obvious les- and that did not rule out Liberal between 1983 and 2008, first as SDP usual hyperactive self. The Pon- success. And, of course, the Con- and then as Liberal Democrat. typridd Observer reported that she son to be servatives themselves were never had ‘been canvassing energetically very strong in Pontypridd and 1 F. W. S. Craig, British Parliamentary in the vale [of Glamorgan] and drawn from only contested elections at the Election Results 1918–1948 (Glasgow: during the final week spent more parliamentary level. FWS Craig & Political Reference time in the Pontypridd urban the unique Local government reorgani- Publications, 1969) area.’81 (at least in sation after 1972 seems to have 2 Ken Young, ‘Orpington and the The result was a clear victory acted to prevent the Liberals ever Liberal Revival’, in Chris Cook and for Labour’s new candidate Bryn- terms of coming close to controlling the John Ramsden (eds.), By-elections in mor John, with 28,814 votes, and new Taff-Ely authority, which British Politics (London: Routledge, the Conservatives came second industrial was an enlarged district council 1997), p. 176. with 8,205. But Mrs Murphy had created as a result of Pontypridd 3 Chris Cook, A Short History of the scored a creditable 6,871 at her South Wales) being amalgamated with other Liberal Party, 1900–2001 (6th edn., first attempt, with Plaid Cymru in local authorities. However, there Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), p. fourth place on 5,059.82 experi- was nothing inevitable about the 142. Liberals’ lack of local government 4 Harry Cowie, ‘The Liberal Party ence of the success in the locality during the in the General Election of 1964’, in Conclusions new decade. The Liberals sim- Jorgen S. Rasmussen, The Liberal The most obvious lesson to be Liberals in ply failed to organise and cam- Party: A Study of Retrenchment and drawn from the unique (at least in paign outside the old Pontypridd Survival (London: Constable, 1965), terms of industrial South Wales) Pontypridd Urban District area, and this was p. 275. experience of the Liberals in a matter of choices, conscious or 5 David Roberts, ‘The Strange Death Pontypridd during the latter part during unconscious. The leadership dem- of Liberal Wales’, in John Osmond of the 1960s is that campaign- onstrated by Mary Murphy in the (ed.), The National Question Again ing reaps rewards in terms of the latter late 1960s was a two-edged sword; (Llandysul: Gomer Press, 1985), p. electoral success. Admittedly, lack of leadership can be blamed 87. some of the gains could be put part of the for the party’s failure to organ- 6 J. Graham Jones, ‘The Liberal Party down to national factors such as 1960s is that ise properly in the areas formerly and Wales, 1945–79’, The Welsh His- Labour’s unpopularity, but it is covered by the old Llantrisant tory Review, vol. 16, July 1993. clear that hard-working candi- campaign- and Llantwit Fardre Rural Dis- 7 Pontypridd Observer, 20 November dates, together with a high profile trict Council, and leadership of 1948. in the local media, combined to ing reaps the anti-Labour forces went de 8 Pontypridd Observer, 27 November deliver a crop of council seats to facto to Plaid Cymru and rate- 1948. the party in the town. It might be rewards in payers’ groups, who did organise 9 Pontypridd Observer, 4 December argued that the high point of 1968 in these areas. It is clear that the 1948. and 1969, followed by a fallback terms of Liberal Party in Pontypridd at 10 ibid. in 1970 indicates the predominant this time was less of an institution 11 Pontypridd Observer, 15 May 1954. role of national factors, and that, electoral and more of a personal coterie 12 Pontypridd Observer, 9 February with the election of a Conserva- centred around Mary Murphy. 1963. tive government, voters would success. Derek Lewis, for example, does 13 Pontypridd Observer, 23 February turn again to Labour. But the not recall ever paying a member- 1963. experience of the Liberal party ship subscription or possessing a 14 ibid. elsewhere in the UK, as evidenced membership card.84 The lesson to 15 Author’s interview with Derek G. from strong by-election perform- be learned is that the Liberal suc- Lewis, March 2008. ances at Rochdale and at Chester- cesses in Pontypridd in the 1960s, 16 Pontypridd Observer, 15 July 1966. le-Street in County Durham83 and the failure to build on them 17 Pontypridd Observer, 18 May 1963. suggests that it was not impossible after 1970, were both the result 18 Pontypridd Observer, 4 April 1964. to win against Labour even under of choices by local party activists, 19 Pontypridd Observer, 16 May 1964. the circumstances of the 1970–74 and not the outcome of inevitable 20 Pontypridd Observer, 18 April 1964. Heath government. historical forces. 21 Pontypridd Observer, 14 May 1965. Another factor that could be Mary Murphy continued in 22 Pontypridd Observer, 21 January adduced to explain the increas- local government as member of 1966. ing difficulties for the Liberals in both the new borough and county 23 Pontypridd Observer, 4 February Pontypridd was the organisation councils, and stood for parlia- 1966. of and fielding of candidates by ment again in the two 1974 gen- 24 Pontypridd Observer, 11 March 1966. Plaid Cymru from 1967 onwards, eral elections. She stood down 25 Pontypridd Observer, 18 March 1966. slowly at first and then at an from the county in 1985 and from 26 Pontypridd Observer, 25 March 1966. increasing pace. However, the the borough the following year, 27 Pontypridd Observer, 15 April 1966. presence of nationalist candidates and moved to the south coast of 28 Pontypridd Observer, 22 April 1966. need not have caused insuperable England. 29 Pontypridd Observer, 29 April 1966. problems for the Liberals in Pon- 30 Pontypridd Observer, 13 May 1966. typridd. After all, in many parts of Steve Belzak is a university lecturer. 31 Pontypridd Observer, 20 May 1966. England, three-cornered contests He represented Cilfynydd, the ward 32 Pontypridd Observer, 27 May 1966.

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 33 swinging in the ’60s to the liberals: mary murphy and pontypridd urban district council

33 Pontypridd Observer, 8 July 1966. 1967. 59 Pontypridd Observer, 7 March February 1969. 34 Pontypridd Observer, 15 July 45 ibid. 1968. 73 Pontypridd Observer, 20 March 1966. 46 Pontypridd Observer, 26 April 60 Pontypridd Observer, 2 May 1969. 35 Emlyn Hooson, Liberalism in 1967. 1968. 74 Pontypridd Observer, 27 March Wales in the Second Half of the 47 Pontypridd Observer, 3 February 61 Pontypridd Observer, 16 May 1969. Twentieth Century: Rebirth or 1967. 1968. 75 Pontypridd Observer, 1 May Death?(Aberystwyth: National 48 Pontypridd Observer, 10 March 62 Author’s interview with Derek 1969. Library of Wales, 1994), p. 7. 1967. G. Lewis, March 2008. 76 Pontypridd Observer, 15 May 36 Russell Deacon, ‘The Steady 49 Pontypridd Observer, 14 April 63 Dominic Sandbrook, White 1969. Tapping Breaks the Rock: Lib- 1967. Heat (London: Abacus, 2006), 77 Pontypridd Observer, 16 April eralism in Wales’, Journal of Lib- 50 Pontypridd Observer, 2 June p. 641. 1970. eral Democrat History, 22, Spring 1967. 64 South Wales Echo, 9 May 1968. 78 ibid. 1999. 51 Pontypridd Observer, 14 April 65 Author’s interview with Derek 79 Pontypridd Observer, 14 May 37 Pontypridd Observer, 16 Septem- 1967. G. Lewis, March 2008. 1970. ber 1966. 52 Pontypridd Observer, 5 May 66 Pontypridd Observer, 8 February 80 Pontypridd Observer, 12 June 38 Pontypridd Observer, 27 May 1967. 1968. 1970. 1966. 53 Pontypridd Observer, 12 May 67 Pontypridd Observer, 20 Febru- 81 Pontypridd Observer, 19 June 39 Pontypridd Observer, 3 June 1967. ary 1969. 1970. 1966. 54 Pontypridd Observer, 19 May 68 Pontypridd Observer, 30 January 82 ibid. 40 Pontypridd Observer, 23 Septem- 1967. 1969. 83 Richard Jay, ‘Lincoln and the ber 1966. 55 Pontypridd Observer, 12 January 69 Pontypridd Observer, 16 January Liberal Surge’, in Chris Cook 41 ibid. 1968. 1969. and John Ramsden (eds.), By- 42 Pontypridd Observer, 20 January 56 ibid. 70 Pontypridd Observer, 6 March elections in British Politics (Lon- 1967. 57 Pontypridd Observer, 8 February 1970. don: Routledge, 1997). 43 Pontypridd Observer, 10 Febru- 1968. 71 Pontypridd Observer, 9 January 84 Author’s interview with Derek ary 1967. 58 Pontypridd Observer, 15 Febru- 1969. G. Lewis, March 2008. 44 Pontypridd Observer, 7 April ary 1968. 72 Pontypridd Observer, 20

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) Liberal Unionists Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ ac.uk. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall The Lib-Lab Pact and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected]. Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected].

‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Francis; [email protected]. Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected].

The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected] [email protected].

34 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 Liberal Heritage Jonathan Calder begins a new series for the Journal of Liberal History, in which well-known Liberal Democrats take a look at the Liberal heritage of their home town. Searching for Paddy Logan Discovering Harborough’s Liberal history

moved to Market Harbor- for the pool himself and had also I even took myself off to Dews- ough at the age of 13. My given the town the recreation bury reference library, which father had left us the previ- ground that was near to my new holds a manuscript history of the ous year, just as my political home – his wealth had come from firm of Logan & Hemingway, consciousness had begun to his success as a railway contractor. the railway contractors in which Idawn, and coming across such From local tradition I also learned Logan was a partner. It turned phenomena as free school din- that he was known as ‘Paddy’ out that his own father had been ners and social security inspectors Logan, had once started a fight a Scottish navvy who had begun had left me in no doubt that I was on the floor of the Commons and, contracting in a small way and not a Conservative. At the same best of all, he had been a Liberal. built up the business from there. time, the Liberal Party was enjoy- My knowledge of Paddy Logan Logan & Hemingway were one ing a of run by-election victories remained at this level until, hav- of the major railway contractors – including two on the same day ing been to university and worked of the late nineteenth century and in Ripon and the Isle of Ely – that in Birmingham and London, built part of Great Central’s Lon- made it seem terribly exciting. I I found myself back in Market don Extension. can date my intellectual conver- Harborough and with a job in I also discovered a remarkable sion to Liberalism to reading Mill Leicester. Behind my workplace pamphlet in the country record and Popper1 some five years later, stood the county record office, office which described Logan’s but my party loyalty is rooted in and I soon discovered that it held conversion to radical Liberal- this earlier period. all sorts of Harborough Liberal ism after seeing poverty in Ire- The road that cut across the treasures from the Victorian and land; one day I shall return to it one into which we had moved was Edwardian periods. With these as it deserves to be more widely called Logan Street, and I soon and the library at the University of known. In the mean time, I sug- found there was a plaque at the Leicester, I was able to expand my gest that Logan’s pro-Irish sympa- town’s swimming pool recording knowledge of Logan’s career and thies may provide the origins his that it had been opened by a J. W. of the golden age of Harborough nickname of ‘Paddy’. Logan MP. From odd paragraphs Liberalism. For it turned out that More recently, having in local history books, I discov- East Langton the Liberals had held Harborough acquired a digital camera and ered that Logan had largely paid cricket ground continuously from 1891 to 1918. a blog where I can use the

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 35 searching for paddy logan: discovering harborough’s liberal history photographs, I have set out some This last discovery reminds me resultant by-election was fought of the places associated with the that the period in which I started and won for the Liberals by names I came across in that era. researching Logan’s career is also Philip Stanhope, a veteran radical For instance, I found the grave the period in which I conceived of who had lost his previous seat in of Thomas Tertius Paget, who Lord Bonkers and began to write Burnley over his outspoken oppo- enjoyed two brief spells as MP for his diaries for Liberator. It sounds sition to the Boer War. Students of the South Leicestershire constit- improbable now, but I am con- the period will not be surprised to uency that existed until 1885, at vinced that I invented the Bonk- learn that he managed to recon- the Unitarian church in Leices- ers’ Home for Well-Behaved cile this radicalism with the own- ter. This congregation contained Orphans before I discovered that ership of a 145-room mansion in so many prominent Liberals in Logan had founded a similar Kent. the nineteenth century, when establishment. At the 1906 general election the city was known as ‘Radical No account of Paddy Logan’s Harborough was won for the Leicester’, that it was called ‘the career is complete without an Liberals by Rudolph Lehmann, Mayor’s nest’. account of the fight in which he better remembered today as the I also went to East Langton, was involved on the floor of the father of the writers John and where Logan lived in the Grange. Commons, but before we turn Rosamond Lehmann and the He gave the village a hall and also to that there is time to consider of the actress Beatrix. He com- a cricket ground that was recently a few other Harborough Liberal bined orthodox Liberal views of described by the blogger Down at personalities. the day (I have a copy of a leaf- Third Man2 (2010) as ‘the mythic Logan resigned his Harbor- let of his that has strong things to cricket ground that all lovers of ough seat twice for health rea- say about Chinese Labour) with the game believe one day they sons, thus giving him the unique membership of the committee of will stumble on’ – you can read a distinction of having held the the National League for Opposing little of its history in a recent book Stewardship of both the Manor Woman Suffrage. on Logan and two other notables of Northcliffe and the Chiltern Logan returned as MP for Har- from the Langtons.3 I also found Hundreds – the two offices for borough at the second election of the village hall he had provided profit under the Crown that MPs 1910, only to stand down again (now converted to private accom- conventionally take up when in 1916, thus landing the Liber- modation) and his cottage home they wish to leave the Com- als with a difficult by-election. for the children of men killed on mons between elections. When Paddy Logan’s Although there was a wartime his works. Logan first resigned, in 1904, the cottage home truce with the Conservatives, the young Liberal candidate Percy Harris faced a strong challenge from an Independent with consid- erable press backing. He won, but lost the seat to the Conservatives in 1918 when, although a radical, he sided with Asquith and was thus refused the ‘coupon’ from the Lloyd George coalition. Har- ris went on to be an MP in the East End of London and a stalwart of the declining Parliamentary Liberal Party until 1945. He was recently revealed to be the great- grandfather of the recently retired Liberal Democrat MP Matthew Taylor – a fact that surprised everyone except, I suspect, Lord Bonkers. Harris’s defeat did not quite spell the end of Liberal success in Harborough. John Wycliffe Black, a prosperous businessman (it seems Percy Harris had turned his back on the seat because of the financial contribution he was asked to make), won the seat back at the 1923 general election, only to lose it the following year. I have a poster, incidentally, which suggests that Logan endorsed the Labour candidate (‘No Tory–Lib- eral Coalition’) at the 1924 general election.

36 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 searching for paddy logan: discovering harborough’s liberal history

a Logan Ward and if you visit its (eds.), Dictionary of Liberal Thought new swimming pool – I seconded (London: Politico’s, 2007) – did the motion that got it built – you I discover that Bryan Magee, the will find the stone commemo- great populariser of Popper’s work rating Logan set up outside it. in Britain had been evacuated to I hope the old boy would have Market Harborough as a schoolboy approved. and lived literally around the cor- ner from where I used to live – in Jonathan Calder has been a district Logan Street: see B. Magee, Grow- councillor in Market Harborough and ing up in a War (London: Pimlico, has written for Liberator, Liberal 2007). Democrat News, The Guardian 2 Down at Third Man, ‘A Vision of and the New Statesman. He blogs at Perfection’. Retrieved 20 April Liberal England. 2010 from http://downatthirdman. wordpress.com/2010/04/01/a- 1 Only after writing the entry on vision-of-perfection. Popper for the Dictionary of Liberal 3 D. Lewin, Parson, Politician and Gen- Thought – J. Calder, ‘Karl Pop- tleman: Three Men of the Langtons per’, in D. Brack and E. Randall (Arnesby: Derek Lewin, 2009).

However, you will be wonder- Water tower at Reports ing about Logan and his fight in East Langton the Commons. It happened on the Grange evening of 27 July 1893 as a divi- sion was taking place on Glad- Red Guard versus Old Guard? The influence stone’s second Home Rule bill. Contemporary accounts say that of the Young Liberal movement on the arguments continued on the floor Liberal Party in the 1960s and 1970s of the House and, as he waited for the throng to clear, Logan Fringe meeting, 12 March 2010, with Matt Cole, Michael crossed the chamber and sat down truculently beside Carson on the Steed, William Wallace, George Kiloh, and Bernard Greaves. Conservative front bench. Hayes Chair: Tony Greaves. Fisher, a Tory MP, pushed him away. Logan elbowed back and Report by Graham Lippiatt was grabbed by more Tories, whereupon the Irish National- ists waded in to support him. For n the 1960s the press coined from those years. The event was the next twenty minutes elderly, the phrase ‘Red Guard’ to chaired by (Lord) Tony Greaves, frock-coated MPs belaboured Idescribe the radical politics sometime chair of the Manches- one another. Hats were flattened, of the youth wing of the Liberal ter University Liberal Society and coats torn and faces bruised until Party. At the 1966 Assembly in the University of Liberal Students the Serjeant-at-Arms was able to Brighton, the Red Guard spon- (ULS), and in 1970, Chairman of restore order. A later Leicester- sored an anti-NATO resolution, the Young Liberals. shire politician, the Conservative and the Young Liberals were soon To introduce the topic we Guy Paget, described Logan as ‘a at the forefront of the opposition heard Dr Matt Cole, who lec- man of dominant character with to apartheid and the Vietnam tures at the LSE for the Hansard a violent temper over which he war. They took a leading role in Society and is the author of a exercised little control’. I am sure the ‘Stop the Seventy Tour’ of forthcoming book about Rich- this is unfair, although another South African cricket and rugby ard Wainwright, the Liberal contemporary account suggests teams and their actions brought MP for Colne Valley. Dr Cole that he was quite happy to settle a them into conflict with the party set out three main functions for dispute with a recalcitrant work- leadership under Jeremy Thorpe. youth movements in political man with his fists. To bring these exciting times parties and examined the record Whatever the truth of this, back to life, our spring conference of the YLs to see how effec- Logan is not forgotten in Market fringe meeting took the form of a tively they followed the model. Harborough. The town now has witness seminar of party activists First, the nursery function: the

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 37 reports preparation and training of the Dr Cole con- including far left organisations. months Michael found himself next generation of Parliamen- If the party leadership approach Chairman of ULS. A greater tarians, candidates and officials cluded that was generally encouraging and sense of cohesion and political of the party. In the 1950s this relaxed under Grimond, the purpose among the different uni- was centred particularly on the the YLs of the atmosphere was transformed with versity groups was engendered, Oxford, Cambridge and other the election of Jeremy Thorpe as and Oxford and Cambridge, university Liberal organisations. 1960s and party leader. An era of investiga- which had formerly stood outside Tommy Nudds, the secretary tion into and confrontation with the main group, were brought of the Liberal Central Associa- 1970s were the YLs was initiated, culmi- in. There followed a growth in tion, regularly visited these clubs nating with the Terrell Report membership and influence of the and associations to identify and successful which accused some YLs of being youth organisations at party con- recruit potential hopefuls and in all three communists. ferences. A crucial meeting took about 16 per cent of Parliamen- Dr Cole concluded that the place at Sutton Coldfield in mid- tary candidates in these years had functions of YLs of the 1960s and 1970s were 1966 when the ULS and NLYL a background in the University successful in all three functions came together to launch the or Young Liberals. a party youth of a party youth wing, least effec- Young Liberal movement as a sin- The second function, mobili- tively with the nursery function, gle coherent force with a sense of sation, is the recruitment of new wing. more strongly in terms of mobili- political purpose. The first impact members and their involvement sation and most successfully with of the new movement came at the in political activity for the party. policy, challenging the leadership Brighton Assembly of 1966 and The YLs undertook this role in and crucially – after 1970 - with in particular with the motion on the 1950s with partial success. the development and implemen- NATO. In conclusion Michael The 1959 records indicate fewer tation of community politics. listed the following reasons why than 3,000 youth members but Our first witness was Michael YL activity and publicity surged these numbers grew dramatically Steed. When Michael first joined in the mid-sixties: the fact that over the 1960s. By 1963 the figure the Liberal Party in 1958 he did the YLs got their act together had jumped to 15,000 and by the not realise there was any dis- structurally and rejuvenated their end of 1966 22,000. tinction between the senior and leadership; Jo Grimond’s encour- The third function of a party youth sections of the party, and agement of young people to think youth wing is the policy function: knew nothing about the youth about politics and public policy; to encourage debate on policy, to bodies within the party. Despite great international issues which come up with new ideas and to being active at constituency level inspired action – the Vietnam challenge the mainstream party and at university he remained war, South Africa and the white to justify its approaches on the unaware of the existence and rebellion in Rhodesia; and finally issues of the day. This was not activities of the youth organisa- the sea-change in youth culture effectively pursued by the YLs in tions. Attending an event in and behaviour which took place the 1950s, when the agendas of Denmark organised by the World in the early 1960s as a spur to their conferences closely resem- Federation of Liberal and Radi- political activity in general and bled those of the senior party. cal Youth (WLFRY), Michael the YLs in particular. Where there was a challenge at discovered that the organisers The next witness was Wil- this time it was to oppose elec- thought he was there as the repre- liam Wallace, who Tony Greaves toral pacts at Parliamentary or sentative of the National League identified as a sympathetic party local government level, particu- of Young Liberals (NLYL). He radical rather than a YL. William larly arrangements with the Con- contacted NLYL to ask if he began by setting the context of servatives. Things changed in the could be their representative at a politics in the early 1960s: opti- late 1950s under Jo Grimond’s further meeting in Germany and mistic, youthful (inspired by the leadership of the party. Grimond was referred to the New Orbits election of John F Kennedy as encouraged the development of Group, originally the joint politi- US President), with a loosening initiatives from the party’s youth cal committee of the NLYL and up of society and a falling away organisations, creating great ULS. One effect of New Orbits of deference. During the 1960s interest in policy and a culture had been to suck away from the a gradual disenchantment with of challenging the party’s main- YLs the element of political surge conventional politics set in, start- stream agenda. As the 1960s wore which they had been develop- ing with Kennedy’s assassination on, the YLs developed a radical ing in the late 1950s and turning and the build-up of the war in approach to contemporary issues it into a think-tank, leaving the Vietnam. Alternative political with resonance for young peo- NLYL bereft of political ideas. movements developed, influenced ple, such as racial equality, anti- Another reason for NLYL’s by events in America, but 1968 apartheid and other international less radical approach at this time was also the year of student rebel- concerns. As these questions were was that its leading members were lion throughout Europe, includ- promoted with increasing effec- older than the later generation of ing sit-ins at British universities. tiveness and publicity by the YLs, YLs; for instance, when Gruyff The optimism of the Kennedy- senior party concern about the Evans ceased to be Chairman of Grimond era gave way to youth movement grew, particu- NLYL in 1961 he was thirty-three disillusion with the Labour gov- larly over the willingness of key years old. Through WLFRY the ernment, and the fading of hopes players to collaborate with mem- connection to university Liber- for a Liberal breakthrough post- bers of other political movements, alism was made and within six Orpington and of implementing

38 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 reports

Grimond’s realignment of the left were moving on. The US itself some mainstream party assem- strategy. Jeremy Thorpe became was drawing back militarily and blies of the day and which was leader in 1967 and was a much President Johnson decided not able to draw on the cultural revo- more conventional politician. to run for office again. George lution of freedom and radicalism He saw the YLs as a threat rather maintained that the YL position among young people to attract than an opportunity. Thorpe on Vietnam had been the right delegates. On policy, while the also had a court of followers who one, morally and politically, but great international questions of surrounded and protected him the Parliamentary party resisted Vietnam, Southern Africa and and if you weren’t part of that the popular mood. A key problem Eastern Europe undoubtedly had group, you were regarded with for the YLs on the issues they significant resonance for young suspicion as outsiders – however espoused e.g. those around sanc- people, the importance of co- useful or original your contribu- tions against the apartheid regime ownership and industrial democ- tion. To many the party under in South Africa, support for liber- racy also had a place high on the Thorpe seemed uncongenial and ation movements in Rhodesia or YL agenda and has often been unwelcoming; it was regressing even protest action at home, was overlooked. to an earlier and more traditional the argument that one could not When the YL leadership frag- role. So the YLs were faced with create a liberal society through mented in 1968, the great jewel choices: engage on the long the use or condoning of violence. left behind was community poli- march to elected office through In addition Liberals had no con- tics. This emerged as the unify- community politics, withdraw cept of class (or, by implication, ing theme for those radicals who from party politics and take up a Marxist analysis of society and remained in the Liberal Party single-issue campaigning through politics) and saw their role as con- and some who might otherwise organisations such as Shelter, or ciliators. By the late 1960s, there- have departed chose to stay to leave the Liberal Party and join fore, some on the left of the YL promote it. Community politics other groups. movement saw no future in using provided a practical means of Our next witness was George the party to achieve the radicali- implementing that ‘revolution’ Kiloh, who was elected Chair of sation of British politics and could which the different factions in the YLs at the Colwyn Bay con- not support its wider programme. the YLs (anarchist, Trotskyist, ference of 1966. George focused Some, like George and, eventu- socialist, communist – even Lib- on the international causes which ally, Peter Hain, chose to leave. eral) had been seeking. Through were particularly important as Picking up George’s final community politics Liberals rallying points for YL activism point, Tony Greaves introduced could achieve the transformation and highlighted the wariness of our last witness as one of those of society through action inside many on the left of the role of prominent YLs like Gordon Lish- Inspired and outside the political process the US in world affairs and its man and Peter Hellyer who opted by their – the dual approach. In parallel, influence in NATO. In 1966 he, to stay in the party. Bernard community politics could pro- Terry Lacey and Tony Bunyon, Greaves, perhaps best known militancy, vide active campaigning on the the youth officer in the Liberal as the co-author, with Gordon ground, building up a grassroots Party Organisation, developed a Lishman, of The Theory and Prac- Bernard movement to run communities strategy of using the party assem- tice of Community Politics, began wherever they were. That activ- bly as the vehicle for radicalising by admitting that he was not a went on to ist movement, which emerged the Liberal youth movement and, product of the Grimond genera- from YL thinking and its creative hopefully, the mainstream party tion, having come from a public- organise the energy, was to be put to use to itself. They chose international school Conservative background. save the Liberal Party in the 1970s issues as the most fruitful for Bernard eventually rebelled Scarborough when it was in danger of declin- militancy and with the great- against this orthodoxy but felt no ing as a political force. est radical appeal. The Vietnam sympathy for Labour, regarding YL confer- In his conclusions, Tony war, even for friends of the US, it as authoritarian and autocratic. Greaves drew attention to the was increasingly seen as a useless, A lonely Liberal in his last year at ence of 1968 Israeli-Arab dispute as a cru- wasteful and inhumane conflict. school, Bernard found at Cam- cial factor around which YLs In 1967 the YLs put forward a bridge many others who shared which, with coalesced after 1967, generally resolution at assembly support- his rejection of the two main taking a pro-Palestinian line. ing the political aims of the Viet political parties and their philoso- an attend- This in turn led to clashes with Cong, the National Liberation phies. As a YL, the key moment Jeremy Thorpe, who judged this Front. Later in the year at Party for Bernard was the YL confer- ance of over approach as damaging the party, Council a motion was tabled to ence at Weston-super-Mare in 1,000 was losing votes and donations. He support those Americans who 1965, when a new, younger lead- tried to instruct Tony Greaves, as were trying to escape the draft ership led by Garth Pratt (later bigger than Chairman of the YLs, to engineer and at one point George called to go Labour) and George Kiloh its reversal. It was this issue that publicly for US soldiers to desert, emerged to oust the ‘geriatric’ some main- led to the Terrell Commission which meant he was barred from YLs then running the organisa- which took up a disproportionate entering the US for some time. tion. Inspired by their militancy, stream party amount of time and energy and By the time of the Grosvenor Bernard went on to organise the created a poisonous atmosphere Square demonstration in 1968, Scarborough YL conference of assemblies of in the party. Little emerged from however, some of the sting was 1968 which, with an attendance the investigation and the only being drawn. Key YL players of over 1,000 was bigger than the day. result was a minor constitutional

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 39 reports

amendment which allowed local party. They do not have the same by it. George Kiloh had declared parties to reject the member- interests or functions and they do that the YLs were ‘going to put ship of individual YLs if they so not even have the same language. a bomb under the Liberal Party’. desired, whereas previously they Different language can scare This kind of language could have had been obliged to accept them. the mainstream party; the term led the party leadership to over- Matt Cole, in summarising the ‘Red Guard’ is a case in point. estimate the threat of the YLs and points arising from the testimony, Although this was not coined by underestimate the potential for identified some repeating themes. the YLs but the media, it carried creativity, innovation and support First, why did the YL move- with it the notion of militancy the YLs could attract to the party. ment change so dramatically and and challenge to authority, so it become so much more successful was perhaps unsurprising that Graham Lippiatt is the Secretary of in the mid-1960s? The answer the party leadership was worried the Liberal Democrat History Group. clearly had much to do with Why did the the cultural changes mentioned by the witnesses: the decline of YL movement deference, disillusion with con- change so ventional politics and politicians, greater freedom of thought and dramatically Thomas Paine and the Radical Liberal behaviour. But why were the other parties unable to profit from and become Tradition this culture change? The mem- bership of the Conservative and so much Evening meeting, 12 July 2010, with Professor Edward Royle Labour youth organisations was and Dr Edward Vallance. Chair: Dr Richard Grayson in decline at this time. They were more suc- the parties of government and Report by Dr Emily Robinson disillusion with them partially cessful in the explains their inability to capital- ise on the new atmosphere. The mid-1960s? n Monday 12 July, the understand the legacy of a figure Conservatives were also associ- Journal of Liberal History embraced by both Ronald Rea- ated with the old world that was The answer Omarked the publication gan and Tony Benn. passing. of a special issue on ‘Liberals and Royle outlined some compet- Another reason for YL success clearly had the Left’ with a seminar at the ing approaches to the history of compared with old-party decline National Liberal Club. Rich- political thought. The traditional, was structural, and that was the much to do ard Grayson, Head of Politics at whiggish approach tended to see second main theme to emerge with the Goldsmiths College and guest ideas marching forward from text from the testimony. There were editor of the special issue, opened to text, but more recent scholars key organisational changes in the cultural proceedings by praising the Jour- have encouraged their students to mid-1960s which enabled the YL nal for reaching sixty-seven issues place political ideas in context. By movement to accommodate a changes and noting that the focus of the this reading, Locke should not be wider range of political opinions special issue on Liberals and the seen as the first liberal individu- than before. While many indi- mentioned Left had particular resonance fol- alist simply because later liberal viduals moved on, what emerged lowing the 2010 general election. individualists see their ideas in that period were novel and by the wit- He went on to welcome the two reflected in his words. Instead effective ideas and policies which speakers – both Edwards – who Locke’s own understanding of gave coherence to activism and nesses: the would be addressing one particu- man as master of a household, provided a legacy for future cam- lar part of the left Liberal tradi- rather than as an isolated individ- paigning. Another decisive point decline of tion: the legacy of Thomas Paine. ual should be emphasised. It is the from the testimony was the role Professor Edward Royle, context of the author which gives of the party leadership, and how deference, author of many works on the meaning to the text. This was the change of party leader appears history of radicalism and free the orthodox approach until the to have been pivotal to the fate disillusion thought and of the article on onset of postmodernism, which of the YL movement. Thorpe’s Paine in the special issue, began instead stressed the instrumental challenge to the YLs was a clear with con- the seminar with an excellent role of the reader in constructing factor in changes to the YL lead- paper on Thomas (emphatically the context of the text, effectively ership in 1968 and a cause of some ventional not Tom!) Paine. He noted that re-authoring it. As Royle noted, activists quitting the party. politics and Paine had been a controversial this approach is both plainly true Michael Meadowcroft later character for two hundred years. and profoundly flawed. intervened to say that the differ- politicians, In his lifetime he was both the In the case of Paine, it is clear ence between Jo Grimond and champion of radical revolutionar- that interpretations of his works Jeremy Thorpe was that Jo wasn’t greater ies and the bugbear of the proper- reveal more about the interpret- frightened of ideas whereas Jer- tied classes. By the early twentieth ers’ politics than about those of emy was. Therein is a message freedom of century, however, views on Paine Paine himself. He has been seen for the leadership of all political had been moderated – if largely as as a champion of radical liberal- parties. Leaders must understand thought and a result of ignorance and apathy ism but could also be used as a that party youth movements do rather than tolerance. Professor champion of conservatism or not behave like the rest of the behaviour. Royle wondered how we could of socialism. Careful historical

40 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 reports reading is needed in order to reas- Sense rejected the monarchy and sess Paine’s meaning and to place insisted on the status of citizens his thought in the context of its rather than subjects. But it also time. A good example of this is advocated a minimalist state; the tendency to expect Paine to government was a necessary evil. address issues of class. He was not This view was developed but writing from the perspective of not changed in Rights of Man. the 1840s, the world known by Property was seen to lead to inde- Engels. Instead, Paine was writ- pendence, the first condition of ing from his own experience, democracy, and security meant before the Industrial Revolu- safeguarding civil rights. Accord- tion, from the perspective of ing to the social contract, civil neither the labouring poor nor rights replaced natural rights but the privileged rich. It is also in had to be renewed generation by the circumstances of Paine’s life generation. Paine’s vision was of that we can find the explanation a small state of property own- for his particular writing style. ers, with the role of government Untrained in classical rhetoric, extending only to protecting he used the common English civil rights. He did not con- language to great effect. While front the problem of democratic this would have made his works dictatorship. appear barbaric to contemporar- Paine’s thought was funda- ies, it also makes them particu- mentally different from social- larly accessible to the modern ism as his focus was primarily sensibility. political, with economics follow- Royle went on to detail ing from his political positions. other ways in which Paine’s life Royle suggested that Paine’s Thomas Paine yet in the nineteenth century experience marked his thought economics were rather similar (1737–1809) his deist views were seen as too and writing. His experience of to those of Adam Smith, empha- moderate by republican athe- working in Customs and Excise sising equality of opportunity, ists. Today, however, this is less gave him both his antipathy to private property, the free mar- important. Politicians no longer intrusive state administration ket and laissez-faire approaches. ‘do God’. and his sympathy for Ameri- He saw economic and politi- While Paine’s ideas cannot be cans. Similarly, his role as a small cal inequality as deriving from crudely transplanted into contem- shopkeeper alerted him to the inherited property, to which his porary politics, his ideas remain problems associated with a lack of solution was redistributive taxa- current: equality of opportunity, coinage and with extended credit, tion. Moreover, Paine distin- abolition of privilege, freedom of which he saw as the rich borrow- guished between the original expression and a state which pro- ing forcibly from the poor. This value of land and the value added tects but does not usurp the free- cemented his lifelong hostility to it by work and talent, which dom of individuals. to the rich and to paper money. could not be equal and therefore The next speaker was Dr Moreover, as a vestryman Paine justified a new approach to pri- Edward Vallance of Roehamp- was involved with administer- vate property. ton University and author of ing the Poor Law and was made Throughout his life, Paine A Radical History of Britain. He intensely aware of the great gulf retained his aversion to paper opened with a quotation from between rich and poor. Thus, money, which led to inflation Bob Dylan’s 1963 letter of apol- by the time Paine emigrated in and therefore ate away at rich ogy to the American Emergency 1784, we can see that his ideas men’s debts and poor men’s sav- Civil Liberties Committee for were already formed. His thought ings. He developed an ethos of his controversial acceptance should therefore be understood sound money which resonated speech for the group’s Tom Paine to have been rooted in his experi- with extreme radicals through- Award – given yearly to an indi- ence in England. out the nineteenth century. By vidual seen to have champi- While he did not use the the 1870s and 1880s, however, this oned the cause of civil liberties. language of class, Paine did see had developed into the moder- Dylan had lambasted the ECLC himself as the champion of the ate liberalism of Bradlaugh and as bunch of balding, conservative people – of citizens against the Gladstone. A hundred years later, old fogies, criticised the travel parasitic aristocracy. He wanted it was in the rhetoric of Margaret ban to Cuba and, most contro- to abolish both the poor and Thatcher, rooted in the sensibil- versially, expressed sympathy for the privileged. As an instinctive ity of the shopkeeper, that Painite Lee Harvey Oswald. Dylan also republican and democrat, he was language could most easily be sang about Paine four years later as uneasy among the patricians in found. on the track ‘As I went out one America as among the aristocracy Royle concluded with a con- morning’, which Vallance sug- in England. Both Common Sense sideration of Paine’s religious gested may represent a coded ref- and Rights of Man are criticisms views. They were significant in erence to the ECLC debacle. of British politics and sketches his day because they were used to The prominence of Paine in of the ideal society. Common discredit him and his followers; contemporary popular culture is

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 41 reports

clear. He is, perhaps the only Brit- to repatriate Paine’s bones to Paine is still rejecting an appeal to the past. ish political philosopher whose a planned British mausoleum, Rather, in Rights of Man he dis- works are read at the bar stool or his remains were dispersed to predomi- played a desire to rewrite history immortalised in song. In 2009, the four corners of the earth. along these lines. Barack Obama used the words of The skull is now reputedly in nantly the This process of historical revi- Paine’s The American Crisis in his Australia. sion continues to this day with inaugural address. In Britain, the However, as Vallance idol of the the memorialisation of Paine bicentenary of his death saw major explained, there is a paradox himself. In the United States, festivals in his birthplace of Thet- here. It was largely on account left and far- ‘Painites’ range from the late ford, Norfolk and in his home of the loyalist attacks on Paine in ultra-conservative Republi- town of Lewes, Sussex, and a new the 1790s that we remember him left, but that can Senator Jesse Helms to the statue was unveiled in Lewes this today in Britain. And in America, also seems imprisoned Black Panther activ- summer. the rehabilitation of Paine’s repu- ist, Mumia Abu Jamal, and nine As Vallance noted, this adu- tation took place because of his to be chang- state legislatures now observe lation is in marked contrast to religious position. By the mid- Thomas Paine days. In Britain, Paine’s pariah status both dur- nineteenth century, freethinking ing, with the where republicanism remains a ing his lifetime and immediately societies set up by German immi- marginal political creed, Paine after his death. While Rights of grants were celebrating the author recent festi- is still predominantly the idol of Man was undoubtedly a best- of The Age of Reason as a staunch the left and far-left, but that also seller, its overt republicanism defender of religious freedom. vals and com- seems to be changing, with the and Francophile rhetoric made Paine’s first serious modern biog- recent festivals and commemora- Paine a prime target for the loyal- rapher, Moncure D. Conway, memorations tions in Thetford and Lewes sug- ist press, eager to tar more mod- was a Unitarian minister, ratio- gesting a broader re-evaluation erate British reformers with the nal theist and abolitionist who in Thetford of Paine. same extremist brush. The cam- saw in Paine a kindred spirit: an Vallance noted that this wider paign against Paine was vast – the earlier freethinker who had also and Lewes appreciation of Paine is, perhaps, historian Frank O’Gorman has denounced slavery. inevitable, given the ways in estimated that some half a mil- In Britain, Paine was most suggesting a which ‘radicalism’ has now been lion people attended the hundred powerfully embraced by so- reappropriated by the political of burnings of Paine’s effigy that called ultra-radicals or dyed- broader re- centre and the right. However, took place in 1792, making them in-the-wool republicans such as he also cautioned that we must be the most witnessed British public the printer Richard Carlile and evaluation of wary of historical anachronism events of the eighteenth century. the bookseller James Watson. Paine. – Paine was no more a ‘red Tory’ In the nineteenth century, Paine But Vallance cautioned that this than he was a proto-socialist. He remained a useful political bogey- should not lead us to judge Paine’s was a figure of his times and must man, invoked by opponents of appeal too narrowly. While be understood within that histor- even moderate reform. it remained dangerous to sell ical context. Ultimately, though, Paine fared no better in early Paine’s works or to express sup- he felt that it is completely fitting nineteenth-century America. His port for his principles, the Painite to rediscover Paine as a historical deism and attack on organised style, acerbic, demagogic and figure of national importance. religion in The Age of Reason did irreverent, characterised much His republicanism and his politi- not chime with the climate of nineteenth-century radical writ- cal thought owed much more zealous religiosity driving the ing – from Thomas Wooler’s to his formative years in Eng- Second Great Awakening. On Black Dwarf to the speeches of land than is usually appreciated. his return to the USA in 1802, Feargus O’Connor. Moreover, Moreover, we are still reading his Paine was variously derided as Paine was also incorporated into works – in pubs as well as libraries ‘a drunken atheist’, a ‘loathsome alternative radical (as opposed to – precisely because they remain reptile’ and ‘the infamous scav- whiggish) histories of the British so startlingly relevant. enger of all the filth which could Isles. The view of history taken by Vallance ended with a quota- be trodden by all the revilers of many popular radicals emphasised tion from The Decline and Fall of Christianity.’ One hostile biog- moments of ‘people power’ such the British System of Finance (1796): rapher, William Cobbett, antici- as the Peasants’ Revolt, rather ‘It will not be from the inability pated Paine’s death, saying that than revering constitutional doc- of procuring loans that the system this would ‘excite neither sorrow uments such as the Bill of Rights, will break up. On the contrary, nor compassion; no friendly and eulogised popular champions it is the facility with which loans hand will close his eyes, not a such as Thomas Paine rather than can be procured that hastens groan will be uttered, not a tear elite politicians. These histories the event’. If only, he noted, the will be shed.’ As Vallance noted, were, in turn, following Paine’s modern readers of Paine had Cobbett’s prediction was not far own characterisation of British included Gordon Brown and off. Paine’s funeral was attended history, portraying ‘revolutions’ Mervyn King. by only six people, whereas his such as that of 1688–89 as ‘fixes’ by Much of the discussion after old patron and friend Benjamin the political elite and seeing true the papers focused on Paine’s Franklin had been mourned by change as only coming via vio- legacy and the lessons we should 20,000. Paine’s gravestone was lent upheaval, as in either 1381 or draw from his works for our poli- regularly vandalised by locals 1649. Vallance emphasised that it tics today. Ed Randall questioned and, following a failed attempt is a mistake to see Paine as simply whether Paine would want to

42 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 reviews be at the centre of a tradition or whether he would be urging us to face the problems of our own world. He noted that Paine’s ideas reviews on property are unable to take account of the damage we are doing to the environment. Simi- larly, the modern world revolves Scarborough politicians around paper money; rather than inveighing against that we need Anne and Paul Bayliss, Scarborough’s MPs 1832 to 1906; to focus on the question of who Scarborough’s Mayors 1836 to 1906; A Biographical Dictionary controls that money. Both speak- ers agreed that Paine would rel- (A. M. Bayliss, 2008) ish the challenges of the modern Reviewed by Robert Ingham world. In answer to a question from Duncan Brack, Vallance his short book (114 A5 later Liberal, MP for Scarbor- explained that however much pages) consists of introduc- ough for thirty-three years before they refer to his legacy, none of Ttory essays on Scarborough’s retiring in 1874. His place was the present political parties could parliamentary and municipal taken by his son, Sir Harcourt be seen to have been directly politics in the nineteenth century, Johnstone, later to become first influenced by Paine’s politics. lists of election results and may- Baron Derwent. He was, presum- Royle agreed with this but also ors, and biographical essays on ably, grandfather of the Harcourt noted that the last vestiges of each MP and mayor during the Johnstone who served as a Lib- Painite policies could be seen period. eral MP in the 1930s and 1940s, in Liberal ideas on Land Value Scarborough was a fascinating although this is not noted by the Taxation. Richard Grayson also constituency to which Pelling authors. commented that it is the Labour devotes a page in his Social Geog- Scarborough became a single- Party which makes the most raphy of British Elections. Despite member constituency in 1885, explicit use of Paine’s legacy; what Pelling describes as the when the seat was surprisingly however, he felt that this was town’s ‘comfort and respectabil- gained by the Conservative Sir T-shirt politics and that the party ity’ it was a marginal seat, which George Sitwell. Described by had lost the tradition of referring often bucked the national trend. Pelling as an ‘eccentric baronet’, to the political thought of figures Two Whigs were elected in Sitwell contrived to lose in 1886, like Paine. Grayson then pushed 1832, but in 1835 a Tory, Sir Fre- regained it in 1892, but lost again this point further, asking both of derick Trench, topped the poll. in 1895 and 1900, years when the the speakers how plausibly Liberal An opponent of the ‘rash and Conservatives prevailed over the Democrats could claim the legacy revolutionary’ Great Reform Liberals elsewhere. The Liberal of Paine and also seventeenth Act, Trench had been first elected victor in 1886 was Joshua Rown- century thinkers like Gerard as a Cornish MP in 1806. His tree, the mayor of the town and Winstanley. Vallance was abso- electioneering included ‘bribes, a member of the famous Quaker lutely clear that Lib Dems have often liquid, dinners and theatres, family. Another prominent Lib- little common ground with Win- and he was especially attentive eral MP for Scarborough was stanley. Even by the standards of to fishermen and sailors’. Trench Walter Rea, who sat from 1906– the seventeenth century, Win- remained a Scarborough MP 18, and was later a minister in the stanley was against the separation until his retirement in 1847. National Government of 1931. of political and religious life. His The incumbent Whig, Earl Much of the biographi- view of a highly interventionist Mulgrave, lost a by-election cal information in this book is state is also very problematic for in 1851, necessitated by his extracted from local newspapers Liberals. He did feel however, appointment as Comptroller and focuses on the MPs’ and may- that Paine’s legacy sits more eas- of the Household, because he ors’ connections with the town. ily within the Liberal than the was a supporter of free trade, an There are few differences in the Socialist tradition, being based on The last unpopular cause in the town. social backgrounds of Conserva- a negative rather than a positive The election was the cause of tives and Liberals. The landed conception of freedom. Professor vestiges of riots and Mulgrave lost to George gentry predominate; there are Royle agreed with this analysis Painite poli- Young, a Tory ship-owner with some Liberal industrialists in the and added that all the political no prior connection with the later nineteenth century and a parties search for legitimating cies could be town. Young, who was defeated few small tradesmen, but only a ancestors and will attempt to by Mulgrave in the 1852 general handful of the mayors included annexe figures like Paine to their seen in Lib- election, was described by Dick- had a humble background. It political cause. ens as a ‘prodigious bore’ in the would have been useful if the eral ideas on House. authors could have drawn some Dr Emily Robinson is a Postdoctoral One of the most prominent general conclusions about the Fellow in the Department of Political, Land Value political families in the town was town’s political elite, but the Social and International Studies at the Johnstone family. Sir John introductory essays are very short the University of East Anglia. Taxation. Johnstone served as Whig, and and relate almost entirely to the

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 43 reviews electoral system prior to the Great Testament of hope Reform Act and the municipal reforms of the 1830s. Shirley Williams, Climbing the Bookshelves (Virago Press, This points to the main prob- 2009) lem with this volume for anyone interested in wider themes in Reviewed by Tom McNally political history than the his- tory of Scarborough: the lack of political context which could be ne always approaches history will find the book of illuminated by the primary mate- reviewing the autobi- interest in giving a very accurate rial provided by the biographies. Oography of a very old telling of the story of those who The authors do not seem to have friend with a certain trepidation. made the often emotional jour- consulted Pelling, for example; What if it is awful? How candid ney from the heart of the Labour their local knowledge could use- a critic can one be without being Party, via the SDP, to the Liberal fully have added to his assessment hurtful? Thankfully Shirley Democrats. There is not doubt and helped explain Scarborough’s Williams has written a memoir that, if she had remained in the political eccentricity. It would which gives me no such conflict Labour Party, Shirley Williams have been interesting to know of interests. She has written a would have gone on to hold one more about how elections were kindly book; but one which of the highest offices of state. Her conducted in Scarborough, the deals frankly with her own emo- book, however, is happily free of party organisations in the town, tions and failures. She also gives the ‘might have beens’. Although and links with other institutions a stark reminder of the difficul- she does concede two errors dur- such as the churches. ties for a woman politician in the ing the SDP days which made The authors have written a sexist, male chauvinist world of the journey travelled by both the number of biographical diction- the 1960s and 1970s. SDP and the Liberals more pain- aries relating to Scarborough and Like many political biogra- ful than it might have been. are clearly performing a valuable phies, it is her childhood and Her decision not to contest service to students of the town’s youth which proves most fas- the Warrington by-election in local history. There is some inter- cinating to someone already 1981, which she would probably esting material in this volume familiar with the political career. have won, was a major failure for the political historian, princi- Hers was not an orthodox of nerve. As she frankly admits, pally to indicate questions about middle-class family life, given ‘My reputation for boldness, politics at the grassroots in the her two distinguished academic acquired in the long fight within nineteenth century rather than to and politically active parents. the Labour Party, never wholly provide any answers. In addition it was lived in the recovered.’ That lack of confi- shadow and then the reality of dence also revealed itself in her Robert Ingham is Biographies Editor the Second World War. I have to willingness to defer first to Roy of the Journal of Liberal History. confess, however, that, as I read Jenkins and then to David Owen the chapter on childhood and in the leadership of the SDP. youth, the picture which came in She is equally candid about this to my mind was that of ‘George’, failure: ‘Like many women of the tomboy heroine of Enid Bly- my generation and of the genera- ton’s ‘Famous Five’ books. tion before mine, I thought of As youth gives way to early myself as not quite good enough womanhood the friendships and for the very highest positions in love affairs are remembered with politics.’ That self-deprecation due discretion; but with colour meant that in the 1987 general and flavour to capture the mood election the Alliance was ‘led’ by and personalities of post-war the uncomfortable Owen/Steel Oxford and fifties London. partnership which the electorate The book is a useful reminder sussed as a mismatch long before that public figures have to live election day. A more confident their public life whilst surviv- and decisive Shirley might have ing all the trials and tribula- avoided a few of the missed tions which beset the rest of opportunities on the way to the us. Love, marriage, births and birth of the Liberal Democrats. bereavements do not work to a However, she made, and contin- politically convenient timetable. ues to make, a massive contribu- Shirley deals with all of these tion to the work of our party, with candour and poignancy both in policy development and which will make the book of campaigning. In many ways she interest to those not closely reminds me of one of her Ameri- involved in the minutiae of can heroes, Hubert Humphrey, politics. in her optimism in the political On a second level, I hope process to find solutions to dif- readers of Liberal Democrat ficult problems.

44 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 reviews

In that respect the book has young women as any feminist further value as a story to be tract. commended to any young person Memoirs are, by their very who is considering becoming nature, backward looking, involved in politics; but who is particularly when written by a deterred by modern-day cyni- woman in her eightieth year. cism about the parliamentary Yet, as the final chapters of the and political process. Here is a book show, here is a politician story of someone who came from deeply concerned about nuclear a comfortable middle-class back- proliferation and using her ground which provided her with amazing network of contacts to the education and the oppor- influence disarmament policy tunity to choose almost any on both sides of the Atlantic, or profession she wanted. Not only using her experience and demo- that, she could, more than once, cratic credentials to promote have quit the political arena and good governance in the Ukraine settled for a comfortable aca- and Latin America. With no demic berth on either side of the large party or high office to Atlantic. Instead, she chose to underpin her ventures, she is stay with the rough and tumble received at the highest level of party and parliamentary poli- in Africa, in the Middle East, tics. The book is an affirmation China and India, as well as in of both the parliamentary and any capital in Europe. She is still the democratic process by some- someone influencing policy and one who has walked the walk policy-makers in many parts of and got the scars to show for it. the world. What is more, she has done so Shirley’s mother, Vera Brit- not by delivering great thoughts tain wrote one of the greatest from Olympian heights, but by books to come out of the First getting down in the trenches World War: Testament of Youth. with the poor bloody infantry. It was a unique book written Many a time I have asked Shirley in unique circumstances. Her of public funds rather than their her plans for the weekend after daughter, however, has written private lives. a very full week in the Lords, a testament of hope by someone Screwing Up is an unusual only to be told that she was off with eyes still firmly fixed on the political memoir. Oaten’s prose is to speak at a party event in some possibilities of tomorrow. written in a sympathetic if some- location far from the Westmin- what dull way, and he comes ster village. Her book reveals Lord Tom McNally is Minister of across as ordinary and genuinely the difficulties, and sometimes State at the Ministry of Justice and likeable. The tone is self-depre- the pain, of a woman trying to Deputy Leader of the House of cating, and he reserves bad words make her way in politics and Lords. MP for Stockport 1979–83, he only for the party activists typi- parliament, and as such it should was one of the founders of the Social fied by the ‘Liberator collective’ provide as inspirational a read for Democratic Party. who were opposed to his right- wing leanings and for bloggers who indulged in innuendo about what Oaten may have got up to in his private life. The structure of Screwing Up The end of the affair is also different to many politi- cal memoirs. Chapters focus on Mark Oaten, Screwing Up (Biteback, 2009) MPs’ foreign trips and, presum- Reviewed by Tom Kiehl ably due to the mood of the time when the book was published, the intricacies of parliamentary ublished on the eve of the the party’s last major spectacle expenses. The book seems to Liberal Democrats’ 2009 ahead of the 2010 general elec- assume its readership has only a PAutumn Federal Confer- tion. However, coming as it does casual knowledge of the work ence, Screwing Up, the political in the aftermath of the parlia- of an MP and therefore gets memoirs of the former leader- mentary expenses scandal that bogged down with these weaker ship candidate Mark Oaten, dominated British politics for chapters. who resigned from the party’s much of 2009, Screwing Up was There is, unfortunately, little frontbench in January 2006 fol- suitably timed for Oaten, who in Screwing Up for either politi- lowing tabloid revelations of an did not seek re-election, to reha- cal anoraks or scholars of recent affair with a rent boy, received bilitate himself at a period when Liberal Democrat history to get criticism from some activists public contempt for politicians is their teeth into. The chapter on for reopening a wound during reserved for the extravagant use working with Charles Kennedy

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 45 reviews does not contain any revelations Oaten was seem by some as a On reading Screwing Up, one that cannot be found elsewhere. credible future party leader at never really understands why The chapter on Mark Oaten’s the time he held this brief. Oaten joined a political party in initial two-vote election to When the revelations about the first place, let alone why he parliament in Winchester, and Oaten’s affair became public, the eventually sought elected and the eventual legal challenge and question most people asked was high office for that party. If he by-election victory, is adequate why someone with such a big was as unforthcoming with his but could have been developed skeleton in their closet would motivations to his parliamentary further to explain why the tur- seek the leadership of a politi- colleagues as he is to readers of bulence surrounding his tak- cal party. But the impression his book, then this may further ing his seat in parliament could Screwing Up gives is of Oaten, explain why he failed to get the perhaps account for the detached against his better judgment, necessary support. displacement, evident in later being pushed into running for The one ideological theme chapters, that he felt whilst in leader, largely by Charles Ken- that is consistent throughout Westminster. nedy’s supporters, who wanted Mark Oaten’s political career is The most successful and inter- an MP they perceived as loyal to his preference for working with esting chapters in Screwing Up succeed. the Conservative Party. Oaten concern Mark Oaten’s period In the wake of the scandal, is honest that, whilst an MP, he as the party’s Home Affairs it has been easy to forget that at times flirted with the idea of spokesperson and his doomed Oaten failed to make the ballot joining the Conservative Party. bid to replace Charles Kennedy paper for the leadership contest Oaten’s tendency to work with as the party leader. Mark writes not because of his affair but due Conservatives is also tellingly enthusiastically about his time to a lack of support amongst catalogued in Screwing Up in an covering the Home Affairs brief. his fellow MPs. When Oaten incident he recounts from the Whether one supported Oaten’s announced his candidacy, to very beginning of his political approach to the portfolio or not, many outsiders he presented career while a councillor in Wat- this chapter makes one realise a fresh contrast to the only ford in the 1980s. Oaten uses the that, in recent years, very few other declared candidate, Ming concluding chapter of this book Liberal Democrat spokespeople Campbell, and had a similar PR to reiterate arguments made in have had the same sense of how background and media-friendly his other published work, Coali- they want to develop their brief image to David Cameron, who tion, that the Liberal Democrats as Mark Oaten at Home Affairs had won the Conservative Party should consider working with did. In the context of this chap- leadership only a month previ- the Conservatives if the 2010 ter, it makes perfect sense why ously. However, such credentials general election results in a hung did not translate into support parliament. from parliamentary colleagues As the title implies, Screwing who, instead, either flocked to Up concentrates heavily on the Campbell or supported alterna- mental state of Mark Oaten and tive and then as yet undeclared how the scandal that brought candidates. There was clearly about the end of his political something wrong with Mark career was a consequence of the Oaten’s relationship with other Westminster lifestyle that he led. Liberal Democrat MPs, and Readers wanting a gratuitous Screwing Up would have ben- insight into the scandal itself will efited from more insight from be disappointed, as the actual Oaten about this. details of his affair are skirted It is evident that Oaten felt over. However, the chapters that intellectually inferior to other concern the fallout of the affair MPs, and he makes it clear in becoming public knowledge, and Screwing Up that he was more how Oaten survived that ordeal, at ease on a radio or television are at times compelling. interview than in a debate in One would have to be a very the House of Commons. This hard-hearted person indeed to inferiority complex may explain not feel the slightest bit of sym- in part why the state school and pathy towards Oaten when, in polytechnic-educated Oaten the final paragraph ofScrewing was never able to persuade the Up, he recognises that, in spite predominantly public school of his many perceived achieve- and Oxbridge-educated MPs ments as an MP, he will always who contributed to or were be remembered by the scandal sympathetic towards The Orange that brought his career to a sud- Book to back him, although on den end. an ideological basis they would have been Oaten’s natural Tom Kiehl is the Deputy Editor of supporters. the Journal of Liberal History.

46 Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 reviews Railwayman and MP Adrian Vaughan, Samuel Morton Peto: A Victorian Entrepreneur (Ian Allan Publishing, 2009) Reviewed by Robert Ingham

amuel Morton Peto The book’s readability is (1809–89) was Liberal MP derived from the author’s strong Sfor Norwich from 1847 to views on Peto’s life and character. 1854, for Finsbury from 1859 to Peto became a Baptist when he 1865, and for Bristol from 1865 married his second wife and was a to 1868. As a political figure he renowned benefactor of noncon- made little impact, but as a con- formist churches and the Church tractor for railways and public of England. Vaughan, clearly not works he left a lasting impression a religious man, regards Peto as a on the UK. His firm built numer- hypocrite, who used the church ous London landmarks, including as a tool for self-promotion and Nelson’s Column and the Reform to develop a strong work ethic Club, and was substantially in his labourers. Similarly, Peto’s involved with the building of the political career is described by Palace of Westminster. Peto also Vaughan as an offshoot of his carried out a number of major business life, providing him with railway projects at home and contacts, status and influence overseas, including developing over the legislation then neces- Victoria Station in London. sary to build railways. He was Peto was largely self-made. an infrequent attender of parlia- His father was a farmer, and at ment; broke a promise to his although the digitisation of Han- fourteen Peto was apprenticed electorate in Norwich to scale sard and the forthcoming digitisa- to his uncle, a building contrac- back his business interests once tion of the Mirror of Parliament tor, learning the various building he was elected; unseated a good and the Victorian division lists trades. When his uncle died, in local MP in Finsbury; and had no should help place MPs like Peto 1830, Peto and a cousin inher- local connections with Finsbury in proper context. By combin- ited the business. Concentrat- or Bristol. Vaughan also finds ing religious tolerance, commit- ing at first on major building little to admire in Peto’s business ment to free trade, and concern projects, Peto took advantage of methods, which were sometimes for working men, Peto would the railway boom of the 1840s to unlawful, although he was prob- seem to be representative of the expand his business. By the 1860s, ably typical of his age. party to which he belonged, but however, Peto had overextended Vaughan argues that Peto was whether he helped shape that himself and he was declared a Liberal because he stood to ben- party or was shaped by it is an bankrupt. His political career was efit financially from free trade. unaswered question. over and his attempts to return to There is, no doubt, some truth business achieved little. He died in this, but Peto was a radical, Robert Ingham is the Biographies in 1889. speaking out for working men Editor of the Journal of Liberal Adrian Vaughan’s entertain- in parliament and regarded as a History. ing biography of Peto is a short philanthropic employer. His close (190 pages) and lively read, which connection with working men makes extensive use of privately during his apprenticeship seems held family letters. Inevitably, to have coloured his political out- its focus is on Peto’s business look: he was no Gradgrind. career, charting the dizzying Assessing Peto’s place in the ascent and sudden collapse of his mid-Victorian Liberal Party is Liberal Democrat History Group fortunes. The clarity of the narra- beyond the scope of Vaughan’s tive is sometimes lost as Vaughan book. Was he typical of many news describes in detail the geographic MPs, in parliament to pursue a Join our email mailing list for news of History Group and commercial arrangements of business career not to contribute meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest way to Peto’s various railway projects. to the government of the nation? find out what we’re doing. The book would have benefited Did he consistently vote in the To join the list, send a blank email to from a glossary so that any reader same way as his leaders? Did he [email protected]. unfamiliar with the minutiae of only vote whenever he was in mid-Victorian railway companies town or could he be summoned Also see us on the web at: could distinguish the OWWR by the Chief Whip to the most • www.liberalhistory.org.uk from the W&FR. Maps would important divisions? These are • www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup also be of assistance. largely unanswered questions, • act.libdems.org.uk/group/libdemhistory

Journal of Liberal History 68 Autumn 2010 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting election 2010 in historical perspective The 2010 election must rank as one of the strangest in the history of the Liberal Democrats or its predecessor parties. Britain’s first-ever television debates saw the party catapulted into the front rank of news coverage. Yet after successive opinion polls regularly showed the Lib Dems in at least second place, the result was a crashing disappointment; although the party gained almost a million votes, the vagaries of the first-past-the-post electoral system meant that it lost a net five seats.

Yet in losing, the party won. The outcome of the election – a hung parliament – at last gave the Liberal Democrats a chance of power, and led to Britain’s first coalition government for sixty-five years.

Discuss the election campaign and its outcome with John Curtice (Professor of Politics, Strathclyde University), Dennis Kavanagh (author, The British General Election of 2010) and James Gurling (Chair, Liberal Democrat Campaigns & Communications Committee).

8.00pm Sunday 19th September Grace Suite 3, Hilton Hotel, Liverpool

Liberal Democrat History Group at Lib Dem conference Visit the History Group’s stand in the exhibition in the Liverpool Arena and Convention Centre – stand FY1 in the Lower Galleria, just next to the entrance to the auditorium. There you can:

• Take part in our annual Liberal history quiz. Exciting prizes to be won! • Buy our pamphlet, Liberal History: A concise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats – now revised and updated to include the 2010 election and the formation of the coalition. 300 years of party history in 24 pages – £2.00 to Journal subscribers, £2.50 to others. • Buy our second new pamphlet, Liberal Leaders of the 19th Century: £3.50 to Journal subscrib- ers, £4 to everyone else. • Buy its companion pamphlet, Liberal Leaders since 1900: £5 to Journal subscribers, £6 to eve- ryone else. • Buy a copy of our latest book, the Dictionary of Liberal Thought: £28 to Journal subscribers, £35 to everyone else. • Renew your Journal subscription – all subs are now due for renewal (unless you subscribe by standing order).