For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 82 / Spring 2014 / £6.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

John Buchan and Liberals Malcolm Baines Liberalism and Liberals in John Buchan’s life and fiction Roger Ward The strange death of Liberal Birmingham J. Graham Jones Lloyd George and the Carnarvon Boroughs 1890–1895 Graham Lippiatt Decline and Fall: the Liberal Party and the 1922, ’23 and ’24 elections Report Martin Pugh Conspiracy of Secrets Review Liberal Democrat History Group 2 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 Journal of Liberal History Issue 82: Spring 2014 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Obituary of Marion Thorpe; Rescuing Jews from Nazis; On this day in history Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Liberalism and Liberals in John Buchan’s life and 6 Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini fiction Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery An outsider’s view of early twentieth-century Liberals; by Malcolm Baines

Patrons The strange death of Liberal Birmingham 16 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Roger Ward analyses the decline of Liberalism in nineteenth-century Professor John Vincent Birmingham

Editorial Board Lloyd George and the Carnarvon Boroughs, 26 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Matt Cole; 1890–95 Dr Roy Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; Prof. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr J. Graham Jones examines the history of Lloyd George’s constituency when Dr Alison Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; he first represented it Tony Little; Michael Meadowcroft; Dr Michael Steed; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Report 38 Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Dr Iain Sharpe Decline and fall: the Liberal Party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924; with Michael Steed and Pat Thane; report by Graham Lippiatt Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Reviews 44 publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Dutton, A History of the Liberal Party since 1900, reviewed by Duncan Brack; Contributions should be sent to: Neate, Conspiracy of Secrets, reviewed by Martin Pugh; Williams, Worsted to Duncan Brack (Editor) Westminster: the extraordinary life of Rev Dr Charles Leach MP, reviewed by Tony 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN Little; Wyburn-Powell, Defectors and the Liberal Party, 1910–2010: a study of inter- email: [email protected] party relations, reviewed by J. Graham Jones

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Liberal Democrat History Group Payment is also possible via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, occasional publications. c/o 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. June 2014 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 3 Liberal History News spring 2014

Obituary: Marion Thorpe CBE (1926 –2014) Marion Thorpe, the second the 6th Earl (1882–1947) and his background he once described the end of a row, was given to wife of Jeremy Thorpe, the wife, Her Royal Highness the as ‘Jewish and sophisticated’. Marion by George Harewood former Leader of the Liberal Princess Mary, later the Prin- In 1973, Marion married as part of her divorce settlement Party, died on 6 March 2014. cess Royal (1897–1965); King Jeremy Thorpe, who had been in 1967. Marion’s second son, She was 87. George V’s only daughter, she Leader of the Liberal Party James Lascelles, also has a flat in Marion Stein was born in was a sister of King George since 1967. His first wife, Caro- the building. Austria at 13 Momsengasse, VI and an aunt of our present line Allpass, had been killed In 2008 Marion Thorpe was Vienna 4, on 18 October 1926. Queen. in a car crash in 1970,leaving appointed CBE for services to Her Jewish father, Erwin Stein, Despite objections by Queen Thorpe with a young son to music. She founded the Leeds had been a musician and was Mary (Marion was half Jew- bring up. In 1975, two years International Piano Competi- then a conductor at the Darm- ish and her brother fought on after his marriage to Marion, tion, with Fanny Waterman, in stadt Theatre. Mrs Stein, her the German side in the war) the rumours and allegations began 1961. Her favourite composer mother, was formerly Sofie couple married in 1949. Queen to emerge about Thorpe’s rela- was Mahler. She still loved to Backmann, a Christian clergy- Mary duly attended the wed- tionship, fifteen years earlier, play the piano, even in old age, man’s daughter. ding, along with all the other with Norman Scott, a former while Jeremy’s favourite musi- The family fled to Lon- members of the Royal Family, male model. Scott’s allegation cal instrument was always the don in 1938, when the Nazis apart from Princess Marina, that Thorpe had attempted violin. marched into Austria. When Duchess of Kent, who decided to have him murdered led to Her husband, Jeremy, along she arrived in London, Marion to absent herself – though not Thorpe appearing at the Old with his son from his first mar- knew very little English. She with her three children, who Bailey on a murder charge in riage, Rupert (Marion’s step- attended Kensington High all attended – with an entirely 1979. son) and her three sons from her School and rapidly became a unconvincing excuse of having Although Thorpe was first marriage to Lord Hare- star pupil, winning prizes for to go abroad because of a previ- acquitted, a large amount wood survive her. English and music, and end- ously arranged holiday. of Marion’s capital from her I have very fond memories ing up as a school prefect. At 18, Marion and George Hare- divorce settlement was spent on of two excellent parties the she left school to study music at wood went on to have three Thorpe’s enormous legal fees; Thorpes threw at the National the Royal College of Music. To sons. After ten years of even some of her jewellery was Liberal Club. The first, in 1999, help with the family income, marriage,the relationship sold off to support Jeremy in his was in the David Lloyd George she started giving piano lessons started to fray. In 1967, Mar- legal battle to defend himself room to celebrate the launch of and also gave recitals at musical ion successfully petitioned against a Crown prosecution. Jeremy’s autobiography In My soirees and concerts. for divorce on the grounds of Two years after the trial, Own Time. The second party Through her father,who had her husband’s adultery with Thorpe developed Parkinson’s took place just a few years ago, taken a senior position at the Patricia Tuckwell (a musi- Disease, which has become in the Smoking Room, to mark musical publishers, Boosey & cian, who had given birth to steadily worse as the years have Jeremy’s 80th birthday. The Hawkes, Marion met all the top Harewood’s illegitimate son, progressed. champagne flowed all evening, musicians and composers of the Mark Lascelles, in 1964; she Despite Thorpe’s murder and I can see them both now, day at the family flat. It was in became Harewood’s second trial and his serious health in separate wheelchairs, but a good location, off Kensington wife in 1967). The divorce cost problems, Marion’s second ‘parked’ close together, holding High Street, near to Leighton Lord Harewood a fortune, and marriage was a very happy hands and smiling. House,on a corner, at 22 Mel- he was forced to sell a Titian, and successful one. The couple Ronald Porter bury Road. It was there that she along with other objets d’art always made the big decisions formed a very close and life- from the Harewood House col- in their lives together, after long friendship with Benjamin lection, in the late 1960s. And much calm discussion. The last Rescuing Jews from Nazis Britten and Peter Pears.She what was far worse, as Hare- decision they made was a par- The History Group has helped them set up the Alde- wood later recalled, his close ticularly painful one for both received a query about the burgh Festival just after the friends Benjamin Brittan and of them, as they decided to sell occasion in January 1943 on Second World War. Peter Pears took Marion’s side, their country retreat in Devon which the Liberal Party Execu- In 1948, at the Aldeburgh broke off their long friend- to raise badly needed money – tive wrote to the Prime Min- Festival, she met and fell in love ship with him and refused to roughly half a million pounds ister, Winston Churchill, with with George Lascelles, 7th speak to him ever again. Such – to provide for their rising a ‘Five-point Programme on Earl of Harewood (1923–2011), was Marion’s personality that care costs. Rescue of Jews from Nazis’. owner of the splendid stately many years after his divorce The Thorpes’ London home Our enquirer is interested in home, Harewood House. from her, Harewood stated that was at 2 Orme Square, Bayswa- obtaining a copy of the original George was the eldest son of he ‘still loved Marion’, whose ter. The house, a large one at memorandum.

4 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 Research on the web (http:// the party executive’s discussion Editor (see contact details on six weeks later than originally www.jta.org/1943/01/24/ on the issue, though there is no page 3). planned. archive/liberal-party-sends- mention of a memo or any con- We will aim to catch up churchill-five-point-program- tact with Churchill. with the summer issue, a special on-rescue-of-jews-from-nazis) We have been unable to Apology issue on the first twenty-five suggests that this memorandum find any further information. We would like to apologise for years of the Liberal Demo- was indeed sent. Any reader of the Journal who the late despatch of this issue crats, 1988–2013 (due out in late The Times of 28 January would be able to help further of the Journal of Liberal His- July) and the autumn issue (late 1943 carries a short report on is very welcome to contact the tory – it went to press about September).

On This Day … Every day the Liberal Democrat History Group’s website, Facebook page and Twitter feed carry an item of Liberal history news from the past. Below we reprint three of them. To see them regularly, look at www.liberalhistory.org.uk or www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup or follow us at: LibHistoryToday.

March 1 March 1894: Gladstone chairs the last of his 556 Cabinets as Prime Minister. Although Gladstone described it in his diary as ‘a very moving scene’, he always after referred to it as the ‘blubbering Cabinet’. Looking back thirty years later, Herbert Asquith wrote, ‘Before the Cabinet separated Lord Kimberley … who was genuinely moved had uttered a few broken sentences of affection and reverence, when Harcourt produced from his box and proceeded to read a well-thumbed manuscript of highly elaborate eulogy. Of those who were present there are now few survivors but which of them can forget the expression on Mr Gladstone’s face, as he looked on with hooded eyes and tightened lips at this maladroit performance?’

April 22 April 1902: Birth of Lady Megan Lloyd George, the youngest child of Liberal Prime Minister David Lloyd George. The first female MP for a Welsh seat, she was Liberal MP for Anglesey 1929–51 and was Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party 1949–51. She was devastated to lose her parliamentary seat and felt the radical tradition in Welsh politics had passed to the Labour Party. She joined Labour and represented Carmarthen from 1957 until her death in 1966.

May 16 May 2010: Liberal Democrat Special Conference in Birmingham approves the coalition agreement with the Conservatives, paving the way for the Coalition Government. 20 May 1798: Radical Whig Charles James Fox, speaking to Whigs at Freemason’s Tavern, provokes the ire of his Tory arch-rival William Pitt the Younger, as well as his dismissal from the Privy Council, with a toast to ‘Our Sovereign Majesty, the people’.

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 5 An Outsider’s View of Early Twentieth-Century Liberals Liberalism and Liberal politicians in John Buchan’s life and fiction The first half of the twentieth century saw the electoral triumph of the Liberal Party in the 1906 election, the struggles of Liberalism to cope with the demands of the First World War, the split between Lloyd George and Asquith, and the collapse of the party through the 1920s and 1930s. That period also formed the backdrop to the novels of John Buchan, in many of which were depicted Liberal characters and Liberal ideas. Malcolm Baines looks at Buchan’s portrayal of Liberals and what this tells us about the Liberal Party of that period – as seen through the eyes of an outsider who himself had something of a Liberal heritage and outlook.

6 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 An Outsider’s View of Early Twentieth-Century Liberals Liberalism and Liberal politicians in John Buchan’s life and fiction

ohn Buchan is best known as Intelligence Corps in 1916). A third there than in the more rural areas the author of The Thirty Nine series of novels revolved around of the Scottish Borders.3) Let down JSteps, popularised through a Dickson McCunn, a romantic, by the colonial ex-Premier he had number of film and TV adapta- retired Glasgow grocer; Buchan booked to speak, Sir Harry is look- tions. Less well known are not only had studied at Glasgow University ing for a free trader who can tell the large number of other nov- and had a good knowledge of the the locals what a poor deal protec- els and historical biographies that Scottish Borders where many of the tion is for the colonies. The can- he wrote, but the fact that he was McCunn stories are set. Common didate’s speech is poor – he says to also a Unionist MP between 1927 to many of the books, however – Hannay beforehand, ‘I’m Liberal, and 1935 and then Governor Gen- whether the thrillers of Leithen and because my family have always eral of Canada from 1935 to 1940. Hannay or the more light-hearted been Whigs’ – but Buchan portrays Consequently, Buchan was very McCunn novels – is the role played him as a man who can see Hannay much part of the governing estab- by politics as an important part of is no murderer and who gives him a lishment of the United Kingdom the background. recommendation to his godfather, and friendly with most of the lead- Although Buchan was a Con- the Permanent Secretary at the For- ing politicians and other figures servative, Liberal politicians appear eign Office, which proves crucial in of the period. This keen interest in many of his novels, and this foiling the German plot.4 Buchan’s and involvement in politics shines reflects both his upbringing in a writing captures many character- through in many of his novels and strongly Liberal nineteenth-cen- istics of pre- and inter-war politics, short stories, and the roles played tury Scotland and his friendships not least the importance of relation- by the Liberal characters he depicts with leading Liberal politicians ships, and this article will look at form a central part of this article. such as Haldane1 and the Asquiths. some of these in more detail as they Many of his characters, both One of the vignettes in The Thirty appear in his novels and with refer- major and minor, appear in more Nine Steps that survived to grace ence to Buchan’s own Tory political than one book. As a result, they many of the subsequent adaptations career and his interaction with his have a holistic quality, with their depicts a Liberal by-election meet- Liberal contemporaries. fictional lives developing and por- ing in the Scottish Borders. Han- It is perhaps surprising that trayed at different stages of the first nay, the novel’s hero, has fled to Buchan was a Conservative rather half of the twentieth century. The Scotland, wrongly accused of mur- than a Liberal politician. His father major ones frequently reflected der. His car crashes whilst avoid- was a minister in the Free Church aspects of Buchan’s own life and ing another vehicle driven by the of Scotland, a group that broke experience. Sir Edward Leithen, constituency’s Liberal candidate, away from the established Church the protagonist in five novels, was, Sir Harry. Sir Harry says he has ‘a of Scotland in 1843 over the role of like Buchan, a Scottish barrister meeting on tonight in Brattleburn the state in the governance of the and Tory politician. Sir Richard – that’s my chief town and an infer- church. According to Pelling, prior Hannay appears as a South Afri- nal Tory stronghold.’2 (Interest- to the 1880s the majority of Free can mining engineer in The Thirty ingly, Pelling in Social Geography of Church clergy were Liberal sup- Nine Steps (Buchan had worked in British Elections 1885–1910 comments porters – in contrast to the Church South Africa after the Boer War) that because Presbyterian Dissent- of Scotland where the Conserva- and in subsequent novels as a First ers were stronger than the Church tives remained strong.5 Buchan, in World War army officer and secret of Scotland in the towns, the Con- John Buchan his own memoirs, Memory Hold- agent (Buchan was posted to the servatives were generally weaker (1875–1940) the-Door, states that his family

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 7 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction became Unionist in response to in Peebles and Selkirk, where a Scottish Borders by-election in a Gladstone’s weakness in leaving Asquith’s stepmother’s fam- rural seat just like Peebles and Sel- General Gordon to be killed in ily lived.10 In the event, Asquith kirk, although here the action takes Khartoum, as well out of sympathy was selected for Derby in 1912. place in the 1920s so Labour is also a for the plight of Ulster’s Protestants Buchan, however, had been cho- factor. Two of the Diehards, Jaikie threatened by the Liberal leader’s sen the year before as the Tory and Dougal, go on a walking tour conversion to home rule. This does candidate for Peebles and Sel- around the area and meet up with not appear to have been an unu- kirk – which was a Liberal seat, Thomas Carlyle Craw, an unctu- sual response to these events among although between 1886 and 1906 ous newspaper editor who has been his father’s peers.6 His mother’s it had been represented by a Lib- kidnapped by Tory students in Borders’ farming family, the Mas- eral Unionist.11 There he was to error for the Liberal leader and then tertons, however, had a Liberal face Donald Maclean, who had released without ceremony into background. only been elected as the Liberal the Scottish countryside. Trying to Buchan writes in his memoirs MP in the immediately previ- avoid some central-European revo- that he was a ‘professed Tory’ at ous election in December 1910.12 lutionaries whose cause Craw had Glasgow University but also that he Pelling comments that most of espoused and now regretted, the chose to support Herbert Asquith the Tory strength in the con- three are on the run and spend the in the Rectorial election whilst he stituency was associated with evening dropping in on the differ- was there. Moreover, he had many the landholdings of the Duke ent by-election meetings. The Tory Liberal friends from his time study- of Buccleuch, amounting to one not seeming very entertaining, ing at Oxford – including Asquith’s over 60,000 acres in Selkirk- they go to the Liberal one at which son, Raymond Asquith – as well shire.13 The local paper reviewed the candidate and the party leader, as from his time working for Lord Buchan’s speech at the adop- Foss Jones, a thinly disguised Lloyd Milner in South Africa and as a tion meeting, which reflected George, speak: publisher in London before the the views expressed thirty years First World War. Furthermore, his later in his memoirs: ‘Let’s go there,’ said Jaikie [to wife’s father, Norman Grosvenor, Craw], ‘I have never seen Foss who died in 1898, had been Lib- Mr John Buchan is rather Jones. Have you?’ ‘No’, was the eral MP for Chester between 1869 advanced in his opinions to answer [from Craw], ‘but he and 1874.7 Up until about 1910, it please some of the more rabid tried several times to make me was possible for Buchan’s political Tories. Part of his programme a peer.’ friends to imagine him standing for is stated to be: Abolition of either of the main parties: Charles the hereditary principle of the Craw and Jaikie go on to the Masterman, already by then the House of Lords, Free Trade Labour meeting where they bump Under-Secretary for the Home and a scheme of Small Hold- into the local Communist. After Department in the Liberal govern- ings. How the Unionist Tariff telling them how much the Com- ment, insisted to Susan Buchan that Reformers will act with such munists respect the Tory enemy, he should stand, saying, ‘and don’t a programme remains to be he goes on to add, ‘Liberalism is let him be a mugwump, let him join seen. Certain it is that some an antique which we contemptu- either the Liberals or the Tories, I who attended the meeting ously kick out of the road’, before don’t mind which, but one or the are not at all keen on such an describing the Labour Party’s lead- other.’8 In the event, Buchan stayed advanced programme.14 ers as men treasonable to social- loyal to his prior allegiances and ism who will meet the fate of all chose the Conservatives. Indeed, the radical paper, the traitors.16 Party politics therefore In his memoirs, Buchan sets out Edinburgh Evening News, went on adds entertaining background col- his political creed. It is a peculiar to say that Buchan was ‘a bleat- our to what is an enjoyable com- mixture of romantic Conservatism, ing sheep, strayed from the fold, edy thriller, and the novel portrays resting on a dislike of unnecessary with just enough of the party many of the attitudes that were change, combined with a desire tar-mark on him to be recog- commonplace by the time it was that the community use its com- nised, and sent kindly home.’15 published in 1930. Certainly, by munal strength to achieve what From the commencement of his that stage, the Liberal Party was a are, in effect, the objectives of New formal political career, therefore, shadow of its former self – scarred Liberalism. He states, ‘For the rest, Buchan was not a conventional by the Asquith–Lloyd George split I was critical of the details of Mr Conservative, espousing many and struggling for credibility as the Asquith’s policy, but approved its of the central planks of pre-war third party ground between the purpose – old age pensions, health Liberalism including free trade, class-based millstones of Labour and unemployment insurance, and land reform and reform of the and the Conservatives. most of the famous 1910 Budget. House of Lords. Andrew Lownie, in his biogra- In the quarrel with the House of The politics of the early twen- phy of John Buchan, speculates that Lords, I was on the Government’s tieth century is even woven into part of the explanation for his Tory side.’ But, of course, Buchan disa- Buchan’s comic novels. Castle Party politics lies in a romantic greed profoundly with them over Gay, for instance, which features Poster for the rebellion against the Liberal Party Ulster.9 as its main protagonists Dickson film of Buchan’s as the established political party of Buchan himself had romantic McCunn and a group of Glasgow Thirty-Nine Steps, Scotland while Buchan was grow- notions of a titanic struggle with youths, the Gorbals Diehards, made by Alfred ing up, but he also rightly high- Raymond Asquith for election is set against the background of Hitchcock in 1935 lights Buchan’s views on Ulster

8 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 9 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction and the Empire as having a crucial Throughout Edinburgh, but spoke firmly in sup- which shines through in his nov- impact.17 Parry, in his essay ‘Reflec- port of the 1707 Act of Union. In els. However he struggled to find tions on the Thought of John the majority that respect he was an enlightened political leaders that he admired. Buchan’, agrees that Buchan was Unionist and therefore less favour- Initially Buchan thought highly of reacting against parochial Scottish of his adult able towards Scottish self-govern- both Roseberry and Balfour: both sentimentalism.18 Such an outlook ment than most Liberal MPs. of these men, he thought, had a real on the world was not only epito- life, Buchan Following the success of The sympathy for the common man, mised in Craw, the newspaper edi- Thirty Nine Steps, Buchan wrote sev- an attractive philosophy and a love tor and central character of Castle drew on his eral more novels set during the First of nature. As Roseberry’s failings Gay, but also parodied in his 1910 World War and immediately after- became more apparent, Buchan re- short story, ‘A Lucid Interval’. In experience wards. Liberals feature unfavour- categorised him as a Calvinist stoic, this latter example, the politics of of Scottish ably in several of these, confirming too aware of the essential transience a number of Liberal Cabinet min- a general hardening of his views of life to become fully involved in isters are dramatically changed, Liberals and against the party as the political politics. Although Buchan admired to general amusement, following temperature rose under the Asquith Lloyd George as a war leader, he consumption of a spiked curry. therefore government both before and after attacked him as someone who Buchan satirises that Scottish Lib- the outbreak of war. In Mr Standfast, stoked class hatred before the war eral sentimentality in the charac- associated for example, Hannay goes under- and preached harshness and venge- ter of Cargill, the Liberal Home cover to find a German spy hiding ance after it, leading to the 1918– Secretary, describing him before Liberalism in a pro-peace group in an Eng- 1922 parliament being unfitted for he eats the curry with the words, lish village. In this novel, the spy is post-war reconstruction. In his his- ‘There was no appeal too base for in both his Moxton Ivery, a London publisher tory of the reign of George V, The him, and none too august: by some with impeccable credentials. Han- King’s Grace, Buchan paid a double- subtle alchemy he blended the arts novels and nay’s American associate, Blenki- edged compliment to Lloyd George of the prophet and the fishwife.’19 ron, describes him: ‘He was Liberal by contrasting him with the older Throughout the majority of his his public candidate for a London constitu- liberalism that he, Buchan, had adult life, Buchan drew on his ency and he has decorated the board reacted against when he was grow- experience of Scottish Liberals and discourse of every institution formed for the ing up. Lloyd George had: therefore associated Liberalism in amelioration of mankind.’ Ivery’s both his novels and his public dis- with those use of a Liberal persona to provide … unsurpassed demagogic tal- course with those he regarded as he regarded camouflage for his activities as a ents, and that rarer gift, a sense rootless emotional intellectuals and German spy in wartime England fits of political atmosphere. He secularised Nonconformists. Char- as rootless into Buchan’s increasingly negative might err in his ultimate judge- acters such as Craw and Cargill view of Liberals. By contrast, how- ments, but rarely in his immedi- who fit that mould appear in many emotional ever, when the novel’s action moves ate intuitions … he was always of his novels. Further, Buchan up to Glasgow, Hannay encounters human, and had none of the reacted very strongly against what intellectuals Andrew Amos, an old Borders radi- dogmatic rigidity, the lean spir- he saw as a change in political tone cal and trade union official. Amos itual pride, of the elder Liberal- on the part of the 1905–1915 Liberal and secular- describes his outlook thus: ism … Now [in the First World government away from the consen- War], he had found his proper sual unifying politics of Harting- ised Noncon- I’m for individual liberty and trade, and was emerging as one ton and Rosebery and towards a equal rights and chances for all of the most formidable figures sectional, class-warfare demagogu- formists. men. I’ll no more bow down in the world … He was a born ery exemplified by Lloyd George. before a Dagon of a Government coalitionist, sitting always loose In his 1909 article ‘The Intellec- official than before the Baal of to parties, a born War Minis- tual Bankruptcy of Liberalism’, a feckless Tweedside laird. I’ve ter, since strife was his element, published in Blackwood’s Magazine, to keep my views to mysel’, for and a born leader of a democ- Buchan coruscated the Liberal gov- thae young lads are all drucken- racy, indeed both in its strengths ernment for using its parliamentary daft with their wee books about and weaknesses, he was more majority to pass legislation that Cawpital and Collectivism and than a representative – he was a appealed to the interests of a variety a wheen long senseless words I personification.22 of different groups, while making wouldna fyle my tongue with. no effort to integrate the country’s Them and their socialism! Like many of his contemporary energy and aspirations into a pro- There’s more gumption in a page commentators, Buchan found gressive national and popular con- of John Stuart Mill than in all Lloyd George hard to compre- sensus.20 Likewise, Buchan thought that foreign trash. hend and characterise. After the the Liberal government’s response First World War, Buchan argued on Ireland was weak – neither fol- Amos is an appealing character in that the Liberals had no princi- lowing the constitutional logic the book and shows Buchan taking ples other than outdated ones. of home rule all round, which he one of the many rural working- The decline of the Liberal Party claimed he would have supported, class Scottish Liberals that he would after the war meant that Buchan nor simply imposing the law. have encountered in his childhood was here expressing a commonly Later, once he was himself an MP, and making him into a positive fig- held view. In a speech in October Buchan supported limited devo- ure in this novel.21 1928, he described Lloyd George’s lution to Scotland, including the Buchan had a romantic concep- speeches as ‘trying to find little establishment of a Scottish Office in tion of the nation and its leadership words to cover vacant spaces’ in

10 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction the Liberal Party’s approach and Steel-Maitland. Following his by- behind We Can Conquer Unem- policy.23 election victory, Buchan made his ployment, made nineteen net gains Exhausted by the war, dur- maiden speech in July on the subject and increased their representation ing which he had worked as both of the government’s plans to reform to fifty-nine MPs. For Buchan, a journalist and a propagandist, as the House of Lords, primarily by however, the election had proved well as writing some of his best- returning powers lost in the 1911 exhausting (he frequently suffered known novels, Buchan had initially Parliament Act. In accordance with from ill health) and he withdrew no inclination to stand for parlia- his rather maverick views, Buchan from public and professional life for ment. In his memoirs he states that: attacked both his own govern- the remainder of the year. ment’s plans and the Labour criti- Unemployment remained the The Armistice found me at the cism of them, to some approbation: leading political issue with which end of my tether and I straighta- ‘… there was so much applause MacDonald’s minority Labour way collapsed into bed. I was not that it was some minutes before government had to grapple. fit to stand for Parliament at the Lloyd George [who spoke imme- Buchan made a number of contri- ensuing election, nor did I want diately afterwards] could begin.’28 butions from the backbenches to to, for the pre-war party labels One parliamentary commentator this debate, including advocating seemed to me meaningless, so I described it as ‘not only the best a scheme for Empire resettlement withdrew my candidature and maiden speech I had ever heard, in Canada and criticising Labour’s induced my supporters to vote but that it was the best speech I had general inability to tackle the mat- for my previous opponent.24 heard in this Parliament.’29 Buchan ter. The Nation, a Liberal newspa- himself described it in his memoirs per, commented, ‘Each of them Although Maclean did not receive as ‘against the Government and my [Boothby and Buchan] would have the Coupon issued by Lloyd George own party, and that gave me a fillip. spoken with more appropriate- and Bonar Law, he had a straight Mr. Lloyd George, who followed ness from the Liberal benches, and fight with Labour, so the fact that he me, did me the honour to repeat my each, in attacking the record of this had Buchan’s support is not surpris- arguments in his own words …’30 Government, was attacking by ing. Buchan himself again turned Like Sir Robert Goodeve, the implication with greater force the down opportunities to stand in Tory MP in Buchan’s most politi- far more prolonged failure of their Peebles and Southern Midlothian cal novel, The Gap in the Curtain, own.’33 By late 1930, Buchan had in 1920 and then in 1922 in Central Buchan’s maiden speech was prob- begun to argue that the country Glasgow in succession to Bonar ably his most impressive achieve- needed a National Government to Law. However, following the sud- ment in parliamentary politics. deal with the matter. In parliament den death of one of the Unionist At Westminster he gravitated he said, ‘The advantage of such a incumbents, he did stand in a 1927 naturally towards those Tory MPs Government would be twofold. It by-election for the Combined Scot- such as Macmillan, Stanley, Elliot Like Sir Rob- would pool two things – brains and tish Universities seat.25 With no and Boothby who advocated the unpopularity.’34 This echoes a com- political work other than an elec- need for more state intervention ert Goodeve, ment by Labour politician Mayot tion address required and with in industry, further social reform to narrator and Tory MP Leithen the electors all voting by post this and the importance of the League the Tory MP in The Gap in the Curtain. The lat- seemed an ideal constituency. One of Nations and the Locarno Pact in ter asks the former what the differ- of the other incumbents was Dugald preventing another European war. in Buchan’s ence is between a coalition and a Cowan, a Liberal MP.26 Buchan He combined these views with a National Government: ‘ “A Coali- commented in his memoirs, looking focus on Scottish issues, includ- most politi- tion” he [Mayot] said gravely, “only back on his parliamentary career, ing opposition to local government shares the loot, but a National Gov- ‘I was elected as a Conservative, reform in that country. During the cal novel, ernment pools the brains.” ’35 for, believing in party government, third reading of the Local Govern- The Gap in the Curtain, published I disliked the name of Independ- ment (Scotland) Bill, Buchan said The Gap in in 1932, portrays British parlia- ent. But I held a university member ‘I am a Tory and so have not the mentary politics in the late 1920s should sit a little loose to parties, Whig distrust of State action. I am the Curtain, and is the Buchan novel in which and I was independent in fact, if not ready to admit that many activi- the Liberal Party features both in name.’27 Whilst this independence ties are better in the hands of the Buchan’s most strongly and most favour- of mind fitted with what, for a Tory, community than in the hands of ably. The title refers to a glimpse were iconoclastic views expressed individuals.’31 maiden of The Times a year ahead given to before the First World War, it was Buchan had an easy victory in five men whose stories are narrated less in tune with his friends’ sub- the May 1929 general election, top- speech was by Leithen. One sees an industrial sequent efforts to obtain him high ping the poll for the Combined probably his merger; two, including Goodeve office in the National Government Scottish Universities seat (Dugald referred to above, see their obituar- after 1931. Cowan, the Liberal, and George most impres- ies; a fourth sees his departure on The 1924 parliament was domi- Berry, Buchan’s fellow Tory, were an exploratory trip to Yucatan; and nated by the Conservatives, with also re-elected),32 however Labour sive achieve- the last, a former Tory free trader the Liberals reduced to forty seats won the most seats overall in that but now Labour Under-Secretary, following a catastrophic collapse election despite having polled ment in David Mayot, that there is a new at the general election. Many of fewer votes than the Conservatives. Prime Minister in the form of the the Tory Cabinet members were The Liberals, reinvigorated under parliamen- Liberal Party leader, Waldemar. old friends of Buchan such as Leo the leadership of Lloyd George and Leithen comments that Walde- Amery, F. E. Smith and Sir Arthur with added impetus from the work tary politics. mar was the ‘leader of the small,

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 11 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction compact and highly efficient Lib- some difficulty in accustoming Labour – which was not welcomed eral group. Within a year’s time, themselves to the language. You by many Conservatives. It is there- therefore, a remarkable adjustment see, the Liberals, having been fore not surprising that Baldwin of the parties would take place, long in the wilderness, were pre- was lobbied by Buchan’s friend Vio- and the leader of what was by far pared to follow any Moses who let Markham (who had contested the smallest party would be called would lead them across Jordan. Mansfield as an independent Liberal upon to form a Government.’ May- in 1918), through Tom Jones, the ot’s story depicts his attempt to Both Tories and Labour were Cabinet Deputy Secretary, to make make personal political capital out caught flat-footed – the election Buchan president of the Board of of that knowledge by working out resulted in 251 Labour, 112 Liber- Education. Jones records in his A how such a transformation could als, 290 Tories and 12 Independ- Diary with Letters 1931–1950 that he possibly occur. ents – and only Waldemar could be showed Markham’s letter to Bald- As that story develops, Buchan Prime Minister. As Buchan speak- win. Baldwin’s response to Jones deals with the parties, factions and ing as Leithen says, if only Mayot was apparently that ‘Buchan would characters of the period. In many had trimmed without any fore- be no use in the Cabinet’ and that respects they are caricatures: Wal- knowledge, then, as a competent the post had to go one of the Samu- demar, for instance, combines ele- centrist Labour leader of the larger elite Liberals. Jones goes on to refer ments of how a Tory might see party in the coalition, he would Waldemar, to his discussion with Baldwin Gladstone – ‘Waldemar was a relic have been Prime Minister instead about the merits and demerits of of Victorian Liberalism, a fanati- of Waldemar. for instance, Lord Lothian36 for the role and the cal free trader, an individualist of In the real world there were conclusion that Lothian’s Christian the old rock …’ – with Campbell- some similarities but these only combines Scientist views would make him Bannerman’s fondness for conti- went so far. By summer 1931, Brit- unacceptable to Roman Catholics. nental spas and Sir Edward Grey’s ain’s economic crisis had deterio- elements of Despite Jones’s view that ‘… of the love of bird watching. Nonethe- rated further and, in August, Sir men available among the Liber- less they are well drawn. The nar- George May’s report on national how a Tory als he [Lothian] is clearly the only rative develops in such a way that expenditure was published advo- possible person for promotion’,37 it Mayot’s hope of a Liberal–Labour cating huge reductions in govern- might see was Sir Donald Maclean – who had right coalition becomes plausible as ment expenditure. MacDonald’s been Buchan’s putative opponent in the country’s economic conditions Labour government collapsed and Gladstone – Peebles and Selkirk before the First worsen and unemployment soars, the National Government was World War – who became the new causing Labour’s left and the Tory formed. Despite Liberal opposi- ‘Waldemar president. According to the diary right to be marginalised. Mayot tion to another election, the new of military journalist Basil Liddell himself moves to the right, ruling government went to the polls in was a relic Hart, MacDonald had also sug- himself out of the Labour leader- October 1931 and won a landslide of Victorian gested to Buchan that he might be ship, in order to stay politically victory with 556 seats to 46 for the made Secretary of State for Scot- close to Waldemar. An election is opposition Labour Party. Further- Liberalism, land, but Buchan had declined. called following the retirement of more, far from being a ‘compact Here, again, the post went to a the Labour Prime Minister, Trant. and highly efficient … group’, by a fanatical Samuelite Liberal, Sir Archibald He is replaced as Labour leader the summer of 1931 the Liberals Sinclair, who subsequently became by Flotter, a compromise candi- were split three ways and largely free trader, Liberal Party leader between 1935 date between Labour’s left, right ineffectual in the Commons. and 1945.38 and centre factions with nothing Although the National Govern- an individu- Following the government’s in particular to recommend him. ment’s majority, after the October decision at Ottawa to make perma- However, in the course of the elec- 1931 election, rested overwhelm- alist of the nent a system of Empire trade tar- tion campaign Waldemar discov- ingly on the 472 Conservative MPs, iffs, thereby abandoning Britain’s ers the horrors of unemployment there were also 33 Liberals follow- old rock traditional commitment to free for himself – ‘went mad, or had a ing Sir Herbert Samuel, generally trade, Samuel, Sinclair and the Lib- call, or saw a vision like St Paul on committed to free trade, 35 more …’ – with eral ministers who followed them the road to Damascus. You can take who followed Sir John Simon, resigned in September 1932. Again, whichever explanation you choose’ more generally pragmatically pro- Campbell- Baldwin and MacDonald took the – and whilst remaining a free trader government whatever its policies, view that party balance within proposes a huge loan for emergency and 13 National Labour who con- Bannerman’s the National Government meant public work, which Mayot cannot tinued to support MacDonald. The that a Liberal, Sir Godfrey Col- credibly support as a result of his third Liberal faction consisted of fondness for lins,39 a follower of the other Lib- previous political manoeuvring. Lloyd George and three other MPs continen- eral group led by Sir John Simon, Waldemar’s subsequent whirlwind who were members of his family, should be appointed Secretary of oratorical tour makes an enormous who sat in opposition along with tal spas and State for Scotland. Buchan, like impact, winning support from the Labour Party. many Tories, found this adherence many on the Labour left. Buchan Naturally, the National Gov- Sir Edward to the demands of party balance writes: ernment reflected its component galling. Buchan wrote to Markham parts in the make-up of its Cabi- Grey’s love as follows: It was an awful position for eve- net, although there was a greater rybody else. His own party, weighting towards the three minor- of bird What is the good of kow-towing with a few exceptions, accepted ity parties – the Samuelite Liberals, to the Simonites, who are indis- him docilely, though they had the Simonite Liberals and National watching. tinguishable from the ordinary

12 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction

Tories, except that they are more Despite his in the Labour and Tory leaders, it. He had met Mackenzie King at reactionary and who would Trant and Geraldine, portrayed in Chatsworth in the autumn of 1923 not exist for a moment in Par- previous The Gap in the Curtain. at a country-house party organ- liament except by our permis- Despite not obtaining a gov- ised by the Devonshires. Violet sion? I gather that the excessive approba- ernment post, Buchan served on Markham subsequently wrote to attention paid to them was not a number of bodies including the Susan Buchan, ‘You and John were Ramsay’s doing, but SB [Stanley tion, King BBC General Advisory Council out and away the nicest people he Baldwin]’s, who is apt to make and the School Age Council that had met in England’,46 and so before a fetish of magnanimity. But could not lobbied to raise the school-leaving the appointment, the Canadian my real objection is to their sec- resist com- age to fifteen. He continued, how- held Buchan in very high esteem, ond rate ability. If the National ever, to hope he could become a although that did not wholly survive Government means anything, it menting on Cabinet minister and by 1934 had his arrival at Rideau Hall in Ottawa. should be a pooling of the best become part of the circle of the Buchan’s parliamentary col- talents … Scotland is going to be Buchan that political hostess, the Marchioness leagues were sorry to see him go. a very difficult post in the near of Londonderry. Her lobbying of Attlee, Labour leader since Octo- future, and Godfrey Collins, ‘It confirms Baldwin and MacDonald however ber 1935, wrote, ‘We shall miss the Scottish Secretary, is simply proved no more successful than you very much in the House for preposterous.’40 the view that Markham’s efforts on Buchan’s although you spoke seldom, your behalf. Andrew Lownie discusses influence was pervading and you Here again, in Buchan’s view, the where a man in his biography why Buchan will leave a gap which will not be real National Government of the never made it to the Cabinet. He easy to fill in the scanty ranks of 1931–1935 parliament had not met is a Tory, Tory dismisses age as a factor, although those who are to large extent above the standards set out in his fiction. this was the explanation offered the battle’. 47 Despite some initial Although never in office, and instincts by Lothian: Neville Chamberlain, qualms, Buchan eventually agreed despite his grumblings, Buchan for example, was first elected at a to take a peerage to provide him did assist Baldwin and MacDon- are apt to similar age and promoted to Min- with the requisite dignity to act as ald with their speeches, acted as a ister of Health within five years. Governor General. In July he took confidant and provided advice on be stronger Likewise, Lownie points out that his seat in the House of Lords as proposed policies and other politi- Churchill continued to write as a Lord Tweedsmuir of Elsfield before cal personalities. Both Baldwin and than almost journalist and author without hin- arriving in Quebec at the begin- MacDonald were political leaders dering his career. Furthermore, ning of November 1935. The Gov- that Buchan admired. Baldwin was anything as referred to above, Buchan was ernor General’s role was to perform seen as a progressive Conservative – else, no trusted by both Baldwin and Mac- the function of the constitutional straightforwardly patriotic. He was Donald as a discreet adviser, rebut- monarch within the Canadian con- a believer in social, industrial and matter how ting some of the other explanations text, which proved challenging international conciliation, some- offered for his failure to become a for Buchan. During a dispute with thing of a scholar-statesman, and democratic minister. Lownie concludes that Mackenzie King over the award- willing to believe the best in people Buchan’s ill health and a tempera- ing of honours to Canadian civil – all traits that appealed to Buchan. in utterance ment ill suited to the necessary servants, Buchan used the phrase ‘I MacDonald, he felt, possessed compromises of peacetime govern- would advise you to consider’. King both heart and nerves, together and appear- ment were more significant fac- noted in his diary that providing with a willingness to seek Buchan’s tors.42 In addition, although he was advice was not the role of the Gov- advice; he cited the fact that Mac- ance one may an assiduous attender at Westmin- ernor General. Despite his previ- Donald had fought Seaham for ster, his speeches were too polished, ous approbation, King could not National Labour in 1931, when he be.’ too balanced and too intellec- resist commenting on Buchan that knew the electoral battle would be tual to win the approbation of his ‘It confirms the view that where very tough. However this appro- MP colleagues. As Lownie says, a man is a Tory, Tory instincts are bation did not last long. MacDon- Buchan’s qualities were not those of apt to be stronger than almost any- ald was too ready to despise those a successful politician: he was too thing else, no matter how demo- politicians who did not share his thoughtful, too courteous and too cratic in utterance and appearance background (nearly all in practice), sensitive.43 one may be.’48 And to Buchan, Mac- and as his fitness to take difficult However, Buchan had not been kenzie King had many of those decisions deteriorated, he became overlooked for all governmental characteristics that had turned him reliant on morning walks round St roles and it was his appointment to against Liberalism in Scotland at James’s Park with Buchan to steady Canada that brought him into con- the beginning of his career: his those nerves, whilst obtaining tact with Mackenzie King,44 argu- unctuousness, his sentimentality, updates about political gossip and ably the most successful Liberal his spiritualism and his devotion to developments. Nevertheless, on politician in the twentieth century. his mother. Significantly, King had MacDonald’s death in 1937, Buchan In early 1934, the Governor Gen- placed in Laurier House (his then wrote, ‘I think he was one of the eral of Canada, Lord Bessborough, residence as Prime Minister) an bravest men I have ever known’.41 decided not to continue. Macken- oil painting of his mother reading So, although the National Gov- zie King, the Liberal Prime Minis- Morley’s Life of Gladstone, with the ernment did not meet the expecta- ter of Canada, then lobbied Clive page open at the chapter heading tions he had of it, Buchan retained Wigram, George V’s secretary, for ‘The Prime Minister’. considerable faith in its leaders, and Buchan’s appointment.45 By March As well as the difficulty of man- their characteristics shone through 1935 Buchan had decided to take aging the strains and tensions of his

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 13 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction relationship with Mackenzie King, Buchan com- into them. The origins of Buchan’s Mr Gladstone, to trouble the waters Buchan’s appointment as Governor political views came from the Scot- even at the expense of our peace of General almost brought to an end ments in his tish political culture of the late nine- mind. I would have been happier if his active involvement in politics. teenth century. His Unionism was I could have found a leader, whose However Buchan was visiting Brit- memoirs, ‘I as much a reaction against a particu- creed I fully shared and whom I ain at the time of the Munich Crisis lar form of Gladstonian Liberalism could devoutly follow.’54 Never- in September 1938 and he engaged longed for dominant in much of lowland-Scots theless his novels do provide an in long discussions with Chamber- political and religious life at that insight into the Liberal types of the lain (Prime Minister since 1937), someone of time as it was a positive espousal of early twentieth century as seen by a Halifax and the other key National any form of ideological Conserva- humane, insightful outsider, him- Government ministers. Like most prophetic tism. It reflected his ‘generous lik- self brought up in a strongly Liberal establishment politicians he sup- strain, some- ing of men and things as they are, rural society whilst being intimate ported Chamberlain’s course of and a thorough impatience with the with the high politics of Westmin- action, although Buchan thought one like Mr doctrinaires who wanted to alter ster and Whitehall. This makes his that Chamberlain’s presenting it as them because they did not comply novels and short stories a rewarding a triumph on his return to Britain Gladstone, with some arbitrary pattern.’53 Parry read for the historian of the early was a mistake. goes on to argue that Buchan felt twentieth century, even if the real- Although Buchan had portrayed to trouble that the pandering to special inter- ity of the National Government’s Liberals and the Liberal Party with ests exemplified in the Newcastle power-broking and balancing of a mixture of affection and ridicule the waters Programme, and the splintering the interests of the different fac- in his novels and had never shown of the broad Liberal coalition as a tions was a long way away from the any particular sympathy for the even at the result of the departure of the Whigs romance of politics as portrayed in party in his public life, towards and the followers of Joseph Cham- The Gap in the Curtain and his many the end of his life, this changed. expense of berlain, had ended the Liberal Par- other novels. Buchan revisited his political ty’s ability to appeal to the whole beliefs and reread Morley’s Life of our peace country. By contrast the Union- Malcolm Baines read history at Selwyn Gladstone (although there is no evi- ists of the late nineteenth century College, Cambridge, before completing a dence that this was at Mackenzie of mind. I seemed more above class conflict D.Phil. thesis entitled ‘The Survival of King’s suggestion). Thereafter, in and closer to the religious values the British Liberal Party, 1932–1959’ at January 1940, he wrote to his old would have that Buchan valued. However, forty Exeter College, Oxford. He now lives Liberal friends Gilbert Murray49 years later the appeal of Conserva- and works in London as the tax manager and H. A. L. Fisher50 that he was been hap- tism had itself ebbed following the of a French multinational group. He is a becoming a Gladstonian Liberal. pier if I could resignation of Baldwin as Prime member of the John Buchan Society. He quoted with approval to Mur- Minister in 1937, whilst, paradoxi- ray that Gladstone had inspired have found cally, as Liberalism declined in pop- 1 Richard Haldane (1856–1928). MP men to fight materialism, compla- ular appeal Buchan became more for Haddingtonshire 1885–1911. Sec- cency and authoritarianism, values a leader, sympathetic to it. Buchan felt that retary of State for War 1905–1912. exemplified by Nazism. Having his own political failure had shown Viscount Haldane 1911–1928. Lord rejected what he had previously whose that the Tory hierarchy was just as Chancellor 1912–1915 and 1924. seen as meaningless Liberal plati- stuck in the past – and that Bald- Buchan discusses his friendship with tudes, Buchan admitted in those creed I fully win’s high-minded rhetoric was no him in his memoirs, Memory Hold- letters that the war and the Nazi more than that. the-Door (London, 1940), pp. 128–133. threat had given substance to ‘just shared and Despite Parry’s comments, 2 John Buchan, The Thirty-Nine Steps those platitudes about which the Buchan’s politics were those of an (first published 1915), p. 41 of ‘Four world must be again convinced’.51 whom I could enlightened Unionist throughout Tales’ edition published 1939. A month later he died following a his political career. Although his 3 Henry Pelling, Social Geography of stroke and Buchan’s ashes were sub- devoutly views often overlapped with Lib- British Elections 1885–1910 (London, sequently returned to the UK and eral ones, to the extent that many 1967), p. 397. buried at Elsfield, his country home follow.’ important Liberals could see him 4 Buchan, The Thirty-Nine Steps. in Oxfordshire. being a leading light in either of 5 Pelling, Social Geography, p. 374, Parry concludes in his essay that the two main parties before the argues that this was in fact quite Buchan was a type of Victorian Lib- First World War, his Toryism was common among Church of Scotland eral. He cites the weight Buchan forged in the reaction against Glad- clergy of the period. placed on the importance of good, stone’s enthusiasm for Irish home 6 J. P. Parry, ‘From the Thirty-Nine disinterested political leadership to rule. Buchan, it is fair to say, never Articles to the Thirty-Nine Steps: provide moral stewardship and a warmed to the character of twen- Reflections on the thought of John unifying figure for the nation as a tieth-century politics – the poli- Buchan’, in Michael Bentley (ed.), whole.52 This, though, was seen by tics of party machines and interest Public and Private Doctrine: Essays Buchan as coming from the Con- groups. His romantic view of in British History Presented to Mau- servative rather than the Liberal causes, the importance of history rice Cowling (Cambridge University Party, particularly after Gladstone’s and leadership was always going to Press, 1993). Buchan, Memory, p. 248. decision to support the cause of Irish be rebuffed by what he perceived as 7 Norman Grosvenor (1845–1898). Lib- home rule in 1886. Parry’s com- the mediocrity of most inter-war eral MP for Chester 1869 –1874. ments, however, reflect his own politicians. Buchan comments in 8 Janet Adam Smith, John Buchan: A perspective on Victorian Liberalism his memoirs, ‘I longed for someone biography (Oxford Paperbacks, 1985), and too much should not be read of prophetic strain, someone like p. 180.

14 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 liberalism and liberal politicians in john buchan’s life and fiction

9 Buchan, Memory, p.147 (1910). 35 John Buchan, The Gap in the 43 Ibid., p. 227. 10 Adam Smith, John Buchan, p. 180. 20 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, p. Curtain (1932). 44 Mackenzie King, Prime Minis- 11 Pelling, Social Geography, pp. 227. 36 Lord Lothian (formerly Philip ter of Canada 1921–1926, 1926– 396–397. 21 John Buchan, Mr Standfast (1919). Kerr) (1882–1940). Private Secre- 1930, 1935–1948. 12 Donald Maclean (1864–1932). 22 John Buchan, The King’s Grace tary to Lloyd George 1916–1921. 45 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 242. MP for Bath 1906–1910, Peebles (1935), pp. 186–187. Chancellor of the Duchy of 46 Adam Smith, John Buchan, pp. and Selkirk 1910–1918, Peebles 23 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, Lancaster 1932–1932. Under- 246–247. and South Midlothian 1918–1922 p. 228; reported in The Times, 30 Secretary of State for India 1932. 47 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 245. and North Cornwall 1929–1932. Oct. 1928. Ambassador to the United States 48 Ibid,. pp. 252–253. Leader of the Opposition 1918– 24 Buchan, Memory, pp. 179–180. 1939–1940. 49 Gilbert Murray (1866–1957). 1920. President of the Board of 25 The result was: Buchan 16,963; 37 Thomas Jones, A Diary with Let- Classical scholar and Liberal. Education 1931–1932. Labour 2,378. ters 1931–1950 (1954), pp. 42–44. Contested Oxford University 13 Pelling, Social Geography, pp. 26 Dugald Cowan (1865–1933). 38 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 218. Sir between 1919 and 1929 as a Lib- 396–397. Headmaster North Kelvinside Archibald Sinclair (1890–1970). eral candidate. 14 Andrew Lownie, John Buchan: Higher Grade School, 1896– MP for Caithness and Suther- 50 Herbert Fisher (1865–1940). The Presbyterian Cavalier (Con- 1919. Coalition Liberal and then land 1922–1945. Secretary of Liberal MP for Sheffield Hallam stable, 1995), p. 106. Liberal MP for Combined Scot- State for Scotland 1931–1932. 1916–1918. Liberal MP for Com- 15 Adam Smith, John Buchan, p. 181. tish Universities 1918–1933. Leader of Liberal Party 1935– bined English Universities 1918– 16 John Buchan, Castle Gay (1930). 27 Buchan, Memory, p. 222. 1945. Secretary of State for Air 1926. President of the Board of 17 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 106. 28 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 208. 1940–1945. Education 1916–1922. Only in the 1900 general election 29 Ibid., p. 209. 39 Sir Godfrey Collins (1875–1936). 51 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, p. did the Liberals not win a major- 30 Buchan, Memory, p. 225. MP for Greenock 1910–1936. 234. ity of Scottish constituencies in 31 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 211. Secretary of State for Scotland 52 Ibid., p. 235. the elections between 1885 and 32 The result was: Buchan 9,959; 1932–1936. 53 Gilbert Murray, Preface to Lady December 1910. other Tory 9,262; Cowan 6,698; 40 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 221. Tweedsmuir (ed.), The Clearing 18 Parry, ‘Thirty-Nine Articles’, p. Labour 2,867. 41 Adam Smith, John Buchan, p. 329. House: A John Buchan Anthology 226. 33 Lownie, John Buchan, p. 213. 42 Lownie, John Buchan, pp. (London, 1946) p. viii. 19 John Buchan, A Lucid Interval 34 Ibid., pp. 214–215. 224–225. 54 Buchan, Memory, pp. 227–228.

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 15 The Strange Death of Liberal Birmingham

While George n 1868 John Bright had also a key actor in the great Liberal famously declared Birming- schism of 1886, represented the city Dangerfield’s Iham to be as Liberal as the sea in parliament from 1857 until his entertaining classic The is salt. From 1886 until 1969 no death in 1889. Chamberlain, singled Liberal represented any Birming- out by the Irish Nationalist leader Strange Death of Liberal ham constituency, and in the years Charles Stewart Parnell as ‘the man before the outbreak of war in 1914 who killed Home Rule’, went on England (1935) must the Liberal Party was also strug- to play a critical role in the making be taken with a large gling to maintain a minority pres- and shaping of Unionism, assert- ence on a City Council it had once ing a control over Birmingham’s pinch of salt, there can so effortlessly monopolised. Bir- politics without parallel anywhere mingham’s politics did not fit easily else in urban Britain. The tenta- be no gainsaying the into the national trend and its polit- cles of Chamberlain’s influence strange death of Liberal ical behaviour has been described as reached out also into the region of ‘exceptionalism’, the main feature which Birmingham was the heart, Birmingham. Strange, of which was the consistent sup- his hegemony in the three counties port given by an overwhelmingly adjacent to Birmingham conceded because a city which working-class electorate to par- by his fellow Unionist leaders. As ties conventionally described as the Birmingham Liberals were for half a century had right wing. Birmingham therefore driven relentlessly to the sidelines, had a plausible claim to seemed to defy the generalisation it was fatally easy for them to pin that politics was becoming increas- their travails on ‘the cult of per- being the most Radical ingly class-based. This pattern con- sonality’: understandable but not tinued through successive decades in itself a sufficient explanation. in Britain became, in the and was not finally broken until There were of course other factors aftermath of ‘the great 1945. The ‘exceptionalism’ of Bir- at work, by no means all peculiar mingham and, to a lesser extent, its to Birmingham. Whilst the dam- geological rift’ of 1886, region had an important bearing age done to the party by the schism on national politics, underpinning of 1886 is undeniable, it has been a principal stronghold the hegemony of the Conservative commonly argued by historians of Unionism, and Party in the years between 1886 and that the drift away from Liberal- 1906 and again in the two decades ism was already evident a decade more especially of its between the wars.1 or so earlier. Theodor Hoppen, for Right: Joseph The interplay of personalities is instance, discerned a trend of disaf- Liberal variety. Roger Chamberlain one of the more intriguing dimen- fection among the middle classes in Ward examines the speaking at sions of politics, the importance of the 1870s: Birmingham which should never be underesti- strange death of Liberal Town Hall in the mated. Birmingham was for a gen- Disraeli, by some imperceptible 1890s, watched eration the power base of Joseph and probably passive process, Birmingham. by his wife Chamberlain, while John Bright, was more and more successful in

16 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 The Strange Death of Liberal Birmingham

making the Liberal Party seem dangerous to men of property.2

In the specific case of Birmingham, Asa Briggs perceived:

… signs of resistance to the long Liberal sway, signs which can be traced in the local press, in municipal election results, in pamphlets and political squibs, and in the School Board campaigns.3

On this reading, the split over Irish home rule, however crucial, was not the sole reason for the crisis which kept the Liberal Party out of power for two decades, however much it may have accelerated trends already in train. Birmingham, Eng- land’s second city, provided the most spectacular example of Lib- eral decline.

Prelude The 1870s have often been referred to as ‘the Liberal Golden Age’ in Birmingham’s political history. In truth, this description could well be applied to the first half-century of Birmingham’s existence as a parlia- mentary borough from 1832 and an incorporated borough from 1838. Thirteen men represented Bir- mingham in parliament between 1832 and 1886. All, with the single exception of Richard Spooner from 1844 to 1847, were Radical Liberals.

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 17 the strange death of liberal birmingham

When the first borough council prepared for battle in characteris- of proposals upon which all their was elected on Boxing Day 1838, tic fashion by launching a series of potential supporters could agree all successful candidates were Lib- reform proposals which George rendered them politically impotent, erals, notwithstanding that Tories Goschen dubbed ‘the unauthor- but questions concerning Britain’s had contested all forty-eight seats. ised programme’. The Birming- trade policy and its relationship to In 1865 the Birmingham Liberal ham Conservative Association Empire became part of Britain’s Association (BLA) was formed. In (BCA) had enormously improved table talk from the 1880s onwards.6 1868 it was reorganised to defeat its organisation in the previous Its effect on Liberal ideology should the minority clause of the Second few years and expectations were not be underestimated. For many, Reform Act of 1867 and ensured aroused by the patronage of Lord especially among middle-class that all three Birmingham MPs Randolph Churchill, who calcu- entrepreneurs, Cobdenism ceased were Liberals. The ‘caucus’, as Dis- lated that success in Birmingham to be a matter of faith as Britain raeli dubbed the BLA, was widely would be the quickest route to experienced bouts of depression recognised then and later as the political advancement. He pitched in an era of intensifying economic most effective political organisa- himself against John Bright in the competition. tion of its day and was widely imi- Central Division where many busi- Fair trade was, however, tated, not least by its Tory critics. nessmen were located. The ‘cau- reduced to insignificance when Its theory of representative gov- cus’ duly went into action and the compared to the issue of Ireland. ernment was a simple one – winner Conservatives were repelled in all Parnell had committed the strate- takes all – and it enforced a Liberal seven divisions, Churchill losing gic blunder of throwing the Irish monopoly on all elected positions. to Bright by a margin of 773 votes. vote behind the Tories and his Purging the council of opponents Though a disappointment for the eighty-six MPs were just sufficient of reform, it provided the platform BCA, it could take comfort from its to maintain Salisbury’s government for the Joseph Chamberlain-led combined poll of some 23,000 votes in office. It was an unstable situa- ‘municipal revolution’ of the 1870s against the Liberals’ 34,000, a mod- tion which could not last, and in which, together with his militant est improvement on 1880 and par- December Herbert Gladstone’s fly- role in the National Education ticularly on 1874 when it had failed ing of ‘the Hawarden kite’, inform- League, established his national to field a candidate. Its performance ing the press that his father was reputation as ‘the most outstanding in municipal elections, however, contemplating the establishment of mayor in English history.’4 In 1876 continued to be dismal and the evi- a parliament in Dublin, signalled a he replaced George Dixon as Bir- dence of this led Michael Hurst to new and momentous departure. In mingham’s third MP and quickly reject Briggs’ contention that the January 1886 the government fell established a reputation as a leading Tories were making progress.5 as a result of an amendment to the Radical. In 1877 he founded and The result of the general elec- Chamberlain address composed by Chamberlain led the National Liberal Federation tion of November 1885 fell short of believed that and proposed by Collings. The Lib- (NLF) with the intention of making Liberal expectations. Chamberlain eral split began at that point, Lord it a platform for a Radical push for believed that his proposals for the his proposals Hartington and his Whig followers control of the party. In 1880 Glad- provision of allotments and small- declining to join Gladstone’s third stone reluctantly included him in holdings (‘three acres and a cow’) for the provi- administration. his government as president of the had had a positive effect in rural The events that followed pro- Board of Trade and in campaigning constituencies but lamented the sion of allot- vide an exemplary illustration of strenuously for the Third Reform absence of ‘an urban cow’. Cham- the importance of personal relations Act of 1884 he was placing himself berlain attributed the comparative ments and in politics. Chamberlain, offered firmly in the Birmingham tradition strength of the Tories in urban con- the Admiralty in the new admin- laid down by Thomas Attwood and stituencies to fair trade propaganda, smallhold- istration, understandably refused John Bright. Thanks to his close which was a prominent issue in a and requested the Colonial Office friendship and alliance with Sir general election for the first time. ings (‘three instead. This was rejected by Glad- Charles Dilke at the Local Govern- All seven Tory candidates in Bir- stone, who considered the position ment Board, Birmingham received mingham espoused fair trade with acres and a of Secretary of State to be above favourable treatment in the Redis- varying degrees of enthusiasm and Chamberlain’s status and experi- tribution of Seats Act of 1885. Its the same was true in large parts of cow’) had ence. The two men settled on the parliamentary cohort increased the region. ‘I believe the serious appropriate but junior office of the from three to seven, a level at which cause of failure was the Fair Trade had a posi- Local Government Board. Glad- it remained until 1918. cry to which sufficient attention stone compounded his poor man- Salisbury’s insistence on cou- has not been given by the Liberal tive effect in management by seeking to reduce pling the Redistribution Act with Party’, wrote Chamberlain to a rural constit- the junior ministerial salaries of the Third Reform Act was rooted friend. As president of the Board of Chamberlain’s acolytes Jesse Coll- in the calculation that the transi- Trade in the previous government uencies but ings and Henry Broadhurst. Har- tion from the list system to sin- it had fallen to his lot to defend free court, the new Chancellor of the gle member constituencies would trade, which he had done trench- lamented Exchequer, stepped into the row advantage the Conservative Party. antly. He was aided and abetted by and persuaded Gladstone to change This system change, together with the old warhorse John Bright, who the absence his mind. It was a grave error to the enfranchisement of some two accused the Tories of returning to alienate Chamberlain, a good million new voters, made the gen- protection ‘like a dog to his vomit’. of ‘an urban friend to those willing to subordi- eral election of 1885 a particu- The failure of the fair trad- nate themselves to his imperious larly intriguing one. Chamberlain ers to come up with a coherent set cow’. will but an implacable opponent.

18 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 the strange death of liberal birmingham

Already he harboured an animus His proposals Frank Schnadhorst, secretary of of reform there. But the obstruc- against Parnell, whom he believed both the BLA and the NLF. On 21 tionist behaviour of Parnell’s party to have reneged on an agreement for reforms in April, Chamberlain made his case at Westminster and the multi- to support his proposed reforms of to a crowded and excited meeting ple acts of violence committed by Irish local government, and against Ireland had of the Liberal ‘2000’. Whatever his nationalists both in Ireland and on Cardinal Manning and the Irish inner feelings he dared not attack the mainland had disgusted him. bishops who had first encouraged consistently Irish home rule in principle and Bright took to calling the Irish and then discouraged a proposed centred his criticism on Gladstone’s Nationalists the ‘rebel party’ and visit to Ireland. Chamberlain’s feel- stopped proposals and especially on non- suspected that they hated England ings of antipathy towards the Glad- retention of Irish MPs at Westmin- more than they loved Ireland. He stone–Parnell combination made short of inde- ster, a test of whether or not Ireland did not believe that they would his acquiescence to anything they pendence. To would remain a part of Great abide by any agreement and feared proposed less likely. His own pro- Britain. By expressing its contin- for the predominantly Protestant posals for the reform of local gov- Chamberlain, ued confidence in Chamberlain, people of Ulster. It was Bright who ernment in Ireland, which would the meeting endorsed his demand coined the phrase ‘Home Rule have entailed the establishment of Ireland was for amendments to the bill but Dr is Rome Rule’.8 Bright was, as a central board in Dublin, had been Robert Dale, the chairman, made it always, his own man. He resisted rejected in Cabinet in the previous not a nation clear that Gladstone’s leadership of the blandishments of Gladstone May. Insinuations on the part of his the party was not in question. Dale, and refused to join either of the critics that he had shown inconsist- but a prov- a Congregational minister and Unionist factions but he did send ency on the question of Irish inde- chairman of the Central Noncon- a letter to Chamberlain stating pendence cannot be sustained. His ince which formist Committee, was a highly his intention to vote against the proposals for reforms in Ireland had influential figure in Birmingham second reading of the bill, a let- consistently stopped short of inde- must remain politics, sympathetic to Cham- ter Chamberlain used to stiffen the pendence. To Chamberlain, Ire- berlain but anxious to protect the backbones of potential refuseniks. land was not a nation but a province subject to the unity of the Liberal Party. Cham- Bright’s known opposition was which must remain subject to the berlain had surmounted one hurdle also, of course, a great asset in Bir- imperial parliament at Westmin- imperial par- but suffered a sharp setback in May mingham where he was trusted, ster. He agreed to join the govern- when, at a meeting of the NLF in even revered. Shannon is not alone ment since Gladstone had not yet liament at London, Gladstone was given an in believing that the ‘most damag- revealed his hand. When Gladstone enthusiastic vote of confidence and ing blow struck at Gladstone was did so, Chamberlain drew the infer- Westminster. Chamberlain came under sharp by Bright’.9 ence that the proposals would lead and very personal attack. The Bir- The alienation felt by Bright was inevitably to Irish independence mingham delegates all resigned and no doubt widespread. Many peo- and on 26 March 1886 he resigned the headquarters of the NLF was ple were shocked by the violence along with Sir George Trevelyan, moved from Birmingham to Lon- which seemed inseparable from the Secretary of State for Scotland. The don. Gladstone was plainly win- Irish nationalist cause. The atti- animus between Gladstone and ning the contest for Radical hearts tude expressed by a Birmingham Chamberlain became more overt and minds. The loss of the NLF journal, The Gridiron, was widely when, on 9 April, Gladstone several entailed the loss of Frank Schnad- replicated: times interrupted Chamberlain’s horst who moved to London where resignation speech, claiming – erro- he became a close adviser to the Whilst Birmingham leads the neously – that Chamberlain did Prime Minister. Chamberlain was van in every struggle for free- not have the Queen’s permission to bitterly offended by the actions of dom, she has no sympathy for refer to a proposed Land Purchase the NLF, upset too by the growing the cut-throats who mutilate Bill which had been discussed in gulf between himself and erstwhile women and maim cattle, and call Cabinet but not yet in parliament. friends and allies, especially John that a struggle for freedom.10 It was, as Lord Randolph Church- Morley and Sir Charles Dilke. ill so aptly said, ‘diamond cut dia- Among those seeking to console Any animus felt towards the Irish mond’. The Liberal split deepened Chamberlain was John Bright: cannot be explained by reference as Chamberlain set about rallying to large-scale immigration. Pelling Radical opposition to Gladstone’s Jealousy is the great enemy of estimates the Irish population of proposals. union and Birmingham has Birmingham to have been no more been too large and too earnest to than 1 per cent and considers them please those affected by envy.7 to have been well integrated into The reaction in Birmingham the community.11 Retaining support in his stronghold Bright’s own opposition to Glad- The view expressed by Salisbury in Birmingham was vital to Cham- stone’s Home Rule Bill was a huge that the Irish were no more fit for berlain. Even here, where his sup- asset to the Unionists, the doubts self-government than the Hotten- port was greatest, it was a high-risk and suspicions many Liberals felt tots was dismissive and contemptu- strategy to set himself against the about Chamberlain’s conduct could ous but may have struck a chord.12 GOM, whose charisma and author- scarcely apply to Bright, a great In nailing the Liberal Party’s col- ity was so much greater than his moral force – especially among ours to the mast of Irish home rule own. Already supporters warned Nonconformists. For much of and choosing partnership with Par- him of currents of criticism, which Bright’s life he had been a friend of nell as opposed to seeking compro- he came especially to associate with Ireland and a consistent supporter mise with the Unionists in his party

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 19 the strange death of liberal birmingham

Gladstone was, as it proved, court- Birmingham and Joseph Powell Williams. Both League.15 Chamberlain had been ing electoral disaster. under Kenrick and Powell Williams were at pains to express his support for On 7 June 1886 the second read- Chamberlain: the Chamberlain acolytes, bound to trade union principles and had cul- ing of the Irish Home Rule Bill Bull Ring in the him by personal loyalty. Bright, tivated leading trade unionists such was defeated by 343 to 313. Of the 1880s of course, was very much his own as W. J. Davis, founder and leader ninety-three Liberals who voted man and so too was Dixon, who of the Brassworkers’ Society, whom against, at least two-thirds looked by no means always saw eye to eye he had sponsored for election to to Hartington for leadership, but with Chamberlain. In his address the Birmingham School Board in most of the obloquy fell on Cham- to the electors of Edgbaston, Dixon 1876 and the town council in 1880. berlain. Cries of ‘Judas’ and ‘Trai- set out his objections to home rule, When Chamberlain stood for Shef- tor’ pursued him as he left the making it plain that his main objec- field in 1874 it was at the invitation chamber and Parnell famously tion was to Gladstone’s proposed of the Sheffield Trades Council.16 muttered ‘There goes the man who Land Bill which he feared could The Unionists therefore could killed Home Rule’. Again Bright cost the British taxpayer as much reasonably expect to command sought to console him. In a letter as £150 million.14 Dixon, was, and support from across the electoral dated 28 August 1886 he wrote: remained, a very committed free spectrum. The remaining two MPs trader and may have been influ- had voted with the Gladstonians, I look on this chaos with some- enced by Parnell’s hints that an though reluctantly. Broadhurst thing like disgust – and won- independent Ireland would resort was a protégé of Chamberlain but der that anyone should place to protection. On the positive side, saved his patron embarrassment by the blame anywhere but on Mr. Dixon advocated agrarian reform deserting Birmingham for Not- Gladstone, at whose door lies the and a devolution of powers which tingham. Chamberlain seized the confusion which prevails.13 would be capable of extension to opportunity to bring in his friend other parts of the United Kingdom. and ally Jesse Collings, recently Gladstone dissolved parliament The five Unionists represented a unseated in Ipswich for electoral and appealed to the electorate in formidable phalanx. All were suc- fraud. Collings, a former alderman what became a very confused gen- cessful men of business and all but and mayor, was a popular figure in eral election. In Birmingham a Bright could boast a distinguished the town but nevertheless met with middle group led by Dr Dale and record of municipal service and of considerable opposition among J. T. Bunce, editor of the Birming- philanthropy. There could be little the Liberals of Bordesley, many of ham Daily Post and the most influ- doubt that their objection to home whom expressed a preference for ential publicist of his time in the rule would carry great weight Schnadhorst, evidence of unrest Midlands, was highly sympathetic among Birmingham’s middle-class among activists at the grass roots. to Chamberlain but was above all voters. These men, and especially The remaining division, East Bir- anxious to retain the unity of the Chamberlain and Dixon, also had mingham, posed by far the greatest Liberal Party. This could best be great credibility with the organ- problem. Alderman William Cook, done by returning all existing Lib- ised working class. The Birming- a pin and rivet manufacturer, was a eral MPs. Five of the seven had ham Trades Council had given much respected figure in the town come out for Unionism: Chamber- firm support to their campaigns and in 1885 had defeated Churchill’s lain, Bright, Joe’s brother-in-law for education reform and had affili- protégé Henry Matthews. Cook William Kenrick, George Dixon ated to the National Educational had voted in the Gladstonian lobby

20 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 the strange death of liberal birmingham but he subsequently declared him- was an Irish nationalist MP, John between the 316 Conservatives and self ready to support amendments Redmond. There was growing the 191 Liberals and their 86 Irish to the bill, making it more difficult evidence, too, of Gladstonian sup- Nationalist allies. The majority, to oppose his re-election. port in the Divisional Councils – the followers of Hartington, found Division among Liberals was opposition to Collings in Bordesley cooperation with the Tories con- by no means Chamberlain’s only and Kenrick in North Birmingham genial. Not so the Radical Union- worry. The long persecuted Bir- while even Dixon in Edgbaston was Alarmed by ists, who found themselves aligned mingham Tories were not unnatu- requested to support in the coming with groups they had previously rally delighted by Liberal disarray parliament ‘a measure for the estab- the drift of regarded as enemies and rivals. and sought to reap electoral advan- lishment of a legislative assembly Their discomfort was reflected in tage. They were hindered, how- in Ireland for the control of Irish Liberal opin- defections and a number of by- ever, by Salisbury’s decision not affairs’.19 election defeats. Chamberlain’s to oppose the return to parliament Alarmed by the drift of Liberal ion Cham- personal support was estimated of Liberal Unionists. The mutual opinion Chamberlain responded berlain by observers to be no more than a hostility of Conservatives and Lib- characteristically by convening a dozen, a ‘family and friends’ fac- eral Unionists would be a perennial meeting in the Birmingham and responded tion. The situation of the Radi- feature of Birmingham politics for Midland Institute to form his own cal Unionists was precarious and years to come, manifesting itself pressure group, the National Radi- character- many people believed that it was especially in municipal elections in cal Union. The attendance was only a matter of time before they which the issue of Ireland appeared depressingly small and attendees istically by returned to the Liberal fold or faced an irrelevancy.17 Chamberlain could plainly hear the sounds of oblivion. dared not be seen openly to coop- the larger gathering across Cham- convening Reunion, however, depended on erate either with Salisbury’s Tories berlain Square.20 The election a willingness to compromise. Per- or Hartington’s faction although that followed in July, however, a meeting sonal factors intruded. Gladstone he was surreptitiously in contact brought some relief. The five sit- and Chamberlain’s ex-friend John with both. His conduit to the Tory ting MPs were returned unop- in the Bir- Morley believed that Chamberlain, Party was the idol of the Birming- posed while Collings convincingly battered by both Gladstonian Liber- ham Conservative Association beat off the challenge of Lawson mingham als and resentful Tories on his home (BCA), Lord Randolph Church- Tait in Bordesley, with a major- patch, had no choice but to surren- ill, a curious friendship springing ity of over 3,000 on a low poll of 49 and Midland der to their terms. They mistook up between them. Churchill per- per cent. Somewhat surprisingly their man. A crucial step towards suaded him that the East Birming- Matthews defeated Cook in East Institute permanent severance was the fail- ham division was the necessary Birmingham, on a poll of 62 per ure of the Round Table Confer- price to be paid for Tory support cent, which can be accounted for to form his ence of January and February 1887, and Chamberlain resolved to bite by a combination of Tory support own pres- a conference held at Harcourt’s the bullet. The decision to support and Liberal abstentions. Matthews and Trevelyan’s houses in London. Matthews’ candidature against became the first Tory MP to rep- sure group, John Morley, Gladstone’s mouth- Cook was one that members of the resent Birmingham since 1847 and piece, rejected any moves towards middle group such as Dale found the first Catholic to sit in a British the National Chamberlain’s formula for local difficult to swallow, Dale himself Cabinet. Chamberlain could once government and land reform in speaking in support of Cook.18 It again boast ‘We are seven’ but this Radical Ireland set out in his ‘Unionist Plan is reasonable to surmise that many time the seven were all Unionists. for Ireland’ published by Bunce in Liberal electors abstained. The Gladstonians were denied the Union. The the Birmingham Post. At the end of As the general election opportunity to rally against Mat- February Chamberlain effectively approached it was the Gladstoni- thews in the by-election made nec- attendance broke off negotiations by publish- ans who fired the first shot. On 7 essary by his appointment as Home ing a defiant letter inThe Baptist: June 1886 the local press reported Secretary, failing to put up a candi- was depress- ‘poor little Wales’, Scottish crofters the formation of the Birming- date in the face of dispiriting can- and English agricultural labour- ham Home Rule Association. The vass returns. ingly small ers were all being sacrificed because initiators were two councillors, Historians have interpreted the of Irish disloyalty. The resulting Dr Robert Lawson Tait, a distin- result of the July 1886 general elec- and attend- recriminations ended the last seri- guished surgeon and chairman of tion not merely in terms of a reac- ous attempt at Liberal reunion.21 the Health Committee, and T. I. tion against Irish home rule but as a ees could Chamberlain was engaged in a Moore a town councillor and a reaction, on the part of more afflu- high-risk strategy. In the spring all stockbroker. The association soon ent sections of society, to grow- plainly hear the town’s wards held their annual gave evidence of considerable sup- ing working-class unrest and the the sounds meetings to elect representatives to port. At its first rally ten days emergence of socialist organisa- the Liberal ‘2000’. In several it was later, in the town hall, its platform tions such as the SDF and later the of the larger apparent that the Gladstonians had included a number of local notables ILP, as well as growing concerns gained the upper hand. Nechells – George Tangye, J. A. Langford, about the state of the economy. gather- ward passed a vote of confidence in Frank Wright, the councillor son The shift was particularly marked Gladstone, St Thomas’s a motion of the late John Skirrow Wright, among intellectuals such as A. V. ing across condemning coercion in Ireland. Alderman William Cook, George Dicey, who came out in force in Four of the five vice-presidents Baker and several other council- support of Liberal Unionism. With Chamberlain elected in Harborne ward were lors including the Labour leader their seventy-eight MPs the Liberal Gladstonians and Unionists con- Eli Bloor. The principal speaker Unionists held the balance of power Square. ceded defeat by walking out of the

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 21 the strange death of liberal birmingham meeting. When the ‘2000’ met on His brother Arthur meanwhile some residue of the Bright magic. 15 April, with George Dixon in the had been warning him to expect The BLA chose as their candidate chair, the Gladstonian A. C. Osler, bad news. On St Patrick’s Day, Phipson Beale, a member of an elite a glass manufacturer, was elected 17 March, the Home Rule Asso- family related to the Chamberlains. president. Alderman Hart, sec- ciation held a well-attended rally, In this, the most important by-elec- onded by Frank Wright, proposed the main speakers being Richard tion in Birmingham history, Bright a motion condemning coercion in Tangye and the Irish Nationalist was victorious, polling 5,621 votes Ireland and when Powell Williams MP William O’Brien, denounced to Beale’s 2,561.25 This surprisingly and William Kenrick tried to speak by Bunce in the Post as ‘an intem- On 5 April the large margin came as a devastat- against the motion they were met perate and unscrupulous fanatic’.23 ing blow to the BLA, a portent of with ‘offensive chaff’ and denied a Shortly afterwards the Gladstoni- long awaited a bleak future. The BLUA victory hearing. The Gazette commented ans mounted their expected assault came after a sequence of lost by- gleefully on the proceedings: on the ward committees, achieving breach in elections nationally and vindicated clear majorities in ten out of eight- the BLA was Salisbury’s and Balfour’s belief that for continuous and outrageous een. The Post declared the result Chamberlain was an electoral asset tumult, disorder, personal to be ‘absolutely decisive as to the finalised. well worth nurturing. Chamber- recrimination, general turbu- future control of the association’. lain now felt safe in cooperating lence, and indeed everything On 5 April the long awaited breach At a meet- more openly with the Tories. At short of physical violence, there in the BLA was finalised. At a meet- a meeting in Birmingham of the was nothing for years to equal ing in the town hall, Chamberlain ing in the National Union of Conservative the meeting of the Birmingham launched the Birmingham Lib- Associations in November 1891, he Liberal Association, the ‘2000’ eral Unionist Association (BLUA), town hall, appeared on the same platform as on Saturday night.22 in effect throwing in his lot with Salisbury and declared ‘I neither Hartington. The BLUA dupli- Chamberlain look for nor desire re-union’. Joint When the NRU held its second cated the BLA in every respect save Unionist committees were formed annual meeting shortly afterwards one – its members were required launched to prepare for a coming general Chamberlain admitted that the to make a declaration in support election in 1892. schism in the party was ‘complete of the Union. Under the leader- the Birming- The general election of July 1892 and irretrievable’ and indicated ship of Powell Williams the BLUA came as a severe blow to the BLA. that he saw closer cooperation with set out to organise in every divi- ham Liberal Liberals contested all Birming- the Tory Party as the only way sion and reported a ready response. ham constituencies except George forward. Encouraged by enthusiastic reports Unionist Dixon’s seat in Edgbaston. All the of canvass returns by Powell Wil- Unionist candidates were success- We shall be taunted I suppose liams, his chief of staff, Chamber- Associa- ful, the smallest majority (2209) with alliance with the Tories. At lain wrote ebulliently to his fiancée tion (BLUA), that of Matthews. Of the 46,000 least, ladies and gentlemen, our in the US: votes cast in the six constituencies allies will be English gentlemen in effect the Liberals received some 13,000 and not the subsidised agents of a My new organisation is going – less than one-third of the poll. foreign conspiracy. like wildfire. I will give my throwing in In Aston Manor Grice-Hutchin- opponents a taste of my qual- son defeated a Labour opponent However, he stopped short of advo- ity and teach them not to tread his lot with by a margin of over 4,000. Not cating a complete withdrawal from on my tails again … I will see surprisingly tributes to Cham- the Liberal Party and the NRU if I cannot kick every single Hartington. berlain’s talents as an electioneer was enjoined to continue to battle Gladstonian out of the Coun- poured in, Churchill describing for the hearts and minds of Liberal cil, and replace them with good The BLUA the victories as ‘Napoleonic’. Bal- Party members. Unionists.24 four was equally complimentary. In October ‘the English gentle- duplicated What emerges clearly from the 1892 men’ offered him relief, Salisbury results is that Liberal Unionism appointing him head of a delega- Defeat and decline the BLA in had attracted support from all sec- tion to negotiate a fisheries agree- The first electoral test of the respec- tions of the Birmingham commu- ment with the United States. He tive strengths of the BLA and the every respect nity as well as tipping the balance left in October 1887 and did not BLUA came as a result of the death throughout ‘the Duchy’, where return until the following March. of John Bright on 28 March 1889. save one thirty-three of the thirty-nine con- Although the agreement reached It became the occasion of a major stituencies returned Unionists. was not ratified by the Senate, row between Chamberlain and – its mem- The decision of the Tory leader- Chamberlain impressed all parties the BCA, whose leaders Sir James bers were ship to sustain and support Cham- with his acumen and his energy. Sawyer and Joseph Rowlands berlain and their conviction of his The visit recharged his batteries, as claimed that they had been prom- required to usefulness as ‘an electoral fairy did his engagement to Mary Endi- ised the reversion of the central godfather‘ entailed an accept- cott, daughter of the Secretary for Birmingham seat. This Chamber- make a dec- ance, however grudging, that they War, who shortly became his third lain denied and at every stage the must accede to some at least of his wife. He returned to England to be Liberal Unionist claim to the seat laration in demands for social reform. His given a rousing reception, the Bir- was backed by Balfour and Salis- organisational flair, his insistence mingham Town Council honour- bury. Shrewdly, the choice of can- support of on measures of social reform and ing him with the freedom of the didate fell on John Bright’s eldest his growing espousal of imperial- borough. son, Albert Bright, thus retaining the Union. ism found increasing support in the

22 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 the strange death of liberal birmingham

Tory Party, especially among urban Joe’s formula Liberal victory, underlining Cham- ‘plumbing the depths of infamy and Tories who tended to identify berlain’s organisational efficiency. party malice’. 26 Six Unionist MPs Chamberlain as the heir to Church- of ‘a vote for Gladstone’s final attempt at passing were returned unopposed together ill’s ‘Tory Democracy.’ There were a Home Rule Bill gained a major- with Evelyn Cecil in Aston. Only also those of course who feared and the Liberals ity of thirty-four in the Commons in East Birmingham, the most resented Chamberlain’s influence but was contemptuously dismissed industrialised constituency in the and, as it proved in 1903, not with- is a vote for in the House of Lords by 419 votes city, were the Liberals able to field out cause. to 41. Gladstone resigned in March a candidate, the ‘Lib-Lab’ J. V. One very noticeable feature of the Boers’ 1894 to be replaced by Rosebery Stevens of the Tinplate Workers’ the election was the failure of the and a new phase of division and Union. Stevens had earned fame Liberal grandees – the Cadburys, was bitterly internal strife followed. Gratefully by defeating Austen Chamber- the Tangyes, the Oslers and other resented Rosebery took the opportunity lain in a municipal election in 1889 elite families who had remained to resign following a trivial defeat and would go on to become a stal- faithful to the Liberal cause – to by Liberals in the Commons in June 1895. wart of the nascent Birmingham stand against the experienced and Salisbury’s third administration Labour Party. The sitting MP, Sir battle-hardened Unionists. In their and earned included not only Chamberlain Benjamin Stone, was considered desperate search for suitable can- as Colonial Secretary but Powell vulnerable, having neglected his didates the BLA turned more and a magiste- Williams, Jesse Collings, and Aus- parliamentary duties to pursue his more to organised labour among ten Chamberlain in junior posts. obsession for photography. Never- whom sympathies largely lay with rial rebuke Chamberlain also secured a gener- theless Stone’s majority comfort- Liberalism. In 1892 Liberal can- ous share of honours for his sup- ably exceeded 2,000. didates included two of Birming- from Camp- porters, underlining his role as ‘the An issue on which Liberal ham’s most influential trade union Great Elector’ and the political boss Unionists and Liberals were accus- leaders, W. J. Davis of the Brass- bell-Banner- of his West Midlands ‘Duchy’. tomed to see eye to eye was educa- workers’ and Eli Bloor of the Glass- Further electoral humiliation tion. Protests against the abortive workers’, both city councillors. The man who for the Liberals followed in 1895 Education Bill of 1896 had been led era of ‘Lib-Labism’ had begun. The and again in 1900. In July 1895 the by George Dixon, chief spokesman strategy of partnership with organ- accused him BLA contested four of Birming- of the Midland Education League, ised labour, however, had a num- ham’s seats but only Alderman and Chamberlain had been threat- ber of drawbacks. In Birmingham, of ‘plumbing Cook polled more than 2,000 votes, ened at the time with defections with its great diversity of trades, losing heavily to Collings. The even in his own constituency.27 The trade unionism tended to be frag- the depths of combined Liberal vote amounted issue returned to haunt him in 1902 mented and the Trades Council infamy and to barely one-fifth of the total poll, with the introduction by Balfour of to be ideologically torn between a worse performance than in 1892. a new Education Bill. Attempts by securing representation in conjunc- party malice’. Large Unionist gains were made Chamberlain and other Birming- tion with the Liberal Party and in the ‘Duchy’, no Liberal being ham MPs to amend the bill were pressing for independent represen- returned in either Warwickshire unavailing, leaving Chamberlain tation. The choice of labour leaders or Worcestershire. One Liberal angry and fearing the electoral con- as Liberal candidates may also have gain was recorded in the Stafford- sequences. Writing to the Duke of accelerated the middle-class drift to shire constituency of Lichfield but Devonshire he expostulated: Unionism in an increasingly class- H. C. Fulford, a wealthy brewer based political system. A failing of and the main financial mainstay of I told you that the Education the BLA was its oligarchic nature the BLA at that time, was unseated Bill would destroy your own and it did not always appear hos- on appeal. party. It has done so. Our best pitable to its working-class allies, In Salisbury’s words the dec- friends are leaving us by scores in spite of George Cadbury’s gen- ade-long struggle over Ireland had and hundreds, and they will not erosity in providing finance on ‘awakened the slumbering genius come back.28 numerous occasions. The BLA was of British imperialism’ and impe- reluctant to incorporate ‘Lib-Labs’ rial issues, especially the future of The bill passed into law in Decem- into its management structures, South Africa, dominated this era ber 1902 and the resulting disaf- which remained heavily dependent in British politics with Ireland rel- fection among Liberal Unionists on a small circle of mainly wealthy egated to the margins. The elec- together with public disillusion- men. Social distance was thus tion of 1900 was called at a moment ment with the conduct and after- maintained. Finally, the Liberals when it appeared that the Boer War math of the Boer War formed a had to contend with Chamberlain’s had ended in victory. The election favourable backdrop for the next tactic of launching ‘unauthorised was widely regarded as ‘Joe’s elec- electoral opportunity for the BLA, programmes’, challenging their sta- tion’, just as the war had frequently occasioned by the death of Pow- tus as the party of social reform. In been depicted as ‘Joe’s War’. ell Williams in February 1904. their brief spell of office from 1892 The results largely replicated To capitalise on Nonconformist to 1895 Gladstone once again pur- those of 1895 and in this election opinion the BLA chose as its can- sued the Irish issue to the exclusion the BLA touched rock bottom. Joe’s didate Hirst-Hollowell, secretary of the social reforms promised in formula of ‘a vote for the Liberals of the Northern Counties Educa- the Newcastle programme. is a vote for the Boers’ was bitterly tion League. In spite of the Post The 1892 result in Birmingham resented by Liberals and earned a reporting ‘a remarkable revival’ and in neighbouring constituen- magisterial rebuke from Campbell- in Liberal support,29 the result fol- cies occurred in a year of overall Bannerman who accused him of lowed the same depressing pattern,

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 23 the strange death of liberal birmingham

Lord Morpeth, son of the Earl of Birming- Benjamin Stone in East Birming- Liberals retained a not insignifi- Carlisle who had seen service in ham by the comparatively narrow cant representation of twenty-eight South Africa, being returned with a ham’s margin of 585 votes. In constituen- councillors, while Labour obtained majority of over 3,000. cies bordering on Birmingham the a foothold for the first time with By the time of the South Bir- ‘astonishing picture was similar, with the single six representatives.32 Only in the mingham by-election the politi- exception of North Worcestershire municipal field, it seemed, could the cal scene had been transformed. transforma- where the Cadbury influence pre- once mighty BLA hope to retain a On 15 May 1903, after instruct- vailed and the Liberal candidate, meaningful presence, thanks largely ing his chief agent, Charles Vince, tion’, the J. W. Wilson, a former Liberal to the continuing loyalty of sections to assess the likely reaction in his Unionist who had crossed the floor of the Nonconformist community. ‘Duchy’, Chamberlain launched near total of the House in protest against the From 1910 to 1928 the president of his attack on free trade. Having eclipse of Lib- Education Act, was returned to the BLA was Arthur Brampton, a resigned from Balfour’s Cabinet Westminster. The ‘exceptionalism’ cycle manufacturer and, like a num- in September, he set out his pro- eralism, can of Birmingham and its neighbour- ber of his fellow Liberals, a Wes- gramme in a speech in Glasgow in ing constituencies could not have leyan Methodist. In January 1910 October. The pressure group he be explained been more clearly demonstrated. he stood against Ebenezer Parkes, created, the Tariff Reform League, In all the fifteen regions into which an ironmaster, in the Central Divi- attracted the support of power- on a num- Pelling divides Britain, excluding sion, losing by a margin of over ful business interests and an influ- Ireland, the Liberals secured the 4,000 votes. As the results were ential section of the press and has ber of levels: majority of seats in all but one – the announced he expressed what had been described as ‘the most power- West Midlands. become the common mantra of ful propaganda machine that Brit- the failures In July 1906, following the many in the BLA. ish peacetime history has seen’.30 remarkable celebrations in Bir- Characteristically Chamberlain set of Liberals mingham to mark his seventi- They only had to listen to the up a related but separate organisa- eth birthday, Chamberlain was sounds rising from the street to tion in his ‘Duchy’, the Imperial themselves removed from active politics by find the answer to the question Tariff Reform League. Opposition a disabling stroke, the leadership why they had been defeated. It to tariff reform on the part of Bir- both at the of Birmingham Unionism pass- consisted of one word ‘Joe’. To mingham Unionists was not insig- ing into the somewhat querulous that argument the Liberals had nificant, even affecting his own grass roots hands of his elder son Austen. In no answer. Mr. Chamberlain family, but it was dealt with ruth- and in the the two elections of 1910, however, had been followed faithfully lessly.31 Chamberlain, however, was there was no significant change. In for thirty years and there was unable to assert comparable control higher ech- January 1910 the BLA fought but no hope for anyone who dared over the Unionist Party as a whole lost in five constituencies while a oppose his nominee. and it became increasingly faction- elons of the Labour candidate, Fred Hughes, alised and demoralised. A remark- was defeated by Collings in Bord- Birmingham’s ‘astonishing trans- able Liberal revival was soon under party; the esley. The window of vulnerability formation’, the near total eclipse way, leading to the landslide vic- in East Birmingham was closed by of Liberalism, can be explained tory of January 1906. Irish obses- Arthur Steel-Maitland’s comfort- on a number of levels: the fail- As public opinion turned deci- able victory over J. J. Stephenson, ures of Liberals themselves both sively against tariff reform, the sion; the a trade union official. The Liberal at the grass roots and in the higher BLA seemed to have the best chance effort receded in the December echelons of the party; the Irish for twenty years to win back popu- decline of 1910 election, a challenge being obsession; the decline of Noncon- lar support and to claw back seats mounted in only three of the Bir- formity; a loss of faith in free trade; in Birmingham and the ‘Duchy’. Nonconform- mingham constituencies. and the charisma and the organ- Unfortunately for the Liberal In municipal elections the BLA ising power of Chamberlain, the cause, a Liberal revival did not ity; a loss benefitted from the residual loyalty most professional politician of his occur. In 1904 the new President of many who had otherwise gone day, with his record of assiduous of the BLA, Frank Wright, inher- of faith in over to the Unionists and Cham- service to Birmingham, his intui- ited an organisation which was now berlain was never able to implement tive understanding of the shift- widely written off as moribund. free trade; his promise to purge the council of ing interests of the entrepreneurial Although in the general election all Gladstonians. The BLA retained middle class from which he sprang of 1906, in contrast to 1900, the and the cha- a significant, if minority, presence and his careful cultivation of work- BLA was able to field candidates in risma and and it was not until 1894 that Con- ing-class support in a city in which all seven Birmingham constituen- servatives began to outnumber Lib- class divisions were less marked cies, they were a disparate bunch, the organis- erals on the city council. In 1911 than elsewhere. In Birmingham consisting of Liberals motivated Birmingham was transformed by he was ‘Our Joe’, genuinely popu- principally by Nonconformist ing power of the Greater Birmingham Act and a lar and trusted in way that he was anger over Balfour’s Education Act, new council of 120 councillors and not in the wider community. He ‘Lib-Labs’, Socialists and even ren- Chamberlain. aldermen was put in place in ‘a mini proved himself to be, in Roy Jen- egade Unionists. All were heavily general election’ in November. The kins’ words, ‘an electoral phenom- defeated with only James Holmes results showed that it was the BCA enon without parallel’. of the Amalgamated Society of which now commanded the greatest Railway Servants coming within support, forty-five Conservatives Roger Ward is a Visiting Professor in the touching distance of breaking the outnumbering the forty-one Liberal Department of Law and Social Sciences Unionist monopoly, losing to Sir Unionists in the new council. The in Birmingham City University, and the

24 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 the strange death of liberal birmingham author of City State and Nation Coventry and Wolverhamp- (2012), chapter 9, but beware of Table Conference of 1887 (1967). 1830–1940 (2005) and of numer- ton (Ph.D. thesis, University of references to Birmingham which 22 Birmingham Daily Gazette, 2 June ous articles on Birmingham history Birmingham, 1978). contain errors and his quixotic 1887. and the Chamberlains. He is cur- attempts to recruit J.B. for the 23 Birmingham Daily Post, 19 March rently working on The Chamber- 1 H. Pelling, Social Geography Tory Party. 1888. lains: an Urban Dynasty, to be of British Elections (1967), p. 9 R. Shannon, Gladstone: Heroic 24 J. L. Garvin, Life of Joseph Cham- published in 2015 by Fonthill and 181; chapter 9, ‘West Midland Minister 1865–1898 (1999), p. 446. berlain, vol. ii (1933), p. 356. on a chapter on the politics of Bir- Region’, pp. 175–203. 10 The Gridiron, 22 Jan. 1881. 25 Beale had no better luck in mingham in a forthcoming history of 2 K. T. Hoppen, The Mid-Victorian 11 Pelling, Social Geography, p. 176. neighbouring Aston Manor, los- Birmingham to be published by the Generation 1846–1886 (Oxford, 12 A. Roberts, Salisbury: Victorian ing to a Tory, Grice Hutchinson, Liverpool University Press. 1998), p. 268. Titan (1999), pp. 384–5. in a by-election in March 1891. 3 A. Briggs, History of Birmingham, 13 J. Chamberlain, Political Memoir 26 J. Wilson, CB: A Life of Sir Henry vol. ii, Borough and City 1865– (1953), p. 232. Campbell-Bannerman (1973), p. 1938 (1952), pp. 175–177. 14 Address to the Electors of the 338. Bibliographical Note 4 P. Marsh, Joseph Chamberlain: Edgbaston Division of Birming- 27 Birmingham Daily Gazette, 19 Many of the themes to be found Entrepreneur in Politics (1994), p. 58. ham, 22 June 1886. May 1896. in this article are treated in 5 M. C. Hurst, Joseph Chamberlain 15 J. Corbett, The Birmingham Trades 28 Marsh, Joseph Chamberlain, p. greater detail in my book City- and West Midland Politics 1886– Council 1866–1966 (1966), p. 34. 538. state and Nation: Birmingham’s 1895, Dugdale Society Occa- 16 Marsh, Joseph Chamberlain, p. 99. 29 Birmingham Daily Post, 23 Feb. Political History 1830–1940 sional Papers No. 15 (Oxford, 17 Hurst, Chamberlain and West 1904. (2005). The best biographies 1962), pp. 28–9. Midland Politics, pp. 45–51. 30 R. Jay, Joseph Chamberlain: A of Joseph Chamberlain are by 6 B. H. Brown, The Tariff Reform 18 A. W. W. Dale, Life of R. W. Dale Political Study (Oxford, 1981), p. Peter Marsh and Richard Jay, Movement in Great Britain 1881– of Birmingham (1898), p. 464. 277. both footnoted in the text. 1895 (New York, 1966). 19 Birmingham Daily Gazette, 19 31 R. J. Ward, City-state and Nation: Detailed analysis of the struc- 7 G. M. Trevelyan, The Life of John June 1886. Birmingham’s Political History tures and personnel of the BLA Bright (1913), p. 45. 20 Marsh, Joseph Chamberlain, p. 1830–1940 (Chichester, 2005), pp. can be found in R. A. Wright, 8 K. Robbins, John Bright (1979), 251. 162–168. Liberal Party Organisation pp. 82–5. See also Bill Cash, John 21 M. C. Hurst, Joseph Chamberlain 32 Birmingham Daily Post, 23 Nov. and Structure in Birmingham, Bright: Statesman, Orator, Agitator and Liberal Reunion: The Round 1911.

Lloyd George’s Tada – the one father he never knew! by Peter Rowland

Produced by PublishNation, a paperback biography of William George (1821–64), schoolteacher extraordinaire, will be available from Amazon in autumn 2014, marking the 150th anniversary of William’s death.

The book will run to approximately 300 pages. For additional information, visit www.peterrowland.org.uk.

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 25 Lloyd George and the Carnarvon Boroughs, 1890–95

Dr J. Graham Jones examines the history of the Carnarvon Boroughs constituency when it was first represented by David Lloyd George between 1890 and 1895.

26 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 Lloyd George and the Carnarvon Boroughs, 1890–95

he anomalous Carnarvon had returned a MP to the House of entered the Liberal Cabinet of Sir district of Boroughs con- Commons ever since the passage Henry Campbell-Bannerman as Tstituency, distributed of the union legislation by Henry President of the Board of Trade, a widely over some twenty-five VIII in 1536, but the borough of position which certainly augured miles in remote north-west Wales, Bangor was not added to the other well for the future political career comprised six scattered contribu- five until the redistribution of par- progression of its holder. In all tory boroughs. The voters in each liamentary constituencies which the intervening general elections, participating borough cast bal- had accompanied the passage of the outcome in the Boroughs was lots, which were added together the Great Reform Act in 1832. Tra- uncertain and keenly debated.2 over the whole district to decide ditionally many of the electorate At Bangor in particular there was the result of the poll. The three of the Carnarvon Boroughs had a distinctive Anglican interest largest – Bangor, Caernarvon comprised shopkeepers and trades- closely associated with the cathe- and Conway (which included the men, innately middle-of-the-road dral, indigenously Conservative then rapidly developing town of conservative (even if not Conserva- politically, and a large number of Llandudno) – all in the north of tive) by nature, displaying but little urban slum-dwellers whose very the county, included a signifi- zeal for radical initiatives and social existence depended on the support cant middle-class element in their reform impulses. of church charities. At Caernarfon electorates; while the remainder Lloyd George first captured the and Conway, too, local Conserva- – Criccieth (Lloyd George’s home division for the Liberals by a wafer- tive strength had been underlined borough), Nevin and Pwllheli in thin majority of just eighteen votes in recent municipal elections. the south – were much more rural in a precarious and unexpected by- When Lloyd George first and agrarian in character and dis- election in April 1890, his success entered parliament, his constitu- tinctively Welsh-speaking, and highly dependent on substantial ency was already something of were thus more natural Liberal ter- polls in the three Welsh boroughs.1 an anomaly as it had a population ritory. The castle borough of Caer- The constituency had actually been of no more than 30,000 (at a time narfon lay very much at the heart won by a Conservative, Edmund when the average for Welsh con- of the constituency, but inevitably Swetenham, in the general elec- stituencies exceeded 45,000 indi- the division lacked any kind of ter- Left: Carnarvon tion of 1886, the result of some local viduals), and an electorate of less ritorial cohesion, as all six boroughs Castle, antagonism towards Irish home than 5,000, many of these ‘sober’ were separated from one another photographed rule, and the failure of the rural shopkeepers and professional men by substantial tracts of agricul- by Francis Frith vote to turn out in full in support with no great inclination to radical- tural land and by towns which had (1822–98) in the of Gladstone, disappointed by lack ism. Some English constituencies been established more recently like mid-nineteenth of progress on the ‘unauthorised had an even smaller electorate at Porthmadog with its port trade, century (1850s– programme’. Lloyd George did not this time; others had an electorate railway terminus and distinctly 1870s). (© win a majority of the votes in all well in excess of 10,000 individu- more industrial character than the Victoria and six boroughs until 1906 by which als. It was also true that a signifi- other towns within the constitu- Albert Museum, time he was very much a national cant number of householders who ency. The Carnarvon Boroughs London) political figure and had already had been enfranchised by the Third

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 27 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95

Reform Act of 1884 were simply ‘There are Breaches of the law at the expense summer of 1887, Lloyd George tak- unaware of their newfound right of landlords, notably petty theft ing full advantage of the hiring to be registered as voters. A large two or three and poaching, or the established fairs at Llyn to arrange impromptu number of obstacles and technicali- church were considered acts of meetings to stir up local agita- ties, especially in relation to reg- impressions political defiance in rural Wales. tion by making highly eloquent istration, still stood in the way of Although he was primarily inter- and impassioned speeches. Tithes complete male suffrage. Indeed, I must be ested in the Carnarvon Boroughs, were traditional payments which in the year 1891 no more than 33.7 Lloyd George had actually come entitled the Church to a tenth of per cent of the male population of careful to close to selection as the Liberal can- people’s annual income. Usually the Carnarvon Boroughs had the didate for Merionethshire in 1886, the payments were made in kind in right to vote. In the key borough of make in the but he had eventually gladly with- the form of crops, wool, milk and Caernarfon almost all of the elec- meantime. drawn his name there in favour of other produce, to represent a tenth torate, a total of 1,746 individu- his close associate Thomas Edward of the yearly production. This pay- als, were the heads of families, and 1st & fore- Ellis, a native of Cefnddwysarn ment was demanded whether or not a tiny number of just fifteen men near Bala within the county, whose the parishioner attended Church, were registered there as service or most that I local claims clearly much exceeded and in a predominantly Noncon- lodger voters.3 Many of the work- his own. Moreover, in his heart formist country such as Wales, this ing classes there still remained dis- am a good of hearts, Lloyd George knew full naturally caused contention. Many enfranchised.4 Very shortly after well that his ‘pecuniary, oratorical refused to pay the tithe, and during Lloyd George had been adopted speaker. [and] intellectual quality’ were cer- the 1880s enforced sales of posses- as the parliamentary candidate tain to develop considerably during sions were made by the authorities there, Thomas Edward Ellis, the 2ndly that I the next few years so that he would, in order to collect the taxes owed. MP for Merioneth, wrote to con- by then, be far less likely to find This naturally led to confrontation gratulate him, ‘I was delighted to am a sound himself ‘in endless pecuniary dif- and farmers and authorities came to find that your choice was so unani- ficulties’, while at Westminster, he blows across the country. During mous’, and then urging him, above & thorough would possibly be regarded as even the late 1880s many farmers decided all else, to attend conscientiously ‘an object of contempt in a House of to take direct action and refused to to the electoral register which, he politician. snobs’.6 Lloyd George had also seri- pay their tithe. This led to further stressed, was ‘the great mine to work. ously considered joining Chamber- enforced sales of land and property Do not be satisfied till all the [Car- 3rdly that I lain’s Radical Union in June 1886, and violent protests took place in narvon] Boroughs realise its impor- but had apparently missed his train Llangwm in May 1887, Mochdre tance’.5 These were very wise words can afford to Birmingham on the crucial day.7 in June 1887 and Llanefydd in May which the youthful Lloyd George to attend to During the general election of 1888. would undoubtedly have heeded. July 1886, Lloyd George was to On 4 September Lloyd George It should be noted, too, that the parliamen- campaign with gusto on behalf of wrote in his pocket diary: Caernarvon county constituency his newfound friend T. E. Ellis, and had been divided into South Caer- tary duties.’ indeed earned a formidable repu- Got an invitation this morn- narvonshire (Eifion) and North tation as a fiery young orator and ing. I want to cultivate boroughs Caernarfonshire (Arfon) in the potential career politician, a pos- as, if the Unionist Govt holds redistribution of 1885, both hav- sible Liberal parliamentary can- together another 3 years, I may ing a population in excess of 42,000 didate for one of the divisions in stand a good chance to be nomi- individuals. north-west Wales at the next gen- nated as Liberal candidate. There By January 1885 Lloyd George, eral election which was then widely are two or three impressions I admitted as a qualified solicitor at expected to take place in 1892 (as, must be careful to make in the the beginning of the previous year, of course, happened). His local meantime. 1st & foremost that I had set up his own solicitor’s busi- standing was further enhanced by am a good speaker. 2ndly that I ness in an office at Portmadoc, later his avid and committed participa- am a sound & thorough politi- to be called Porthmadog (and thus tion in the anti-tithe agitation in cian. 3rdly that I can afford to breaking away from the Whig- south Caernarfonshire in 1886–87 attend to parliamentary duties. like clutches of the legal company in his home area where he was sin- To succeed in the first I must Breese, Jones and Casson, where gled out by the local Tory press as avail myself of every opportu- he had served his articles), and he the primary instigator of the trou- nity to speak in public so as to soon found to his intense delight ble.8 He was active in the establish- perfect myself & attain some that much of his legal work related ment of the local anti-tithe league reputation as a speaker. To suc- to political issues. He clearly sought for Llyn and Eifionydd of which he ceed in the 2nd point I must put much greater financial and politi- soon became joint-secretary.9 Dur- into those speeches good sound cal independence at this time. Lloyd ing these years, too, he delivered a matter well arranged so as to George had quickly become a succession of belligerent speeches catch the year [sic] of the intel- familiar figure in the police courts on the key issues of the disestab- ligent who always lead & gain and the county courts of Porth- lishment of the Welsh church, the the name of sound as well as madog, Ffestiniog, Pwllheli and land campaign, temperance, and fluent speaker. I must also write Dolgellau, where he was generally other equally controversial politi- political articles on Welsh poli- highly regarded as a quick-witted, cal themes, all of which enhanced tics so as to show my mastery of sharp-tongued, contentious advo- his local standing and reputa- them. To attain the 3rd reputa- cate, fully capable of mastering a tion. The Tithe War indeed blazed tion I must (1) attend to my busi- brief very quickly and completely. in north Wales during the high ness well so as to build up a good

28 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95

practice (2) practise economy so as a flourishing branch of the Prim- that led to his adoption as the Lib- as to accumulate some measure rose League, an important Tory eral candidate for the Carnarvon of wealth (3) Get all my cases organisation.12 Lloyd George deliv- Boroughs on 20 December 1888. well advertised (4) subscribe ered a pungent series of carefully The cause of the tenant farmer and judiciously.10 prepared speeches in the small rural quarryman had been decisively villages outside Caernarfon, was championed, and Lloyd George’s This is the first clear intimation of a notably well received, and thus supreme self-confidence buoyed up definite interest on Lloyd George’s built up substantial support for the even further to such an extent that part in the Liberal candidature for new Liberal club in the town. At he could now convince himself that the Caernarfon Boroughs. one such meeting in July 1888, the he could both make a success of his In January 1888 Lloyd George highly impressed chairman hailed law practice and also become a Lib- also joined forces with journalist Lloyd George as ‘one of the stars of eral parliamentary candidate. The D. R. Daniel to set up a pioneer- the future’.13 He was ever ready to timing of the Llanfrothen case had ing Welsh newspaper by the name leave Criccieth at weekends during also augured well for the career of of Udgorn Rhyddid (‘the Trumpet 1888 to organise and address such the ambitious young Welsh attor- of Freedom’) – ‘a nationalist and meetings at local chapels on Sun- ney; his prowess as an advocate had Socialist regenerator’ he himself day mornings, where he frequently been underlined and publicised, called it11 – designed to promote lectured on the evils of drink – as a building on his reputation as an radical principles and cultivate his kind of sequel to a political meeting orator of distinction. The local Lib- reputation in the south of Caer- on the previous Saturday evening. eral associations of the three south- narfonshire, but its influence soon His uncle Richard Lloyd, who nat- ern boroughs of Nevin, Pwllheli proved to be localised and nota- urally felt deeply aggrieved that his and Criccieth were only too glad bly transient. The new paper was nephew was absenting himself from to endorse Lloyd George’s nomi- launched at Pwllheli, the area’s the Sunday services at the chapel nation as a parliamentary candi- main publishing base. By this at Criccieth, felt impelled to note date, but much greater reluctance time Lloyd George (having wisely in his diary, ‘Don’t believe in his Above all prevailed at the cathedral city of given up any hope of contesting Saturday and Sunday off policy’.14 Bangor, which included an extra- John Bryn Roberts, the securely On 24 August 1888, Lloyd George, else, it was large number of Church people, entrenched, highly orthodox, then visiting Glasgow with his wife and the rather Anglicised resort Gladstonian loyalist Liberal MP for Margaret, was able to write home the notable town of Conway, where many the Eifion [Carnarvonshire South] gleefully to the family at Criccieth: local Liberals disapproved of Lloyd constituency, and soon expected to Llanfrothen George’s extreme youth, his obvi- be called to the bar from Lincoln’s Received a telegram from Mor- ous blinding ambition to succeed, Inn) had determined to devote his gan Richards this morning that legal case and his apparent support of so- prodigious energies into secur- I had been unanimously selected which pro- called ‘Socialist ideas’, left-wing ing the Liberal nomination for at Bangor last night. He also initiatives unacceptable to the more the marginal division of the Car- wrote me that my speech had pelled Lloyd staid, middle-of-the-road, tra- narvon Boroughs, and the paper made a very favourable impres- ditional Liberals in the locality.17 had helped him to build his repu- sion. I could quite see for myself George to But his striking success in connec- tation locally. Aware that success at the Monday evening meeting tion with the Llanfrothen case had was nigh on assured for him in the that I was the popular candidate. the notice of helped to convince the disaffected Liberal associations of Criccieth, Despite all the machinations of of the strength of his claims and Pwllheli and Nefyn, as was indeed my enemies, I will succeed. I am these locali- had impressed Nonconformists by confirmed by the backing of these now sailing before the wind and establishing him as ‘the scourge of local associations by the high sum- they against it.15 ties, clearly the Established Church’, and on 20 mer of 1888, Lloyd George then December 1888 (within just days of focused his burgeoning political Above all else, it was the notable establishing the triumphant outcome of the Lla- energies on the borough of Caer- Llanfrothen legal case which pro- nfrothen burial case) David Lloyd narfon where he established a new pelled Lloyd George to the notice of him as a firm George was thus officially selected Liberal club. His aim was to coun- these localities, clearly establishing as the parliamentary candidate of terbalance the deep-rooted, exten- him as a firm defender of the rights defender of the Carnarvon Boroughs Central sive influence of the Conservative of Nonconformists against the Liberal Association. During the club in the town, with all the social entrenched power of the Church the rights long campaign to secure the nomi- opportunities which it presented of England.16 He won on appeal to nation he had been proud to label to its members, which he knew the Divisional Court of Queen’s of Noncon- himself ‘a Welsh nationalist of the was the focal point of the party’s Bench the Llanfrothen burial case; formists Ellis type’.18 strength in the borough. Indeed, this established the right of Non- His selection could be attributed by the year 1889 all six boroughs conformists to be buried according against the to the fact that he was a local man, had influential Conservative clubs. to their own denominational rites one who certainly had the person- Within the borough of Bangor in parish burial grounds, a right entrenched ality and the capacity to fight a par- there were three independent Con- given by the Burial Act 1880 that liamentary election, and one whose servative clubs – the Caernarfon- had up to then been ignored by the power of the distinctive brand of progressive shire and Anglesey Conservative Anglican clergy. It was this case, Liberalism and Welsh nationalism Club, the Bangor Conservative which was hailed as a great victory Church of was increasingly capturing the pub- Workingmen’s Club, and the Gla- throughout Wales, together with lic imagination in the locality. His nadda Conservative Club, as well his writings in Udgorn Rhyddid, England. recent success in the Llanfrothen

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 29 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95 case meant that, by the high sum- hard-hitting addresses in support of not cut out for parish-pump poli- mer of 1888, Lloyd George was a radical Liberal candidates, many of tics: he craved a political career on a household name, not only in Caer- whom had supported his campaign far higher plane – the coveted green narfonshire, but throughout much to be selected as the parliamentary benches at Westminster. of Wales. His main rival for the candidate for the Boroughs. Inter- The prospect of a seat at West- selection, Arthur C. Humphreys- estingly, it was at this time that he minster in fact came much earlier Owen (who was later to serve as the first shared a political platform with than anyone had anticipated. Only Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire Arthur Acland, the Liberal MP for fifteen short months separated from 1894 until 1905), had called Rotherham who owned a prop- Lloyd George’s selection and the Lloyd George nothing but ‘a sec- erty at Clynnog in Caernarfon- April 1890 by-election campaign. ond rate country attorney’. The shire and had already displayed a The sudden death of Edmund MP for the North Caernarvonshire profound interest in Welsh politi- Swetenham QC on 19 March 1890 county division of Arfon (Wil- cal issues. Shortly afterwards, in came as a huge shock to Lloyd liam Rathbone) thought that Lloyd recognition of his important con- George and his wife (who were on George’s nomination would lead tribution during the local election the point of departing on a short to the loss of the seat.19 At the time campaign, Lloyd George became an holiday when they heard the stag- of his selection both Lloyd George alderman of the Caernarvonshire gering news). In 1940, after her hus- and his young bride Margaret, who County Council, a position which band had represented the Boroughs certainly possessed no great enthu- he was then to retain for the rest of for a full half century, Dame Mar- siasm to see her husband elected to his long life. Acland was also cho- garet, only months before her own parliament at this juncture, natu- sen an alderman of the local county death, reflected, ‘I thought I was rally assumed that the next parlia- council at the same time and was marrying a Caernarvonshire law- mentary election in the division indeed to deliver several power- yer. Some people even then said he would take place several years in ful speeches in support of Lloyd was sure to get on, but it was success the future, probably at some point George’s candidature during the as a lawyer that they had in mind. I during 1892. April 1890 by-election campaign.20 am sure neither of us guessed then In the meantime the implemen- Lloyd George’s local esteem and Old cottage what lay before us. Even when he tation of the Local Government Act popularity grew apace as a result of near Carnarvon, accepted nomination as the Liberal of 1888 meant that the first county his addresses to the county council photographed candidate for the Caernarvon Bor- council elections were convened the and even more so in consequence by Francis Frith oughs it did not seem to make any following January. Lloyd George, of his activities in the Caernarvon- (1822–98) in the particular difference. I comforted invited to stand in Caernarfonshire, shire County Magistrates’ Court. mid-nineteenth myself that the general election was declined to do so, but he was much Both spheres of activity gave him century (1850s– two years distant and that we had in evidence during the local elec- the publicity that he desperately 1870s). (© those two years in which to enjoy tion campaign, touring the exten- needed and craved. But the out- Victoria and ourselves’.21 Swetenham’s untimely sive county from end to end, and standingly able and ambitious Albert Museum, death propelled the Carnarvon delivering a succession of effective, David Lloyd George was obviously London) Boroughs into a wholly unexpected

30 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95 by-election campaign which saw The by-elec- duly approved by the venerable benefits to the area. The squire of ‘the boy alderman’ sent to parlia- Gladstone. The omens were far Llanystumdwy was contesting the ment as ‘the boy MP’ by a mere tion margin from favourable for Lloyd George. seat against the upstart nephew of hair’s breadth. But he had batted on His status in the constituency had Richard Lloyd, the respected shoe- a distinctly auspicious wicket, as was so fine certainly been weakened by his maker and impressive autodidact of he knew the Carnarvon Boroughs audacious attacks on the elders of Llanystumdwy, but Lloyd George like the back of his hand: he was a that a local the Liberal Party, the local party at least was highly articulate and native of one of them – Criccieth machinery remained weak and persuasive in both languages. At – and he had already formed exten- Tory news- voter registration had still been the eleventh hour local Liberals sive professional and political links neglected. The age of the automo- had amassed the princely sum of with all five others. A rich local paper could bile had not yet dawned, and the some £200 which they estimated Methodist also gave him substan- claim rather constituency was scattered across was what was required to wage the tial financial support. He enjoyed, some twenty-five miles, which campaign, and, sensing the pros- too, the avid backing of two of the spuriously led to intense difficulties for party pect of the victory which they so most influential political figures canvassers. Lloyd George and his ardently desired, a number of fel- in north Wales, the Revd Herber that Lloyd supporters dashed around the key low-lawyers at Bangor and Caer- Evans (by now Lloyd George’s col- towns by train, horse carriage, and narfon readily agreed to offer their league on the local county coun- George’s vic- on foot, visiting remote cottages services wholly free of charge as cil), and the redoubtable veteran and farmsteads some of which had election agents and sub-agents. Thomas Gee, the Denbigh-based tory could never before been approached per- Indeed, the by-election margin seventy-four-year-old editor and sonally by an electioneering politi- was so fine that a local Tory news- publisher of Baner ac Amserau Cymru be attrib- cian, eagerly shaking the hands of paper could claim rather spuriously [‘the Banner and Times of Wales’], the voters, new and old alike, and that Lloyd George’s victory could at the time by far the most widely uted only dishing out election leaflets and be attributed only to the fact that a read Welsh language newspaper. yellow rosettes. The height of the number of fishermen from the bor- In the words of Herbert du Parcq, to the fact by-election campaign had coin- ough of Nefyn, all of them devout ‘Though advanced in age, [Thomas cided with the Easter holidays, not Conservatives, had been prevented Gee] was still fresh enough in that a num- the best time to engage in political from reaching port and casting his mind to adjudge the creed of canvassing. The local Conservative their votes by extremely inclement the “boy Alderman” healthy and ber of fish- organisation, in striking contrast, weather on the polling days.26 The sound. … He sympathised with the was much more efficient and profes- Times newspaper, which had taken aspirations of the Welsh Nation- ermen from sional, possessed greater resources an avid interest throughout the alists’. 22 Having questioned Lloyd the borough and was blessed with a substantial frenzied course of the campaign, George thoroughly on the tithe squad of campaign workers. now admitted that it was ‘annoy- question, the need to secure the of Nefyn, Yet, in spite of all these formi- ing’ to reflect that just ten votes freedom of the rivers, and the dable difficulties, after a short cam- differently cast would have made urgent necessity to reform the all of them paign conducted at fever pitch and all the difference to the outcome.27 land laws (to which question Lloyd attracting interest and speculation Lloyd George’s very narrow success George had replied unhesitatingly, devout Con- throughout Britain, Lloyd George could be attributed to solid Liberal ‘I am very strong on that point’), was elected, following recount polls in the three Welsh boroughs Gee had exuberantly declared servatives, after recount at the insistence of the which, following ‘exceptionally the radical young candidate to be Tories, by a majority of no more heavy’ voting, had just about out- ‘thoroughly healthy in the faith’.23 had been than eighteen votes out of 3,908 weighed the votes of the middle- To some extent Swetenham’s vic- cast: 1,963 votes for Lloyd George, class Tories and Liberal Unionists of tory in the Boroughs back in 1886 prevented and 1,945 for local squire Ellis Nan- Bangor, Conway and Caernarfon.28 had been viewed as something of a ney, his Conservative opponent.25 Indeed, the exceptional turnout of fluke, and some believed that there from reach- Nanney was a popular figure 89.5 per cent (an increase of 11.2 per was still a majority of some 300 locally, hailed for his friendly dis- cent since 1886) was the highest ever committed Liberal voters in the ing port and position and reputation for much in the history of the constituency, division.24 lavish philanthropy in the locality, a total of 404 votes greater than in During the by-election cam- casting their but his health was poor and he was the general election of 1886. Both paign Lloyd George advocated, a rather reluctant candidate, cajoled candidates had scored the high- albeit with studious moderation, votes by to stand only after several more est ever polls for their respective Welsh home rule, disestablishment, extremely promising local Tory aspirants had parties in the division.29 This was land reform and temperance legis- declined the honour. His oratori- indeed to be for Lloyd George the lation, as well as ‘Mr. Gladstone’s inclement cal prowess was poor, and he was first of an unbroken series of four- noble policy of justice for Ireland’, unable to address campaign meet- teen electoral triumphs in the same the necessary ritual genuflection, weather on ings in the Welsh language. He had parliamentary division. Had Lloyd while his one truly radical sugges- previously contested the county George not won through in April tion was a proposal that ground the polling seat of Caernarvonshire in 1880 and 1890, it is possible that he could well rents should be taxed. The neces- Eifion in 1885. The local newspaper have been consigned thereafter to sity for the introduction of a gradu- days. Yr Herald Cymraeg, which tended a backwater career far removed ated system of taxation received to be at best lukewarm towards from the green benches at West- no more than a passing reference Lloyd George’s candidature, sug- minster, for he had already made in his election address. The con- gested that Nanney’s success was enemies within the Liberal Party. tents of his election address were sure to bring distinct economic As it was, the career of a truly great

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 31 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95 parliamentarian had been forged, the pressing demands of Wales and Nanney had been in April 1890, and his victory was hailed at once as he pressed both at Westminster and was Sir John Puleston, personally ‘a gain for the Gladstonian Liberal in the country at large for the pro- highly regarded and well known Party’.30 gramme of reforms which he had in the locality, whose status at Lloyd George, the self-styled advocated, albeit rather cautiously, Caernarfon at least had been much ‘Man of Destiny’ whose hour had during the by-election campaign. enhanced by his recent appoint- now struck two years earlier than Lloyd George’s personal prob- ment as the constable of the local expected, thus first entered par- lems were formidable. His innate castle. Aware that the forthcoming liament as one of a cohort of new sympathy for the ruined Charles contest might well be extremely Liberal members from Wales, all Stewart Parnell (whose fall at the finely balanced, Lloyd George had, returned between 1888 and 1890: end of 1890 had greatly unnerved during the early months of 1892, David Randell in Gower, D. A. Lloyd George) was, in part at least, made a determined effort to focus Thomas and W. Pritchard Mor- a reflection of his own awareness of on issues of local importance likely gan in Merthyr Tydfil, John Lloyd the potential disaster awaiting him to reflect credit on him personally Morgan and Abel Thomas in West if one of his numerous extramari- – harbours and fisheries, railway and East Carmarthen, and S. T. tal affairs should erupt into scandal. rates, and slate royalties. The Lib- Evans in Mid-Glamorgan. All He received no salary as an MP, and eral organisation in the Carnarvon the new members were relatively he was thus forced to depend almost Boroughs went to great lengths to young, most were barristers or totally on the profits of the family streamline the local campaign, and solicitors (D. A. Thomas was an legal practice, Lloyd George and each individual contributory bor- industrialist), almost all had been George, to which he himself con- ough was canvassed thoroughly born in Wales (Lloyd George, While Lloyd tributed only during parliamentary during the weeks preceding the born in Manchester, was a bizarre recesses. Indeed, on more than one poll.35 Once the Clergy Discipline exception), and all were, at least by George’s occasion, he seriously considered Bill had received its third read- origins, Nonconformists. Their abandoning his promising politi- ing, Lloyd George left London for election to Westminster marked a personal cal career to resume full-time legal his constituency, and, from the notable step in the erosion of the work as a solicitor or else to apply second week of June, he launched older landed element in Welsh par- electioneer- to the Bar. When, in the spring of himself into an exhausting round liamentary Liberalism as they were 1892, the Salisbury government of election meetings and canvass- depicted as a group of resurgent ing activi- introduced the Clergy Discipline ing programmes, primarily within and militant radical nationalist Bill to facilitate the removal of dis- the key marginal towns of Ban- politicians.31 ties were honest and immoral Anglican cler- gor, Caernarfon and Conwy. The David Lloyd George, who took gymen, Lloyd George determined main thrust of his speeches was his seat at Westminster on 17 April mainly con- to fight the measure on the grounds that the Conservative govern- 1890 (introduced by Stuart Rendel fined to the that its passage would only serve ment, and his own party to a lesser and Arthur Acland), soon became to fortify the position of the Welsh extent, were devoting overmuch a hard-working constituency MP, three highly Church and thus delay the prospect attention to the Irish question at and made his maiden speech in of disestablishment. He moved a the expense of other pressing prob- mid-June on the familiar, well- precarious string of amendments and forced lems.36 His public utterances were worn theme of temperance. At the House into twenty-one divi- buttressed by actions designed to the same time he made important northern sions at report stage. His energetic reflect favourably on his standing contacts within his party, proved railing against the measure in the in the local community. In Janu- himself to be a radical of distinctive boroughs, Commons incurred the wrath of ary he had fought unflinchingly style and outlook, and he was much Gladstone and other senior Liberals to defeat a private railway rate bill in demand as an eloquent plat- his wife Mag- as he insisted that the grievances of likely to affect adversely the for- form performer. He scored espe- Wales should be settled. When his tunes of the Nantlle slate quarry; in cially impressive performances in gie spared first parliament drew to a close, the February he had protested against the Commons in leading, together young Member for the Carnarvon the appointment of a monoglot with Samuel T. Evans, Mid-Glam- no effort to Boroughs had indeed acquired ‘a English-speaking judge, with no organ, his party’s opposition to newsworthy reputation as firebrand Welsh, to Caernarfon; and in April the Tithe Recovery Bill in Febru- canvass at and spellbinder, polemicist and he had proposed legislation to open ary 1891, and in helping to carry iconoclast’.32 He was already known private streams to public fishing.37 a second reading for a Welsh Veto Nevin and as the representative of ‘the New While Lloyd George’s per- Bill in March. From the very out- Wales’ and sometimes ‘The Parnell sonal electioneering activities were set Lloyd George did not confine her native of Wales’.33 mainly confined to the three highly his parliamentary activities to his Criccieth, As general election year – 1892 precarious northern boroughs, his parliamentary division. He became – dawned, the next election in the wife Maggie spared no effort to closely associated with the activi- where her Carnarvon Boroughs was widely canvass at Nevin and her native ties of both the Liberation Society viewed as ‘one of the keenest con- Criccieth, where her family was and the United Kingdom Alliance. family was tests in the whole of Wales’, The well known and highly respected. From the time of his first election to Times leader writer venturing the Her parents, Richard and Mary the Commons until the dissolution well known opinion, ‘I shall be surprised if the Owen of Mynydd Ednyfed Fawr, of parliament in June 1892, Lloyd verdict of the bye-election is not Criccieth, were most influential in George railed relentlessly against and highly reversed’.34 Now the Conserva- the locality, where her father, a sub- the alleged reluctance of the Salis- tive candidate, potentially a more stantial, prosperous tenant farmer, bury administration to deal with respected. formidable opponent than Ellis was also a highly respected elder

32 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95

and pillar of Berea, the local Cal- George to his uncle and mentor David Lloyd Liberals.42 The forecast of the North vinistic Methodist chapel. Lloyd Richard Lloyd.39 Inevitably, the George Wales Observer was, however, nota- George’s younger brother Wil- influence of the Nonconformist (1863–1945), bly sensible: liam also eagerly served as an ener- denominations was all-powerful photographed getic election sub-agent, although within the boroughs, although by John Though to prophesy is a hazard- he was undoubtedly also severely by no means did Nonconformity Thomas (1838– ous task, yet we feel sure that if hard pressed by his brother’s con- present a united front, and local 1905), c. 1885 only the Liberals in the north- tinual absences from the office of politics was invariably dogged by a (phot0graph ern part of the constituency will Lloyd George and George, solici- sectarian jealousy which penetrated reproduced by adhere to their traditions with as tors, because of the ever spiralling deep into the community. Lloyd kind permission much tenacity and earnestness as demands of his political career. George, originally a fervent Camp- of the National their friends in the southern bor- William George wrote in his diary bellite Baptist whose early religious Library of Wales) oughs, the party would not have on Easter Monday, 7 April 1890: faith was somewhat on the wane the slightest fear that they will by this time, had long been mis- achieve a great victory when the We are in the thick of the fight. trusted by a Calvinistic Methodist day of battle dawns.43 Personal rather than party feel- faction led by the Revd Evan Jones. ing runs high. The Tories began Although Jones was won over to Although the paper detected that by ridiculing Lloyd George’s support Lloyd George in 1892 and ‘things’ were ‘a little mixed’ at candidature; they have now indeed spoke on his behalf during Nefyn, it sensed ‘strong hopes’ of changed their tune. Each party the election campaign,40 the atti- Liberal success at Criccieth and looks upon it as a stiff fight. tude of local Methodists remained ‘not the shadow of a doubt’ at … The main issue is between a perpetual bogey threatening to Pwllheli.44 Sir John Puleston had county squire and upstart deprive the young MP of his seat.41 chosen Conwy as his campaign democrat.38 After the results of the local headquarters, displaying a ‘judi- government elections in the pre- cious appreciation’ of what was ‘I must honestly admit that I vious March, Lloyd George had believed to be ‘the key of the situa- am not at all sanguine about the voiced his very real concern to his tion’, and where he was to discover result. … The other side are bring- brother – ‘With the exception [of] ‘congenial society’.45 Disestablish- ing unheard of pressure to bear Criccieth & Pwllheli they are all ment was accorded the first place upon the electors’, confided Lloyd eminently unsatisfactory’ for the in Lloyd George’s 1892 general

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 33 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95 election address and in his cam- Cymru Fydd movement. Founded ‘The Execu- touching little speeches as to the paign speeches, with other Welsh in 1886 by some of the London ‘love’ felt for me by everyone issues well to the fore. By now he Welsh, including J. E. Lloyd, O. M. tive passed & that no one could carry the had the advantage of two years’ Edwards, T. E. Ellis (the nominal boroughs except me although experience as the sitting MP for leader of the movement, and the off very well I had gone wrong. They then the Boroughs, he was the benefi- MP for Merioneth, 1886–1899), determined to consult the local ciary of an enviable reputation for Beriah Gwynfe Evans and Alfred this after- leaders at each of their boroughs his prominent, belligerent role in Thomas, Cymru Fydd was intended & get a meeting soon. I think it parliament since April 1890, and he to fulfil several roles, some of noon. I told will be alright.48 was appreciated by electors in the which were perhaps contradictory: area for his record of an avid inter- it sought to be the Welsh expres- them that When the next general election est in issues of crucial importance sion of the Liberal Party, to further I could not took place in July 1895 following locally. He benefited, too, from his an awareness of Welsh national- the collapse of the unpopular Rose- sponsorship of a new Caernarfon ity, and to advance the cause of afford to pay bery administration, Lloyd George based press combine, the Welsh limited Welsh devolution. In the was soon unnerved by local conjec- National Press Co. Ltd, and he had 1890s it also became the vehicle any more ture that his electoral fate was now the support of an efficient new elec- for the personal ambition of Lloyd to ‘be out by 30’ votes.49 tion agent in R. O. Roberts. The George who made tireless efforts election But the local Conservatives’ services of the generally inefficient to ensure that the Liberal politics of curious selection of the defeated J. T. Roberts, whose contribu- Wales had a stronger Welsh iden- expenses 1890 by-election candidate local tion had been distinctly lacklustre tity. His aim was to take over the squire H. J. Ellis Nanney to stand in during the 1890 by-election cam- Liberal Federations of North and as elections the Boroughs again enhanced Lloyd paign, were summarily dispensed South Wales in order to promote George’s prospects there, especially with – evidence of Lloyd George’s Welsh home rule. The movement were com- as by this time he had more than early ability ruthlessly to cast aside lost some of its impetus follow- five years’ experience as an estab- incompetent political colleagues, a ing the withdrawal of T. E. Ellis to ing on so lished parliamentarian. But his per- skill later finely honed to become join the Gladstone government as sonal financial difficulties remained much in evidence during the Great its junior whip in 1892, after which frequently a perpetual bogey, threatening to War in relation to both government the leadership of the movement was deprive Lloyd George of his hard- ministers and military leaders. taken over by Lloyd George and & so I placed earned seat. At the end of May, Lloyd George’s very real fears J. Herbert Lewis (MP for the Flint Caernarfon solicitor R. D. Wil- proved groundless, for he suc- Boroughs). In consequence, Cymru my resigna- liams, who served as secretary to ceeded in increasing his majority Fydd was then relaunched on a nar- tion in the both the Carnarvon Boroughs and to 196 votes, a more impressive and rower, more political basis. the Arfon (North Caernarvonshire) secure margin: Within the Liberal organisa- hands of the local Liberal Associations, wrote tion in the Carnarvon Boroughs, bluntly to Lloyd George: D. Lloyd George – financial problems were pressing. Association. Liberal 2,154 Lloyd George, by no means a rich I am sorry to say that it is quite Sir John Puleston – man and one who received no par- They were impossible to carry out the work Conservative 1,958 liamentary salary at this point, had in a really efficient state with incurred personal expenses of no quite dumb- the sum you offer. … As I men- His total vote of 2,154 was again a less than £338-5s-8½d during the tioned to you, my salary has not new record in the chequered his- 1892 general election campaign. founded …’ been paid for over 12 months, tory of the small constituency. Even When all the bills had been set- and I have for years done the so, his majority of just 196 votes tled, an overdraft of some £220 still work of secretary, for £5 a year was the smallest of all the Liberal remained.47 Lloyd George’s per- (which is never paid in full).50 MPs returned in north Wales, and sonal financial position remained almost the smallest Liberal major- precarious, causing him seriously In the light of Lloyd George’s pre- ity in the whole of Wales.46 Car- to consider retiring from political cipitate conduct during the closing narvon Boroughs remained perhaps life. Indeed this was a step which stages of the Rosebery adminis- the most marginal Liberal seat he almost took in July 1894. As he tration, it was an easy task for the throughout the Principality. The explained to his wife: local Tory press to condemn him future was still uncertain within relentlessly as ‘the spokesman of the parliamentary division, but the The Executive passed off very the wildest and most revolution- narrowness of the Liberal victory at well this afternoon. I told them ary proposals, and his escapades Westminster – there was an overall that I could not afford to pay in the House of Commons have Liberal majority of just forty seats any more election expenses as filled his moderate supporters with as the ageing Gladstone formed his elections were coming on so alarm and disgust, whilst they have fourth and last ministry – gave an frequently & so I placed my raised the indignation of English enhanced status and potential clout resignation in the hands of the Radicals’.51 ‘The time has come’, it to the Liberal representatives from Association. They were quite went on, ‘when the electors of Car- Wales, among whom Lloyd George dumbfounded & two or three narvon Boroughs should take steps was already viewed as a leading men who were strongly opposed to be represented by one who is not tribune. But, at this early stage in to my later tactics – Dr. Price, the laughing stock of the whole his parliamentary career, his ener- Henry Owen & John Jones of the United Kingdom’.52 With gies were devoted mainly to the – they got up & made very the succession of the imperialist

34 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95 aristocrat Lord Rosebery as Prime precarious and difficult of all the than the broad-based appeal of Minister after Gladstone’s resig- Boroughs for Lloyd George, tipped Liberal Unionism. After all, only nation in 1894, Lloyd George had the balance in his favour. As the one Liberal Unionist parliamen- readily joined three other Welsh Liberals had lost six seats in Wales tary candidate – namely Sir John Liberal MPs, J. Herbert Lewis (Flint in 1895, and many party candidates Jones Jenkins in the Carmarthen Boroughs) and Frank Edwards had gone down to defeat through- District of Boroughs in the gen- (Radnorshire), and D. A. Thomas out the realm, Lloyd George’s suc- eral election of July–August 1895 (Merthyr Tydfil) (later Lord cess was all the more striking as it – ever captured a Welsh division, Rhondda), in a short-term revolt ran contrary to the national trend, a and even then by the tiny margin of against the party whips. When a singular personal triumph. only fifty-two votes. But, with the Welsh Disestablishment Bill had In the spring of 1890 a proud passing of the years, and as Lloyd come before the Commons in May Lloyd George had been in the George established himself ever 1895, Lloyd George had engaged in happy position of being able to more firmly at Westminster as a complex manoeuvres to try to get turn down the offer of a public politician of some standing, many a form of Welsh home rule tacked fund to cover his recent by-election of his constituents were undoubt- on to the disendowment parts of expenses, which had amounted to a edly proud of their MP as a national the measure. When the government considerable total of £250. There- politician of some standing, a ‘local resigned after defeat on the trivial after, however, in the general elec- boy made good’ par excellence who ‘cordite’ vote in June, there were tion campaigns of 1892, 1895 and had put the Carnarvon Boroughs those who blamed Lloyd George Throughout 1900, the Carnarvon Boroughs firmly on the political map. Given and his dodgy freelance activities. Liberal Association gladly raised the political conventions of the The Home Secretary responsible the period the resources required for the cam- 1890s, the rareness of his appear- for the Welsh Church Bill, Herbert paigns, an arrangement for which ances in the constituency were Asquith, believed Lloyd George to under consid- their MP was deeply grateful. From tolerated with equanimity, even be guilty of disloyalty and remem- 1906 onwards, he was in a position his well-known conspicuous lax- bered these events long after. Gen- eration, it is to contribute extensively himself to ity in dealing with correspondence erally it would be fair to say that his personal election expenses. embodying pleas for assistance. Lloyd George’s attitude towards striking that Throughout the period under Personal interviews were much Gladstone had been considerably consideration, it is striking that preferred by him to tedious letter warmer than towards Rosebery, Lloyd George Lloyd George and his camp made writing, and much of his personal mainly on the grounds that the for- almost no effort to exploit the novel postbag often went unopened, mer had Welsh roots and was far and his camp approaches to political organisation even more went unanswered. His more supportive of the concept of a that were being eagerly pioneered long absences from the constitu- distinct Welsh nationality and more made almost at this time by Joseph Chamber- ency were more than compensated ready to consider and to yield to no effort lain and his Birmingham-based for by the almost continuous pres- concerted Welsh demands. political ‘caucus’. The new means of ence of his devoted wife Margaret Lloyd George’s disquiet at the to exploit electioneering – among them post- at home, together with the Lloyd time of the 1895 general election is ers, pamphlets and flyers, and club- George children, a total of two sons again revealed in the words of his the novel based organisations – were all but and two daughters – Richard (b. brother, William, who confessed to ignored in the Carnarvon Boroughs 1889), Mair Eluned (b. 1890), Olwen his diary on the day of the election approaches in favour of retaining the tradi- Elizabeth (b. 1892) and Gwilym (b. count, ‘D., Maggie and I left Cric- tional tools of face-to-face canvass- 1894) – by 1894. At this time the cieth by the mail – 6 a.m. The jour- to political ing (always the favourite tack of family spent only a few short weeks ney was the most anxious time of Margaret Lloyd George throughout at London each year. Also it can- all. D. was very agitated poor chap. organisa- her frequently absentee husband’s not be denied that their MP was an The Tory reaction throughout the long political career), numerous effective ambassador at Westmin- country, and the Tory confidence tion that public speeches and an array of arti- ster for his constituents, constantly here, has made him feel depressed cles and columns in newspapers. It championing issues of key impor- and anxious. … I was convinced were being is indeed difficult to avoid the con- tance locally like foreshore rights [Ellis] Nanney was preparing his clusion that, at the end of the day, and harbour improvements and triumphant speech, but then his eagerly pio- Lloyd George’s election policies and communications. The interests of heart went down with a thud, his (ever finer) reputation were far local quarrymen, too, were pressed and his attitude was that of a man neered at more important in assisting him to by their dynamic young MP. The inwardly cursing and swearing till enlist the support of less promising electorates of this string of remote his heart bled’.53 But, in spite of a this time areas of his constituency than were little coastal towns consequently sharp swing to the Conservatives by Joseph the means of campaigning which he all warmed to the effective role of and the Liberal Unionists nation- employed there. Lloyd George in this capacity. ally, Lloyd George’s majority in Chamber- Lloyd George’s initial suc- But only gradually did his the Carnarvon Boroughs fell by cess in the April 1890 by-election position become more secure as a no more than four votes – to 192, lain and his could be attributed, in part at least, result of his innate personal acu- a considerable personal triumph to his firm emphasis on Welsh men and ability and growing pres- for him. The early ballot boxes Birmingham- nationalism and Welsh issues and tige in national politics, factors which had arrived for the count at to the resilience of the deeply which by 1906 had enabled him Caernarfon had indicated a clear based politi- entrenched Nonconformist tra- to win a majority in all six bor- majority for Nanney, but a crucial dition in the constituency which oughs, in the wake of his appoint- box from Bangor, by far the most cal ‘caucus’. carried much more weight locally ment to the Liberal Cabinet by

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 35 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95

Campbell-Bannerman as Presi- 46.7 per cent in 1900. Only in 1906 Welsh Political Archive at the National dent of the Board of Trade in did their vote fall to 38.3 per cent Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. December 1905. Even as late as the and remained very similar in both ‘khaki’ general election of 1900, the general elections held in 1910.57 1 See Henry Pelling, Social Geography while Lloyd George had achieved When Lloyd George became of British Elections, 1885–1910 (Macmil- a majority vote in five boroughs, at the Prime Minister in December lan, 1967), pp. 351 and 356. Bangor his Conservative opponent, 1916, the Carnarvon Boroughs 2 Ibid., p. 351. the bumbling army Major Henry became the first everWelsh con- 3 Emyr Price, ‘Lloyd George and the Platt, by no means an impressive stituency to be represented by a by-election in the Carnarvon Bor- candidate, still polled 795 votes to serving Prime Minister. While all oughs’, Caernarvonshire Historical Soci- Lloyd George’s 716. Of the four the other contributory districts of ety Transactions, vol. xxxvi (1975), pp. wards at Bangor, Lloyd George had boroughs constituencies were abol- 140–42. polled a majority of the votes cast ished in the sweeping redistribution 4 R. Emyr Price, ‘Lloyd George’s in only one of these – the North of 1918, the Carnarvon Boroughs, Pre-parliamentary Political Career’, ward, where the votes were 263 then the seat of the Prime Minister unpublished University of Wales MA Liberal and 212 Conservative. As who was widely fêted at the time thesis, 1974, p. 198. late as 1900, his majority at Conwy as ‘the man who won the war’ so 5 T. E. Ellis to Lloyd George, 8 Jan. was no more than thirty, and at recently, was allowed to continue 1889, as cited in John Grigg, The Caernarfon just fifty-three votes.54 in existence, and in fact remained Young Lloyd George (Eyre Methuen, Although by this time he had repre- until 1950.58 In 1918 the constitu- 1973), p. 85, and in Herbert du Parcq, sented the Boroughs for a full dec- ency was redefined, so that it Life of David Lloyd George, vol. i (Cax- ade, the constituency still remained included the then local government ton Publishing Company Ltd., 1912), decidedly marginal, with the three areas of the Municipal Boroughs p. 97. northern boroughs still display- of Bangor, Caernarvon, Conway, 6 National Library of Wales (hereaf- ing strong Conservative support. and Pwllheli; the Urban Districts ter NLW), William George Papers Socially, linguistically and politi- of Criccieth, Llandudno, Llanfair- 1, diary entry for 20 June 1886, also cally, the Boroughs were by no fechan, and Penmaenmawr as well cited in William George, My Brother means a Liberal stronghold and as the Lleyn Rural District. There and I (Eyre and Spottiswode, 1958), p. stood in striking contrast to many is indeed something of an irony in 131. other north Wales constituencies the fact that David Lloyd George, 7 See J. Hugh Edwards, Life of David like the Eifion (South Caernarfon- the champion of democracy par Lloyd George, vol. ii (Waverley Book shire) division, thoroughly Welsh excellence, should have spent the Company, 1913), pp. 142–44. and Nonconformist, and devotedly whole of his political career repre- 8 Y Genedl Gymreig, 5 Jan. 1887; Gwa- true Liberal. senting a parliamentary constitu- lia, 12 Jan. 1887. Even as late as the general elec- ency which was a flagrant violation 9 Y Genedl Gymreig, 2 Feb. 1887; Baner tion of January 1910, by which time of the basic political principle ‘One ac Amserau Cymru, 2 Feb. 1887. Lloyd George was at the height of vote, one value’. But, in conclu- 10 NLW MS 20,443A (Lloyd George his prestige as the reforming Chan- sion, the key point which should be Papers 2093), Lloyd George’s pocket cellor of the Exchequer and fully stressed is perhaps Lloyd George’s diary for 1887, entry for 4 September embroiled in his passionate crusade outstanding success in withstand- 1887. against the House of Lords fol- ing the opposition of the Unionist 11 See Price, ‘Political Career’, p. 260. lowing its outright rejection of his parties in a difficult constituency 12 Ibid. ‘People’s Budget’ the previous year, from 1890 right through until 1906. 13 W. R. P. George, The Making of Lloyd the popular local Tory aspirant From then on it was all relatively George (Faber, 1976), p. 156. H. C. Vincent won through at Ban- plain sailing. 14 Ibid., p. 157. gor, while the Chancellor headed 15 Lloyd George to his family circle at the poll in the other five constitu- Dr J. Graham Jones was until recently Criccieth, 24 Aug. 1888, as cited in du ent boroughs.55 In the general elec- Senior Archivist and Head of the Parcq, Life of David Lloyd George, vol. tions of 1906 and December 1910, Lloyd George won a majority of the votes in all six boroughs.56 His entrenched, unrelenting opposition Lloyd George Society: Survey of Welsh History to the Boer War and his escapades The Lloyd George Society is pleased to announce a special event in the Lloyd George Room at the at the Birmingham Town Hall back National Liberal Club, starting at 7.30pm on the evening of Monday 21 July, to celebrate the publication in 1901 had, it would seem, been of Professor Russell Deacon’s book, The Welsh Liberals: The History of the Liberal and Liberal Democrat forgotten or at least forgiven by the Parties in Wales. majority of his constituents a few The meeting will hear Professor Deacon introduce his book; to be followed by a round of debate and years later. It is interesting to record discussion with some of the people who have helped create and sustain the party in Wales. In the first that the Conservative candidates session, Martin Thomas (Lord Thomas of Gresford, President of the Lloyd George Society) and Roger won a high proportion of the total Roberts (Lord Roberts of Llandudno) will talk about and answer questions on the Welsh Liberal Party. poll in the division in every gen- The second session will feature Baroness Jenny Randerson, Baroness Christine Humphreys and Mike eral election from 1885 until 1900: German (Lord German) who will take us into the era of the Liberal Democrats. 49.1 per cent in 1885, 51.9 per cent in 1886, 49.8 per cent in 1890 (parlia- The meeting should appeal to anyone with an interest in Welsh or modern British political history, the mentary by-election), 47.6 per cent history of the Liberal Party or the Liberal Democrats. There will be free admission to the meeting and in 1892, 47.8 per cent in 1895, and copies of Professor Deacon’s book will be available to buy.

36 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 lloyd george and the carnarvon boroughs, 1890–95

Was Herbert Henry Asquith a serial groper?

‘I postponed my interview with the king … so that we might have the hour together.’ (One of Asquith’s many letters to Venetia Stanley.)

Did our WW1 Prime Minister take his eye off the ball?

Who was Louis Stanley?

‘Intriguing; we couldn’t put it down’ (Morley Family History Group)

i, p. 83. 27 See The Times, 11 Apr. 1890, p. 6. George, p. 169. to MLG, 14 July 1895 (written at 16 On this, see the convenient 28 Ibid. 39 NLW, William George Papers Rhyl). account ibid., pp. 153–56. 29 North Wales Chronicle, 9 July 3317, D. Lloyd George to Rich- 50 R. D. Williams, Caernarfon, to 17 The phrase is that used in the 1890. ard Lloyd, [June 1892]. D. Lloyd George, 29 May 1895, Liverpool Mercury, 13 July 1888. 30 The Times, 12 Apr. 1890, p. 8. 40 British Weekly, 21 July 1892. cited in W. R. P. George, Lloyd 18 NLW, D. R. Daniel Papers 2751, 31 See Kenneth O. Morgan, Wales 41 NLW, William George Papers, George: Backbencher (Gomer, D. Lloyd George to Daniel, 5 in British Politics, pp. 111–14. 1892 election papers, file 9, Wil- 1983), pp. 180–81. July 1888. 32 Cregier, Bounder from Wales, p. liam Anthony, Pwllheli, to D. 51 North Wales Chronicle, 29 June 19 Kenneth O. Morgan, Wales in 44. Lloyd George, 20 June 1892. 1895. British Politics, 1868–1922, 4th 33 Emyr Price, David Lloyd George 42 NLW, William George Papers, 52 Ibid. ed. (University of Wales Press, (University of Wales Press 1892 election papers, file 9, 53 NLW, William George Papers 1991), p. 114. ‘Celtic Radicals series’, 2006), p. D. Lloyd George to William 6890, WG’s diary entry for 21 20 See The Times, 2 Apr. 1890, p. 7, 124. George, 7 Mar. 1892. July 1895. and 3 Apr. 1890, p. 7: ‘Election 34 The Times, 11 Feb. 1892. 43 North Wales Observer, 17 June 54 Bangor University Library, Bel- intelligence’ columns. 35 J. Graham Jones, ‘Lloyd George 1892. mont Papers (Henry Lewis MSS) 21 NLW, E. Morgan Humphreys and the Caernarfon Boroughs 44 Ibid. no. 61. Papers A/1157(i), Dame Marga- election of 1892’, Caernarvonshire 45 Ibid., 24 June 1892. 55 Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 16 ret Lloyd George interviewed by Historical Society Transactions, no. 46 In Pembroke and Haverford- Dec. 1910; Pelling, Social Geogra- Humphreys, Apr. 1940. 52–53 (1991–92), pp. 31–50, and west District C. F. E. Allen was phy, p. 356. 22 Cited in du Parcq, Life of David now reprinted in Jones, David returned by 195 votes. 56 See Cambrian News, 23 Jan. 1906. Lloyd George, vol. i, p. 91. Lloyd George and Welsh Liberal- 47 W. R. Williams, The Parliamen- 57 Pelling, Social Geography, p. 351. 23 Ibid., p. 97. ism (National Library of Wales, tary History of the Principality of 58 Other single borough constitu- 24 Cardiff Times, 29 Mar. 1890. 2010), pp. 30–46. Wales … 1541–1895 (Brecknock, encies continued in existence 25 See Don M. Cregier, Bounder 36 Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald, 29 1895), p. vii. after 1918, among them the Ayr from Wales: Lloyd George’s Career May 1892. 48 NLW MS 20,413C, no. 460, D. District and the Montrose Dis- before the First World War (Colom- 37 See Cyril Parry, David Lloyd Lloyd George to Margaret Lloyd trict in Scotland. bia and London, 1976), pp. George (Dinbych, 1984), pp. George, 5 July 1894 (written at 34–36. 33–34. Caernarfon). 26 Y Gwalia, 16 Apr. 1890. 38 Cited in George, Making of Lloyd 49 NLW MS 20,415C, no. 561, DLG

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 37 One explanation put forward by Duverger was the electoral system. Report While there is truth in this, it is not the whole truth because it does not explain how it happened so quickly and in the precise way it did. Nor Decline and Fall: The Liberal Party and the can it explain how a remnant of elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 the once great party came to be left behind, surviving in a particu- Evening meeting, National Liberal Club, 10 February 2014, lar form, rather than being elimi- nated totally. And do the events of with Michael Steed and Professor Pat Thane; chair: Dr Julie What was it the 1920s have something to tell us Smith. about the nature and fate of Brit- that caused ish politics in general in the rest of Report by Graham Lippiatt the twentieth century? Looking at the decline British politics within a compara- or the Liberal Party, the during these short years, that tive framework, if the decline of three general elections of caused the decline of the once great of the once the Liberal Party was the result of F1922, 1923 and 1924 repre- Liberal Party into the rump it the mobilisation of the industrial sented a terrible and rapid journey became? Was it accident, the First great Liberal and rural working classes around a from post-war disunity to reunion World War? Was it murder, and if socio-economic programme, then and near return to government and so who was the murderer – Ram- Party into Britain should have had a socialist then to prolonged decline. Argu- say Macdonald, Stanley Baldwin? or social democratic Labour major- ably this was the key period which Was it suicide arising from the the rump ity for most of the period from the relegated the Liberals to the third- split between Asquith and Lloyd 1920s until the end of the twenti- party status from which they have George? Or was it death by natural it became? eth century, along with compara- never escaped, and such was the causes? Looking at the question as a ble European polities. That this did proposition debated by psepholo- political scientist, Steed believes the Was it acci- not occur in some Catholic coun- gist Michael Steed, honorary lec- case is strongest for death by natu- tries can be put down to religion. turer in politics at the University of ral causes. In almost all developed dent, the In Britain, however, one reason for Kent, and Pat Thane, Professor of European countries, there existed this not happening is perhaps the Contemporary History at King’s by the end of the nineteenth cen- First World nature of the British Conservative College, London. The meeting was tury some kind of two-party sys- Party as compared to other Euro- chaired by Dr Julie Smith, Senior tem. Amongst a lot of diversity, a War? Was it pean conservative movements. But Lecturer in International Relations simple dichotomy of a middle-class murder, and to try and get a better understand- and Politics at Robinson College, liberal party, fighting around a pro- ing of exactly what happened, Cambridge University. gressive or radical agenda, faced by if so who was Steed referred in detail to the three Julie Smith introduced the a conservative or clerical opponent, general elections in question, what meeting by quoting the descrip- could be found almost everywhere. the murderer came immediately before and what tion by Lady Violet Bonham Carter By the early twentieth century, in came after. (under whose portrait she was sit- Europe, Australia and New Zea- – Ramsay The figures for the 1922 and 1923 ting) of the 1922 general election land (although not in North Amer- elections show that the vote spread as a contest between two men, one ica), that political left–right contest Macdonald, between the parties is remarkably with Saint Vitus’ dance and one was being replaced by a socio-eco- similar – although the seat share with sleeping sickness. As Michael nomic left–right divide. It would Stanley Bald- changes significantly (see table). Steed explained, these characters have extraordinary, therefore, The dramatic change is between were of course Lloyd George and given Britain’s place in mainstream win? Was it the essentially three-party system Bonar Law – both key figures in European culture and political of 1922 and 1923 and the result in British electoral history of the time. development, for this country to suicide aris- 1924 when, on the face of it, there Howeveer, as Steed pointed out, have remained exempt from those was a massive shift from Liberal when he was first researching elec- forces – immune to the mobilisa- ing from to Conservative but nothing like tions it was not the easy task it is tion of the working classes around the same from Liberal to Labour. today to find electoral results and a different political agenda from the split A more detailed look, however, facts. And of all the general elec- that embodied in the increasingly reveals switching from Liberal to tion results, those for 1922 and 1923 irrelevant, nineteenth-century Lib- between Labour did occur. One of the keys were the most difficult to obtain. So eral approach. However, something Asquith to understanding this is to look at from his schoolboy pocket money else becomes apparent from this the ‘Candidates’ column. It helps he purchased a copy of The Times comparative analysis: in most com- and Lloyd explain the changes but makes election supplement for 1923, which parable countries the process took analysis extremely complicated had the complete results for every decades; in Britain it happened George? Or because of the many varieties of constituency for that year and the within a very limited time frame, contests, three-way, two-way Lib– year before, with the contemporary 1922–1924. was it death Con, or Lib–Lab – as well as the party labels. This highlights the specificity of fights between Lloyd George and The key question arising from the British case. But what happened by natural Asquithian Liberals. the elections of this period, accord- to advance the death by natural To set more of the back- ing to Steed, was what it was, causes of the British Liberal Party? causes? ground, Steed then talked about

38 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 the by-election and local election Lloyd George money. The Asquith- between the two Liberal camps and results of the 1918–1922 parliament. ian manifesto was strongly worded, within some Tory ranks as to who These sent out extraordinarily giving a flavour of the times. was standing where and with what diverse and conflicting signals from support. the electorate as to the state of Brit- The circumstances of the Cou- In the short 1922–23 Parliament, ish politics and made it hard for the pon election were so abnormal with its dramatic replacement of commentators to understand what that the events which have hap- Bonar Law by Baldwin rather than might happen in forthcoming gen- pened since constitute a com- Curzon or Austen Chamberlain, eral elections. Local elections were plete justification of the warning there was no honeymoon for the then on a three-year cycle held in which Liberal leaders then gave new administration. By-elections November. In 1919, Labour made that the continuance of the coa- continued to go against the govern- sweeping gains – especially in Lon- lition [in 1918] meant the aban- ment, even in places like Liverpool don, winning control of a number donment of principle and the which was at that time pretty sol- of boroughs. In the following years substitution of autocratic for idly Tory. Then, despite having a local election results were all quite Parliamentary government. working majority and with very similar, showing small Labour little warning, Baldwin announced gains, small Liberal losses and the The whole tone and content of the on 13 November 1923 that he is Conservatives standing still. Fol- Asquithian manifesto is directed calling a general election to seek lowing this sign that Labour was not against Tory or Labour but a mandate for tariffs. It is hard on the rise, however, came the dra- wholly against Lloyd George and today to appreciate the passion and matic by-election in Paisley in Feb- the idea of coalition now so directly intensity that people felt about free ruary 1920, in which Asquith was associated with him, even though trade. It was thought, rather like returned to parliament with a huge he is no longer Prime Minister. the National Health Service today, swing, apparently signalling that The electoral timings of late to be part of the British identity and the independent Liberal Party was 1922 are crucial. The declaration this was reflected in the language on its way back. Labour’s ambigu- of the Newport by-election was at of the manifestoes and speeches ous position was reinforced by the 2 a.m. on the morning of 19 Octo- of the day, not just in Liberal cir- result of the East Woolwich by- ber. The local election campaign cles but in Labour’s too. The free election of March 1921 in which was already under way with a num- trade issue allowed the two wings Ramsay Macdonald was prevailed ber of pacts having being agreed. of the Liberal Party to reunite upon to stand, having lost his seat The local election results then came around this traditional Liberal pol- in 1918 probably because he had through on 2 and 3 November icy. Lloyd George had the money; been on the peace-making side dur- and nominations for parliamen- Asquith had most of the troops on ing the First World War. He lost tary seats closed on 4 November. the ground. A positive joint mani- narrowly to a working-class coali- The local elections saw significant festo was written by Lloyd George, tion Conservative, who had been a Labour losses, the only year of Asquith, Alfred Mond and John war hero. This result is indicative of the period in question when this Simon, emphasising free trade, and the great fluidity of political opin- occurs. This was misread by com- such was the success of the Liberal ion at this time and the contingent mentators because of the three-year reunion that there were only two nature of individual contests. Then cycle. Labour were unable to hold cases where rival Liberal candidates came the famous Newport by-elec- their gains of 1919 and lost out, par- fought each other. tion of October 1922, fought on the ticularly in London. A Conserva- The general election of 1923 issues of drink and the coalition, in tive government was returned on was contested during a foot and which an anti-Lloyd George, anti- 15 November, less than one month mouth outbreak across the country coalition Conservative, financed after the by-election which precipi- and brought about some extraor- by the brewers, mobilised the tated the general election. And in dinary, sweeping changes. Lib- working-class vote to kick out the this short and feverish time, there eral representation increased (on coalition Liberal candidate with was a lot of confusion within and Steed’s simple figures, ignoring the Labour apparently losing ground. There were conflicting signals in Election Vote (000s) % MPs Candidates all directions as to the mood of the 19221 electorate. Conservative 5,502 38.5 344 482 The Newport by-election led to the slightly premature dissolution Labour 4,237 29.7 142 414 of 1922 and the general election. Liberal 4,081 28.3 115 477 Lloyd George was left nonplussed 1923 and adrift by the collapse of his government. There is no Lloyd Conservative 5,515 38 258 536 George Liberal manifesto and it is Labour 4,439 30.7 191 427 quite difficult to determine exactly Liberal 4,301 29.7 158 457 how many pro-Lloyd George can- 1924 didates there actually were, as many Liberal candidates were hedging Conservative 7,855 46.8 412 534 their bets between the resurgent Labour 5,489 33.3 151 514 Independent Liberals and the man Liberal 2,931 17.8 40 340 who won the war, some looking for

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 39 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 uncertainty of some of the party In the light been extraordinary. Roy Jenkins the Conservatives were coming to labels) from 115 seats to 158. Not in his biography of Asquith sim- terms with the new political cir- the hugest change in itself, but one of what hap- ply states that Asquith recoiled in cumstances more effectively than in which the churning of seats was horror at the prospect of any coali- the other parties. So perhaps, Steed immense. Over forty seats were pened after tion, without further explanation, concluded, the British specificity lost but about eighty were gained. and although there were weeks around the decline of the Liberal So within the apparent stability of the 2010 in which negotiations could have Party was not the actions of the vote there was, in fact, great flu- taken place, none did. Perhaps it Liberals themselves, but rather the idity. Liberals were losing seats in general elec- was unthinkable, given the context way in which the Conservatives their traditional areas of strength in and result of the election fought adapted to the changes in British the mining and industrial constitu- tion and the on free trade, for Asquith to have society better than its rivals. encies, but gaining in rural areas experience of contemplated keeping Baldwin in Professor Pat Thane began her south of a line from Cornwall to office. But what about talking to look at the parliamentary back- the Wash. Even in the Tory core of other coun- Labour? Asquith managed to get ground to these elections by refer- Kent, Surrey and Sussex, the Lib- all but about ten of his MPs to vote ring to the coalition government of erals gained Chichester and Sev- tries in simi- to bring down Baldwin and install 1916–1922, led by Lloyd George but enoaks. The Liberals did less well Britain’s first Labour government. dominated by Conservative MPs, north of this line and actually lost lar positions, Was this the British specificity increasingly so during its course. some agricultural seats to the Con- which speeded up the death of the This position of dominance was servatives in the north of England Asquith’s Liberal Party? In most continental reinforced by the Liberal split fol- and Scotland. All of which illus- countries there would have been lowing the wartime replacement of trates how volatile the electorate position a coalition or some form of inter- Asquith as Prime Minister by Lloyd was and shows up some important party agreement which would George. Labour withdrew from regional variations. seems to have prolonged the decline into a the coalition before the Coupon After the election there fol- two-party system. It was perhaps election, although ten Labour MPs lowed a four week period before have been not the first-past-the-post electoral agreed to support the new govern- parliament had to meet on 8 Janu- system that was responsible for the ment after 1918. The election was ary 1924, giving the parties time extraordi- rapid decline of the Liberal Party, held just one month after the armi- to work out what they wanted to but the Asquithian view of what stice and the turnout, at 59 per cent, do. Baldwin remained the leader of nary. Roy was constitutionally correct or the was low. the largest party in parliament but Liberal revulsion at the idea of coa- Until mid-1920 the British had been resoundingly defeated on Jenkins in his lition itself and view of the proper economy was in reasonable shape, the issue on which he went to the biography relationship of political parties as a although there was a high level of country, the election having pro- result of what had happened in 1916 strikes. Trade union activity had duced a clear majority (60 per cent of Asquith and 1918. risen during the war and continued versus 40 per cent) for free trade Moving on to the 1924 general to increase. But there was tension and against tariffs. It is at this point simply states election, the election which rel- in the Coalition, both within the that an indicator of suicide on the egated the Liberal Party to third- Conservative ranks and between part of the Liberal Party might be that Asquith party status with representation the Tories and the Liberals, around found. On 18 December 1923 most falling to forty seats in the House the desire to reduce the level of state of the 158 Liberal MPs gathered recoiled in of Commons, Steed reminded the regulation of the economy, which in the National Liberal Club to be meeting that this was the first in had been brought in during the addressed by Asquith. Asquith him- horror at the which radio broadcasts were offered war, and to raise tariffs and cut pub- self is in a strong position. Most of to the party leaders. Ramsay Mac- lic expenditure. On Lloyd George’s the MPs elected are new and have prospect of donald, in the tradition of the great side, however, it was seen as desir- come from the local associations stage orator, moved his microphone able to hold on to some state regula- which have been mainly supportive any coalition, around with him and his broadcast tion so as to promote further social of the Independent Liberals. The was a total disaster. Asquith, more reform through a programme of Lloyd Georgites had lost ground without fur- dignified, the last of the Romans, building much-needed affordable and Lloyd George himself, his rep- spoke directly to the microphone homes, improving state education, utation as war hero fading into the ther explana- from a platform in Paisley and maternity and child welfare and past, had lost the ascendancy to his this came over well enough. Stan- the unemployment benefits sys- old rival. Perhaps four-fifths of the tion … ley Baldwin, however, accepted tem. Consequently, tension existed Liberal intake of 1923 can be cat- Sir John Reith’s offer of advice on domestically between the Conserv- egorised as Asquithian and Asquith how best to use this new technol- ative and Liberal elements of the believed that it was the Liberal ogy, where the others had declined. coalition even before the interna- Party, now firmly under his leader- Reith advised Baldwin to remem- tional economic crisis of mid-1920 ship, which controlled the political ber he was talking to people in their began causing unemployment to situation. He proposed allow- own homes and suggested doing start to rise in Britain. ing Ramsay Macdonald to form a the broadcast from a studio. Bald- By 1921 there were 1.8 million minority Labour government. win got his wife to sit in the stu- jobless. The majority Conserva- In the light of what hap- dio with him, doing her knitting, tive response to the economic crisis pened after the 2010 general elec- and did the broadcast as if he was was to press for expenditure cuts tion and the experience of other speaking to her. Not only was this and tariffs. They were cheered on countries in similar positions, a great success, but it can be viewed in this by a vociferous anti-waste Asquith’s position seems to have as a metaphor for the way in which campaign, attacking what was

40 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 described as government ‘squan- he would go to Aberavon at the next reconciliation of Lloyd George and dermania’, in the pages of Lord general election. Inviting Macdon- Asquith and the reunion of Liberal- Rothermere’s Times and Daily ald to stand in these circumstances ism around the banner of free trade, Mail, whose readership and influ- was not one of Henderson’s wisest an issue also favoured by Labour ence had grown greatly during decisions. Woolwich had a Labour and one which really mattered to the war. Anti-waste candidates tradition but was home to a barracks people. One policy the government contested and won by-elections and to the Woolwich Arsenal, a did pursue with Neville Cham- at this time, defeating coalition huge munitions manufacturer dur- berlain as Minister of Health was Conservatives in Westminster St ing the war and still the biggest local to restore some of the unpopular George’s at Hertford. The govern- employer. Macdonald’s anti-war Geddes cut to the housing budget ment responded in the next budget record was unhelpful and the Tories to help address the serious housing by cutting income tax and also cut- played it up to the full, as his oppo- shortage. Emphasis was however ting the recently introduced subsi- nent, Robert Gee, was a former cap- shifted towards private building dies for Lloyd George’s ‘homes for tain in the Royal Fusiliers who had for owner-occupation and away heroes’, upsetting Liberal reform- been awarded the Victoria Cross from local authority building for ers. Addressing the Conservative in the war. It is also unlikely that Asquith was rent. The Conservatives were pressure on the economy, Lloyd local voters were much impressed learning that encouraging owner- George agreed to the setting up of that Macdonald was only going to very strongly occupation was a good way to buy a committee to recommend further stay until the next election. It was votes. In 1918 only 10 per cent of cuts to the public sector, chaired a nasty campaign with Macdon- opposed UK housing was owner-occupied by Sir Eric Geddes, a Conservative ald under personal attack from the but the proportion steadily went MP and businessman. It reported Tories, although he lost by only 683 to the idea up between the wars to over 25 per in 1922, recommending severe cuts votes. Macdonald then moved to cent by 1939. to public sector services and sala- Aberavon where he won in 1922 and of joining Baldwin was worried about dif- ries which came to be known as ‘the returned to the Labour leadership. ferences of opinion in the Conserv- Geddes axe’. Lloyd George was thus In the general election, the Con- another Con- ative Party over tariffs and wanted appearing ever weaker in relation servatives were worried enough a clear mandate on this approach to his coalition partners, and many about Labour to play up the ‘red servative- to the economy, and in November Conservatives had come to hate the scare’ in quite a big way. Bonar Law 1923 decided to call a general elec- coalition and the Liberals almost as had no clear policy agenda to deal dominated tion on the issue, perhaps underes- much as they hated Labour. Then with the economic crisis. He dis- timating the strength of opposition came the sale of honours scandal, owned tariffs during the campaign, coalition to tariffs in the electorate. Swayed again promoted by the Rothermere aware they were unpopular with by the emollient, ‘father of the peo- press and, following the Newport voters concerned about rising food and did have ple’ image that he was assiduously by-election, the meeting of Con- prices. Although the Tories were hopes of cultivating, Baldwin seriously mis- servative MPs at the Carlton Club not sure of winning they emerged judged the mood of the electorate. which resulted in their withdraw- with a clear majority and Labour some kind The Conservatives had done very ing from the coalition and resolv- did well, increasing their share little to win over undecided voters ing to fight the next election as an of the vote from 23.7 per cent in of progres- and had run a remarkably ineffec- independent force. Lloyd George 1918 to 29.7 per cent and their total tive administration. Despite their resigned as Prime Minister. seats from 732 to 142. The Liber- sive alliance overall vote share staying about the In the general election campaign als were still divided and although same they lost seats but remained which followed, the Conservatives they increased the share of the total with Labour. the largest single party. Labour were clearly worried about Labour, vote of their two wings, their over- gained in the conurbations and ben- given their recent electoral suc- all seat numbers were down with He assured efited from the drift of reforming cesses. Labour had won fourteen Labour taking Liberal seats in min- Liberals into the party, including seats in by-elections since 1918 and ing and industrial areas and the his parlia- people like J. A. Hobson, Charles had lost just one. The one which was cities. On this showing the Liber- Trevelyan and Josiah Wedgwood. lost, Woolwich East, was important, als had more to fear from Labour’s mentary Liberal representation also went up, however, because the candidate was advance than the Conservatives. and when Baldwin tried to remain Ramsay Macdonald. Macdonald Bonar Law resigned in May party that in power, Labour and Liberals com- was trying to get back into parlia- 1923 due to serious ill health, hav- bined to vote him out. Asquith was ment for the first time since losing ing done not very much as Prime if a Labour very strongly opposed to the idea his seat in 1918, which he lost mainly Minister. He was replaced by the of joining another Conservative- because of his opposition to the war. relatively inexperienced Stanley government dominated coalition and did have But by 1921 he was already prospec- Baldwin who was chosen because was to be hopes of some kind of progressive tive Labour candidate for Aberavon, he was not tainted by association alliance with Labour. He assured his a seat with an anti-war tradition with the previous coalition gov- tried out, it parliamentary party that if a Labour and he agreed to stand in Woolwich ernment and because he was not government was to be tried out, it reluctantly. The sitting MP, Will Lord Curzon, who was unpopular could hardly could hardly be tried under safer Crooks, had resigned because of ill with many influential Conserva- conditions. It would be forming a health and Arthur Henderson, effec- tive MPs. However Baldwin had be tried minority government, dependent tively leading the Labour Party, put no coherent policy programme on Liberal support which would pressure on Macdonald to step in. and gave in to party pressure to under safer easily restrain the more social- Macdonald agreed on the under- revert to supporting tariffs which, ist tendencies lurking inside the standing that whatever the outcome at least on the surface, led to the conditions. Labour Party while encouraging

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 41 New from the Liberal Democrat History Group The Dictionary of Liberal Quotations

‘A liberal is a man or a woman or a child who looks forward to a better day, a more tranquil night, and a bright, infinite future.’ (Leonard Bernstein) ‘I am for peace, retrenchment and reform, the watchword of the great Liberal Party thirty years ago.’ (John Bright) ‘Few organisations can debate for three days whether to stage a debate, hold a debate, have a vote and then proceed to have a debate about what they have debated. But that is why the Liberal Democrats hold a special place in the British constitution.’ (Patrick Wintour) Edited by Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Paddy Ashdown. Writers, thinkers, journalists, philosophers and politicians contribute nearly 2,000 quotations, musings, provocations, jibes and diatribes. A completely revised and updated edition of the History Group’s second book (published originally in 1999), this is the essential guide to who said what about Liberals and Liberalism. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £10 instead of the normal £12.99. To order by post, send a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) for the cover price plus postage and packing at the rate of £2 per copy. Orders should be sent to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

The best single-volume study available of British Liberalism and British Liberals Peace, Reform and Liberation

‘This new volume, taking a long view from the later seventeenth century to the Cameron-Clegg coalition of today, is a collective enterprise by many hands … This is an excellent book.’ Kenneth O. Morgan, Cercles ‘I had not expected to enjoy this book as much as I did, or to learn as much from it.’ William Wallace, Lib Dem Voice ‘The editors and their fourteen authors deserve congratulation for producing a readable one-volume history of Liberal politics in Britain that is both erudite but perfectly accessible to any reader interested in the subject.’ Mark Smulian, Liberator Edited by Robert Ingham and Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Nick Clegg. Written by academics and experts, drawing on the most recent research, Peace, Reform and Liberation is the most comprehensive and most up-to-date guide to the story of those who called themselves Liberals, what inspired them and what they achieved over the last 300 years and more. An essential source for anyone interested in the contribution of Liberals and Liberalism to British politics. Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £24 instead of the normal £30. To order, send a cheque (to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) for the cover price plus postage and packing at the rate of £4 for one copy; £7 for two copies; £9 for three copies; and add £1 for each further copy. Orders should be sent to: LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

42 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 it into the kind of reforms which difficulty selecting Cabinet minis- Meanwhile Macdonald was were popular with many Liberals. ters from his inexperienced party involved in long and detailed nego- Relations between the party leaders and recruited a number of former tiations in London with German, were not good however. Macdon- Liberals, Haldane as Lord Chan- Allied and US representatives to ald disliked both Asquith, whom cellor, Trevelyan at Education bring about a final post-war peace he found patronising, and Lloyd and Josiah Wedgwood as Chan- treaty. By summer 1924 agreement George. This did not bode well for cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. was finally reached on German any sort of alliance, and there was His aim was for Labour to replace reparations and the ending of the no sign that Macdonald wanted the Liberals as the party of radical Franco-Belgian occupation of the any sort of coalition. He wanted reform, having long believed this Ruhr, a major achievement. Also, to show that Labour could govern was a possibility, and this became one of Macdonald’s first actions as alone, if only for a short time. increasingly realistic as more and Prime Minister and Foreign Sec- So in January 1924, Macdon- more working-class Liberals and retary was to recognise the Soviet ald became the first Labour Prime intellectuals came across. Mac- Union and he then set about trying Minister. Always more interested donald’s government did not hold to conclude a trade agreement with in foreign rather than domestic back completely from progressive Russia. This merely confirmed in affairs, he also took the position of social reform although it stayed his enemies’ eyes that he really was a Foreign Secretary. Philip Snowden within uncontroversial limits. John crypto-Bolshevik (though nothing was Chancellor of the Exchequer Wheatley introduced the most far- could have further from the truth). and Arthur Henderson became reaching Housing Act so far, pro- His real intentions were firstly to Home Secretary. This govern- viding a larger subsidy than before increase the likelihood of continu- ment was formed in unpropitious for new building for rent, mostly by ing international peace by normal- circumstances for Labour. It held local authorities. At the same time ising Soviet relations with other a minority of seats. The economy he extended Chamberlain’s subsidy nations, secondly to reverse the was weak. Unemployment was still which promoted owner-occupation decline in British exports to Rus- high. Radical measures aimed at and altogether these moves greatly sia, and thirdly to settle the claims of restoring the economy would be increased house building which British bond-holders on the pre-rev- hard to get through parliament. both provided a large number of olutionary government which the Asquith meanwhile faced criti- jobs and significantly increased the Bolsheviks had repudiated. Negoti- cism, especially from the business His aim was affordable housing stock. Unem- ations were lengthy but as 1924 wore element in the Liberal Party, for ployment benefit was raised and on the closer to agreement the sides putting in the socialists and some for Labour the unpopular means test for ben- came. However there was opposi- deserted to the Conservatives. The efits for the long-term unemployed tion from the Conservatives and party never again gained the 28 per to replace was abolished but the conditions increasingly from the Liberals and it cent of the vote that they won in the Liber- for receiving long-term benefit became clear that if it was put before 1923 and throughout 1924 leaked were toughened, requiring claim- parliament and debated, the govern- support both to the Conservatives als as the ants to show they were normally ment would be defeated. and to Labour. It was hard for the in employment. Other areas were This was first of the crises that Liberals either to tread a distinc- party of radi- also tightened up putting the bur- the Labour government faced in tive path or to support either of the den of proof on claimants to pro- the autumn of 1924. In September other parties wholeheartedly. The cal reform, duce evidence of their search for the Daily Mail went on the rampage desire to maintain Liberal inde- work. While this upset some on the again because a baronetcy had been pendence in these new circum- having long left of the party, it helped get the awarded to an old friend of Mac- stances made the party stress its changes through parliament. It was donald’s who had loaned him some differences with the government. believed this also popular with Labour voters money and given him a car and the As to Labour, it could hardly who feared generous benefits would Mail particularly enjoyed remind- fail to accept the opportunity to was a pos- encourage shirkers and scroungers ing readers how Macdonald had form a government as, particularly (on whom Labour had always taken criticised Lloyd George over his if they handled it well, it would sibility, and a fairly hard line in fact). Labour honours scandal. Then, more seri- give them a responsible image and encouraged local authorities to use ously, in July an article appeared useful experience of office for the this became their existing powers to improve in the Communist Party Workers’ future. Macdonald had no illusion education, health care and housing Weekly, written by its temporary that his government would last increasingly and also increased old age pensions. editor J. R. Campbell, calling on long but he intended to do noth- Snowden did little to upset the soldiers to refuse to fire on their fel- ing too radical to accelerate its fall. realistic as Treasury; his budget reduced direct low workers during strikes. This He signalled Labour’s modera- more and taxes and duties introduced dur- led to a hasty decision by the inex- tion by refusing to implement the ing the war which mainly affected perienced Attorney General, Sir capital levy, designed to pay off the more work- food imports. Snowden presented Patrick Hastings, to order Camp- still-substantial war debt, which this idea as the ‘free breakfast table’, bell’s prosecution for incitement to had been promised during the elec- ing-class a return to free trade. There were mutiny. Macdonald and others in tion, although this upset the left also cuts to the naval budget as the government became fearful of of the party. Snowden proved an Liberals and part of the process of disarmament the tensions such legal action would orthodox Chancellor. He opposed which Macdonald was eager to pro- arouse within and against the party. the levy and thought economic intellectuals mote internationally. Further, to The Cabinet agreed to withdraw recovery could be promoted by confirm its moderation, Labour dis- the prosecution and was accused by tax deductions. Macdonald had came across. tanced itself from the unions. its opponents of giving in to far-left

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 43 report: decline and fall – the liberal party and the elections of 1922, 1923 and 1924 pressure. The Conservatives tabled The Liberals convinced enough people that they a significantly greater extent a censure motion against the gov- were, after all, capable of respon- in this period, and therefore ernment to which the Liberals were seen to sible constitutional government. it is very likely that the newly added an amendment seeking a Its core vote turned out in strength enfranchised female voters select committee inquiry into the have done while the larger number of peo- voted more Conservative and matter. When it was passed in the ple who were terrified of social- less Labour; the evidence for Commons, Macdonald took it as a very little ism flocked to the Conservatives the Liberal Party is less clear. vote of no confidence and resigned. abandoning the Liberals. Labour How far this was a matter of Macdonald had handled these crises during the had established itself as the main gender or one of social envi- badly, partly because he had been opposition party to the Tories and ronment (age, class, occupa- distracted and exhausted by his dip- Labour gov- made a better showing in 1924 than tion, etc.) is open to debate; lomatic negotiations. ernment. has usually been credited. So in more exhaustive work might In the election which followed, conclusion, Pat Thane agreed with throw some light on that. Baldwin offered no new policies They had Michael Steed that the decline of • Women voters swung more to solve the country’s economic the Liberal Party was essentially than men to Lab/Lib in 1923, problems but campaigned on a been inef- one of natural causes. swinging more back to Con- one-nation policy and vigorously The one important issue which servative in 1924. There is no attacked Labour’s supposed Bolshe- fectual and emerged during the question and real doubt about this differen- vik tendencies, despite the actual answer session concerned the dis- tiation, presumably on the free moderation of their approach in divided. They tribution of the women’s vote and trade issue, though the precise government. Baldwin was helped how this had affected the position extent and how far it was a just before the general election seemed to of the Liberals. In answer to ques- gender or social context effect when the Daily Mail (again) pro- tions on how women voted, Steed again needs more work and duced the banner headline ‘Civil have few cited Chris Cook’s figures show- may be difficult to establish. War plot by socialists’. It had a copy ing how middle-class constituen- of the letter allegedly written by distinctive cies swung from the Conservatives Graham Lippiatt is a member of the Grigory Zinoviev, President of the to the Liberals in 1923 much more Liberal Democrat History Group execu- Communist International, to the policies and than agricultural ones. As female tive and a regular contributor to the British representative on Comin- electors were significantly more Journal of Liberal History. tern urging revolutionary action little hope numerous in middle-class constitu- in Britain. It was alleged that Mac- encies, Steed speculated that this 1 These simple party descriptions donald and Henderson had copies of achieving was due to women voting more on include candidates who were fighting of the letter weeks before and had much. the issue of free trade/cheap food. each other as pro-Lloyd George or done nothing, implying their col- Re-examining the data afterwards, Asquithian Liberals or pro-Coalition lusion in the supposed red plot. Steed reported that he had done Conservatives. There were hardly Macdonald was convinced the let- enough preliminary work to estab- any Independents or others except ter was a forgery, as has since been lish that: for Northern Ireland. proved, but was loath to defend • Constituencies with more 2 Made up of 63 Labour and 10 himself, again handling the affair women voted Conservative to National Democratic Party MPs. badly, and this was taken as evi- dence of his guilt. It is doubtful whether the Zino- viev letter decisively affected the outcome of the general election, which the Conservatives won com- fortably, but it didn’t help Labour. Labour did increase its overall Reviews vote share but got fewer seats on a higher turnout. The Liberals slumped; even Asquith lost his seat in Paisley. So the election was really Elegant and concise fought as a war between Labour and Conservatives and many for- David Dutton, A History of the Liberal Party Since 1900 mer Liberals chose their sides. Bald- (Palgrave Macmillan, 2nd edition, 2013) win abandoned tariffs during the campaign, eliminating one distinc- Reviewed by Duncan Brack tive stretch of clear water between the Liberal and Conservative par- hen Matt Cole his most demanding reader, or the ties. The Liberals were seen to have reviewed the first edi- willing non-specialist’. The His- done very little during the Labour Wtion of this book in tory Group’s own introductory government. They had been inef- the Journal of Liberal History back reading list described the book as fectual and divided. They seemed in 2005, he concluded that David ‘a definitive guide to the decline, to have few distinctive policies and Dutton had provided an answer to fall and revival of Liberalism in the little hope of achieving much. It the question ‘why bother with Lib- twentieth century; meticulously seemed that Labour’s performance eral history?’ that was ‘as full and researched, by far the best of the as a minority administration had effective as could be expected by short histories now available’.

44 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 reviews

This remained the case until the notably showing the “kaleido- illusory) detoxification of the Con- publication of the History Group’s scopic” variations in the Liberal servatives under Cameron, this own Peace, Reform and Liberation: factions of the inter-war period.’ ended the assumption under which A history of Liberal politics in Britain For the remainder of the cen- the party’s previous three leaders 1679–2011 – so it would be fair to tury, Liberalism was subjected had adopted, that any kind of deal say now that the second edition of to a ‘two-pronged pincer assault was only possible with Labour. Dutton’s book is one of the two best launched by its political opponents’, This was reinforced by the more short histories now available! and revival from the 1960s onwards economic-liberal policy agenda of It is of course different in scope came primarily from the votes Clegg and most of his shadow cabi- and style: it covers a much shorter of disillusioned Tories. Dutton net appointments. period than ours, starting only acknowledges, however, the ‘conti- Dutton provides a good con- in 1900 (with a very brief intro- nuity of Liberal principles’, the role cise summary of the 2010 election duction summarising the party’s of ‘key figures … who managed to campaign; I particularly liked his roots and record before the twen- convince at least themselves that observation on the first leaders’ tieth century), it’s shorter in length the Liberal cause was not lost’, and TV debate that ‘at one level it was (376 pages compared to 432, and a the shrewd electoral tactics of 1997 all a sad commentary on the state smaller page size) and, of course, and 2001, which took the party of British democracy that a single it’s written by a single author rather to a parliamentary representation television programme, which had than fifteen (which included Dut- unmatched since the 1920s. more to do with emotional engage- ton himself). This second edition The new chapter, ‘Right into ment than rational debate, should adds one chapter to those of the first government, 2001–11’ is more have had such an impact’ (p. 291). edition, taking the party’s story up descriptive and less analytical than He covers only the first year of the to spring 2011 (in the end finishing the others – always a tendency with coalition, up the spring 2011 party slightly earlier than Peace, Reform very recent history – but none the conference revolt over the NHS and Liberation even though the book less insightful for that. Dutton reforms, finishing the chapter by came out two years later – such traces the gradual disintegration of concluding that ‘such signs of inde- is the speed with which academic Charles Kennedy’s leadership, pay- pendence and differentiation were publishers work), and also includ- ing due attention to the ideological only likely to increase’ (p. 304). ing a revised conclusion. debates triggered by the publica- Dutton’s conclusion – almost All of Matt Cole’s conclusions tion of The Orange Book in 2004. He entirely rewritten in this second from his review of the first edition observes, quoting Conrad Russell, edition – traces the continuity of remain valid: this is an excellent that ‘technically as well as ideologi- Liberal ideology, policy and ideas book, bringing together a wide and cally’, the blend between the two throughout the last century: varied body of research – including traditions of economic and social unpublished theses, Dutton’s own liberalism is ‘extremely difficult to work and articles from a huge range mix in the right proportions’ (p. of sources (including this Journal) 278). He reaches a balanced judge- – and written in an engaging style ment on Menzies Campbell’s quali- and with a real sense of momentum. ties as leader – ‘reliable, dignified, In considering the reasons for intellectually capable and, in every the Liberal Party’s twentieth-cen- sense of the word, sober’, but also, tury decline and eclipse, Dutton ‘at least in the context of a televis- joins other authors in conclud- ual age dominated by the political ing that in 1914 Liberalism was soundbite – unequivocally dull’ ‘a varied, but generally robust, (p. 281); and also on his achieve- political force – but one that was ments, recognising that he restored beset by more than its fair share a degree of professionalism to the of problems’. The fatal damage party organisation. was done by a twenty-year ‘civil The Clegg leadership, of course, war’, Asquith’s decision to sup- is always now seen through the port Labour’s first administration lens of the 2010 coalition with the in 1924, which ‘smacked of the Conservatives. While arguing fatal “wait and see” style’, and the that Clegg’s election as leader did effects of descent into third-party not make this outcome inevita- status with its inevitable conse- ble, Dutton nevertheless observes quences in the British electoral sys- the importance of the generational tem. As Cole summarised, ‘there change in the party’s leadership: ‘at were further misjudgements and its top the party now had a group vanities in the 1930s, but it seems of individuals including Clegg, that for Dutton the killer episodes [Chris] Huhne, [David] Laws and for the Liberal Party were the out- Danny Alexander who were both flow – rather than simply the ini- more pragmatic and more market- tial substance – of the wartime orientated than their predecessors’ Asquith–Lloyd George split. In this (p. 285). Combined with the dis- analysis, Dutton shows a subtlety appointments of New Labour and lacking in some earlier studies, the perceived (though in the end

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 45 reviews

… arguably, a continuity of Lib- Even if, as academic investiga- insists that Stanley’s knowledge eral principles has been upheld. tion has shown, the party draws of the East Fife area is significant Liberalism remains committed its strength disproportionately because this was Asquith’s con- to the rights of the individual from the educated professional stituency. But he ceased to be the and to personal liberty … The and managerial classes and MP there in 1918 when Stanley was party retains its faith in the mar- attracts a high percentage of uni- only six; the explanation for his ket and the need to restrict the versity graduates, its chequered familiarity with East Fife is surely intrusions of government. It course has sometimes challenged that he was keen on golf. continues to proclaim the need comprehension and has not been Yet despite the reservations, one for social justice and a fairer best designed to consolidate must agree that Neate is justified in society … It insists on a moral voter loyalty. her scepticism about much that has component in the conduct of been written about Asquith’s life. British foreign policy. (p. 306) Obviously I’m biased, but I think In the first biography,The Life of Peace, Reform and Liberation is still Herbert Henry Asquith, Lord Oxford He also, however, argues that the the best single-volume history and Asquith (1932) by J. A. Spender triumph of liberalism in British of British Liberalism now avail- and Cyril Asquith, Venetia Stan- society – in that Britain possesses able. But if you prefer to acquire ley was not even mentioned. This a more liberal society than it did a a different one, or to add a second was no longer the case when Roy hundred years ago – poses the party book to your collection, or just to Jenkins published his biography in the problem of appearing relevant; enjoy a scholarly, accessible and Asquith 1964: correspondence that left no why is there a need for a Liberal elegant analysis of Liberal politics doubt about the nature of the rela- party any more? Identifying the from 1900, David Dutton’s book is vigorously tionship had been passed by Vene- lack of much of a core group as a unquestionably the one to buy. tia Stanley’s daughter, Judith, to continuing problem, he pays trib- pursued Mark Bonham-Carter who in turn ute to the Liberal Democrats’ abil- Duncan Brack is Editor of the Journal passed it on to Jenkins. Initially, ity increasingly to concentrate their of Liberal History and co-editor of relation- however, he summed up their rela- vote, overcoming, to an extent, the Peace, Reform and Liberation: A tionship as ‘both a solace and a rec- barriers of the first-past-the-post history of Liberal politics in Britain ships with reation’ – but no more. However, electoral system. Nevertheless, he 1679–2011 (Robert Ingham and Dun- Jenkins admitted he had cut some ends on a note of warning: can Brack, Biteback, 2011). women much of his text in deference to objec- tions by Violet Bonham-Carter. younger than Dedicated to preserving the mem- ory and reputation of her father, himself, and she was understandably loath to accept that he had effectively used Son of Asquith? engaged in her as cover for frequent and inju- an industrial- dicious meetings with young girls Bobbie Neate, Conspiracy of Secrets (John Blake, 2012) who were her contemporaries and Reviewed by Martin Pugh scale corre- friends. But by the time of his third edition Jenkins had rejected Vio- his is an unusual book, exposure and frustration at what spondence let Bonham-Carter’s view as sim- to say the least. In it Bob- might have been helped to make ply implausible. Subsequently little Tbie Neate gives a detailed Stanley the edgy, irritable individ- with Venetia was added by Stephen Koss’s 1976 account of her researches into the ual he was. biography, although Michael and secret life of her distant, intimidat- Although shocking, the idea is Stanley much Eleanor Brock had published H. H. ing and abusive stepfather, Louis perfectly credible, as it has been Asquith: Letters to Venetia Stanley. T. Stanley, who, she concludes, well known for many years that of which is Remarkably, the Brocks declared was the illegitimate son of H. H. Asquith vigorously pursued rela- themselves convinced that the two Asquith and Venetia Stanley, the tionships with women much available to were not lovers, though Neates’s daughter of Lord Sheffield of Alder- younger than himself, and engaged interview with Michael Brock sug- ley Edge (an extensive estate now in an industrial-scale correspond- research- gests how very embarrassed he was owned by the National Trust). ence with Venetia Stanley much about this. In the process she establishes that of which is available to research- ers (though, This treatment by academics and Stanley and his relatives went to ers (though, significantly, some biographers is a reminder that it has extraordinary lengths to conceal remains closed in the Bodleian signifi- become fashionable to warn against his origins, including the falsifica- Library until 2015). But although misreading the flowery, extrava- tion of birth, marriage and death the author has amassed a huge cantly, some gant language employed by the certificates, and worked hard and quantity of circumstantial evidence remains Edwardians as proof of their love successfully to obscure his back- for her claim, conclusive proof that for one another. Today we are so ground beneath a veneer of respect- Stanley was the son of Asquith and closed in the obsessed with sex, so runs the argu- ability. He was continually torn Venetia remains elusive. Her case ment, that we see it at every turn. between the desire to maintain is somewhat undermined by a ten- Bodleian Thus when Asquith writes as ‘your secrecy on the one hand and the dency to flourish every trivial piece devoted lover’ this is merely rou- temptation to flaunt his connec- of evidence as the key to the mys- Library until tine, conventional stuff. tions with prominent people on tery and to see significance where However, this approach has the other. The resulting fear of there is none. For example, she 2015). made writers unduly cautious. For

46 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 their subjects. As a student I remem- endorsed by Bobbie Neate, would ber one lecturer dismissing Jen- be that when Venetia Stanley kins’s book as a ‘popular’ biography announced her marriage to a Cabi- – which is daft because it is as well- net colleague, Edwin Montagu, researched as any academic volume the news had a devastating effect and more perceptive than most. on the Prime Minister and affected Common sense, and a mass of his judgement to such an extent contemporary comment, suggests that when the Tory leader, Andrew that if Asquith wrote in passionate Bonar Law, proposed forming a terms to Venetia it was because he coalition government in May 1915 was passionate – and quite ruthless he had lost his grip and agreed in his pursuit of women generally. without thinking properly. Climbing the ladder from his mod- It must be emphasised that this est, Nonconformist, West Rid- account is largely nonsense. At the ing background via the fleshpots very least it is surely an exaggera- of Oxford and the Bar, Asquith tion. The decision to form a coali- embraced the values and lifestyle tion was made by the two leaders of smart, upper-class, metropolitan on 17 May 1915 and Asquith had society with no difficulty; his sec- been aware since late April that ond wife, Margot, is often blamed his relationship with Venetia was for this but she only accelerated the breaking up. Although obvi- process at most. Asquith differed ously upset and distracted at being from other well-connected late- dumped, he lost little time in pro- Victorian men only in the sense posing sex with her sister, Sylvia. that he cultivated young women No doubt Asquith gave credibility while it was normal to pursue to the myth by telling Venetia that affairs with older, married women, he had made decisions regarding a tradition charmingly described the coalition ‘such as I would never by Oswald Mosley (an acknowl- have taken without your counsel’. edged expert) as ‘flushing the cov- But, in effect, Asquith used these ers’. But despite many references arguments in the hope of flattering example, in an otherwise good to Asquith’s lechery, we have few her and winning her back: Vene- biography, Rosebery: Statesman in indications of his bedroom tech- tia, an intelligent, politically aware Turmoil (2005), Leo McKinstry nique. Margot, who was nothing if woman from a strong Liberal fam- rejects suggestions that Rosebery not frank, once explained to Cyn- ily, had always found it appealing enjoyed a gay relationship with his thia Mosley that pregnancy was to think that she could manipulate private secretary Viscount Drum- avoidable if one’s partner took care: a powerful man. lanrig (heir to the notorious Mar- ‘Henry always withdrew in time. The more important reason for quis of Queensbury), setting aside Such a noble man!’ Well, he was rejecting the claim is that Neate’s a great deal of circumstantial evi- officially the father of seven live assumptions about the coalition are dence that points the other way. My children plus three other babies that simply incorrect. Far from forcing feeling is that academics are often Margot lost. Perhaps not as noble, a coalition on Asquith the leading rather naïve about these things and or skilful, as Margot claimed. Conservatives were very reluctant all too anxious to demonstrate their Fascinating as all this is, one to join one, as their private cor- authority by repudiating vulgar wonders – does it really matter ? respondence makes abundantly speculation about the private lives of To this the conventional answer, clear; in fact they saw it as a typical Asquithian tactic to muzzle them. And they were not entirely wrong about that. It was Asquith who took Liberal Democrat History Group online the initiative in proposing coali- tion. The obvious explanation is Email that it offered a neat way out of the Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest immediate threats to his govern- way to find out what we’re doing. Fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail. ment and its failing war record engendered by a new controversy Website over the production of shells for the See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of our activities and publications, guides to archive sources, Western Front and the resignation research resources, and a growing number of pages on the history of the party. of Admiral Fisher as First Lord of the Admiralty in protest against the Facebook page Dardanelles Campaign. However, News of the latest meeting and publications, and a discussion forum: the underlying explanation is that www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup. as a result of the 1911 Parliament Act, which had shortened the life of Twitter parliament to five years, a general The History Group is now on Twitter! A daily posting of Liberal events on this day in history. Follow us at: election was due by the end of 1915. LibHistoryToday. Although wartime elections had

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 47 reviews been usual in the past, most recently within the party from 1916 onwards move ministers on at regular inter- in 1900, in 1915 it looked as though but because it destroyed the par- vals but Leach had put down roots Asquith would lose the prospec- ty’s rationale and sense of purpose. and rather than accept a transfer to tive election – and since entering Although this fateful decision – London, he changed his ministry the war in 1914 most Liberals felt for which Asquith was personally to a newly established Congrega- loath to let the Tories get back into responsible as he did not consult tionalist chapel. It was in 1870s Bir- power to undermine all their social his colleagues or the parliamentary mingham that he came under the reforms. In this situation coalition party – took many people by sur- influence of the Chamberlainite seemed a brilliant short-term tactic prise, it had been looming for some Liberal Party and campaigned on a because it made an election unnec- time, as the Conservatives appre- number of issues where his Chris- essary: already the parties were ciated. It was not really attribut- tian morality and radical beliefs operating a truce in by-elections able to the breakdown of Asquith’s overlapped such as temperance, and, under the coalition, parliament affair with Venetia Stanley. the protests against the Bulgarian simply prolonged this arrangement atrocities and against the Conta- by passing legislation to extend its Martin Pugh was formerly Professor of gious Diseases Acts. He was elected life for the course of the war. Modern British History at Newcastle to the Birmingham School Board, Of course, seen in medium to University. His most recent book is a firmly under Liberal control, but long-term perspective, coalition study of the historical origins of the cur- this phase of his political career was with the Conservatives proved rent crisis of national identity: Britain: halted abruptly in 1886 when he disastrous for the Liberal Party Unification and Disintegration, sided with the Gladstonians against not simply because it led to a split published by Authors OnLine. Chamberlain in the home rule dis- pute, with the majority in the party nationally but decidedly in the minority in Birmingham. For Nonconformists, politics could easily overflow into reli- You don’t have to be mad to work there, gious life and Williams suggests but … that Leach’s political discomfort was behind his acceptance of the J. B. Williams, Worsted to Westminster: The Extraordinary Life call to a congregation in London. Again he was successful in build- of Rev Dr Charles Leach MP (Darcy Press, 2009) ing a new church community and Reviewed by Tony Little again he involved himself in radi- cal politics, unsuccessfully standing for the Chelsea School Board but hile led predomi- switching to the pottery trade, his successfully for the Chelsea vestry nately by Whig aris- father remained poor and Charles Wtocrats and a small was sent to work in a factory when associated elite, the nineteenth-cen- he was eight. Since this came with tury Liberal Party drew the bulk a smattering of education it even- of its support from lower down in tually provided Charles with the the class structure. The stereotypi- opportunity for escape to a bet- cal Liberal would almost certainly ter life. Obviously an enterprising be a Nonconformist, he would be child, he went from attending the a supporter of good causes for the New Methodist Connection chapel uplifting of his fellow man such Sunday school to becoming a lay as education or temperance, and preacher and from a factory worker he would be self-reliant, perhaps to a self-employed clog and patten a self-made businessman. Charles maker with his own boot and shoe Leach ticked all these boxes and shop and eventually six staff. He made the best of his opportunities married young but lost two sons to gain that what Anthony Trollope in childhood and two daughters in thought the ultimate desire of an early adulthood though two other English gentleman, a seat in parlia- daughters survived. Following his ment. Yet, if Leach is remembered religious vocation, he undertook at all, it is – as this book’s cover the training to become a fully qual- proclaims – because he was the ified minister. only MP to lose his seat for being He spent two years at Atter- of unsound mind, a distinction one cliffe in the east of Sheffield before instinctively feels should have been transferring to Ladywood in Bir- much more common. mingham where he found his true Illegitimately conceived, calling as an effective speaker. His Charles Leach was born to a fam- Sunday afternoon lectures out- ily of poor textile workers near grew the capacity of his church Halifax in 1847. His mother died and were moved to the centre of while he was young and, despite the city. Methodist practice was to

48 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 reviews

(the equivalent to the local coun- If Leach is more could be made of Leach’s an e-book and in physical format cil). If he had resisted the tempta- part in Birmingham politics but as a reasonably priced, good-qual- tion to stick to Chamberlain, he remem- this should not deter the sam- ity, illustrated, print-on-demand temporarily succumbed to the lure pling of this work if only to gain paperback. of the socialist Independent Labour bered at all, the inspiration to bring other his- Party in the 1890s. Williams out- toric Liberals back to notice. The Tony Little is Chair of the Liberal Dem- lines the reasons for his joining the it is – as this book is available very cheaply as ocrat History Group. ILP more fully than his subsequent retreat back to Liberalism but hints book’s cover that again the politics are entangled with the religion. proclaims Leach participated with other – because Nonconformists in the campaign Liberal defectors identified and explored against the Tory 1902 Education he was the Act and his political career reached Alun Wyburn-Powell, Defectors and the Liberal Party, 1910– an apex when, in the first general only MP to 2010: A Study of Inter-Party Relations (Manchester University election of 1910, he defeated the Press, 2012) charismatic but mysterious socialist lose his seat Victor Grayson who had captured Review by Dr J. Graham Jones Colne Valley in a 1907 by-election. for being Still energetic but in his sixties, it he author earned his carefully examines the many dis- would have been no surprise that of unsound spurs as the author of a parate reasons and motives behind Leach served as a chaplain dur- Tcompetent, generally the various changes of politi- ing the First World War and, given mind, a dis- well-received biography of Liberal cal allegiance. The time-scale of what we know of war time hospi- leader Clement Davies published in the volume is long, ranging from tal conditions even in England, still tinction one 2003 (reviewed in Journal of Liberal politicians like Charles Trevelyan less a surprise that for a caring man History, no. 43 (Summer 2004), pp. and Arthur Ponsonby (and politi- the mental strain proved too much. instinctively 39–41). The present volume is based cal maverick E. T. John in Wales) He died in 1917. on his doctoral thesis presented who defected from their party at Inevitably, most MPs become feels should in the University of Leicester and the end of the First World War, to no more than backbenchers but the supervised by Dr Stuart Ball. The Emma Nicholson who joined it career path that took them to West- have been author’s original plan was to under- from the Conservatives in 1995 and minster can itself throw a spotlight much more take doctoral research on Gwilym Sir Anthony Meyer who emulated on the nature of the political cul- Lloyd-George, a project soon sadly her example in 2001. Many names ture that sustained them. We tend common. jettisoned in the light of the inad- familiar to students of the party are to know far more about the very equacy of the surviving source considered here – Freddie Guest untypical leadership of the Lib- materials, and replaced by an ambi- and Reginald McKenna, Sir Alfred eral Party when it was the natural tious strategy to examine all those Mond and E. Hilton Young, Edgar party of government than we do MPs who defected from, or into, Granville and Wilfrid Roberts. about the rank and file. J. B. Wil- the Liberal Party (later the Liberal Many fascinating sidelights are pre- liams’ book is therefore much to be Democrats) between 1910 and 2010. sented on these famous names, and welcomed. Dr Wyburn-Powell travelled the author clearly has an eagle eye Williams is the great grandson far and laboured hard in the various for the telling quotation to enliven of the Rev. Charles Leach and his archives to gather his fascinating and illustrate his captivating anal- book shows both the possibilities material. His numerous research ysis. One senses at times that the and limitations of a family history trips have certainly yielded fruit necessity to limit the size of the approach to biography. From the to enrich his truly pioneering, book no doubt precluded him from notes, he does not appear to have groundbreaking study. His main including further gems. had access to any great wealth of theme is that there was ‘an endur- The present reviewer savoured family papers or letters but instead ing cultural compatibility between the accounts of the Welsh Lib- has mined the public records – in the Conservatives and the Liberals/ eral politicians including those particular the provincial press, Liberal Democrats’ which finally on Clement Davies (masterly, church records, Leach’s own writ- led to the formation of a coalition as might be expected from this ings and Hansard. As more of this government following the 2010 author), Gwilym and Megan Lloyd documentation becomes available general election. Such a rapport, he George, David Davies, Llandi- online, the scope for investigating insists, ‘had not been the case with nam, and Sir Rhys Hopkin Morris. the lives of other backbench Liberals the relationship between the Liber- Megan’s slow gravitation towards is opened wider. For the nineteenth als/Liberal Democrats and Labour’ the Labour Party, a long, tortuous century this could supplement (back cover). During the century process, might perhaps have been the work of the History of Parlia- covered by this study, a total of 116 traced in a little more detail. More ment Trust which, I believe, is now Liberal MPs defected; there is a attention might have been given working on the period 1832–68. helpful listing of them in a table on to more minor, though still sig- Williams seems more com- pp. 8–10. nificant, Welsh Liberal figures like fortable with the church history All of these politicians are W. Llewelyn Williams, who fell than with the politics of the late considered in varying detail in out big-time with Lloyd George Victorian period, I suspect that the main text where the author over the necessity to introduce

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 49 reviews

hope by 1922 (p. 192). He pinpoints really ‘offered’ the leadership of the Lloyd George, ‘due both to his per- party in 1945 (p. 135)? He was cer- sonality and to his politics’, as the tainly considered for it at least. primary reason for most subsequent Lord Davies did indeed ‘tr[y] to defections (ibid.). The Labour Party exert an excessive influence over under Ramsay MacDonald, he his successor Clement Davies’ (p. argues, did little to court actively 120). But the key point is not made dissatisfied Liberal politicians who here that, to his eternal discredit defected to the other parties mainly and shame, he blatantly attempted as a result ‘of the breakdown of the to have his personal nominee W. Liberal Party organism’ (p. 194). Alford Jehu ‘installed’ under his Those who defected to the Con- personal patronage as his successor servative Party were far more likely as the Liberal candidate for Mont- to remain in their new political gomeryshire in 1927. Finally, the home than those who went over to author claims that the ageing Lloyd Labour, many of whom later came George ‘lost his way after the 1931 to rue their decision. Factors caus- debacle’ (p. 155), but fails to note his ing or increasing the rate of defec- ‘New Deal’ proposals and the set- tions are discussed in the final pages ting up of the Council of Action for of the conclusion. Peace and Reconstruction in 1935 It is, of course, an easy task for – a damp squib though these initia- the reviewer to list some niggling tives undoubtedly were. But these or petty criticisms. Describing are all very minor quibbles which Clem Davies as widely considered do not detract in the least from the ‘a short-term stand-in leader’ in value and relevance of Dr Wyburn- 1945 (p. 84) misses the key point Powell’s timely study. that the defeated former party The bibliography, though use- leader Sir Archibald Sinclair was ful, is highly selective, does not then widely expected to return to refer at all to newspapers or to some the House of Commons at a by- of the sources already referenced in election, or at the very latest at the the helpful endnote references. As conscription in 1916, and Sir Henry next general election, and then was the case with the author’s biog- Morris-Jones, who defected to the resume the reins of leadership from raphy of Clement Davies, impor- Simonite Liberals in August 1931 Davies. Cardiganshire did not tant articles in Welsh academic and became thereafter a prominent witness four consecutive parlia- journals have not been consulted long-term member of the National mentary elections ‘where the only and would have provided valu- Liberal group at Westminster. candidates were Liberals’ between able additional detail. For all those The chapters are packed with 1921 and 1924 (p. 68). A Conserva- interested in the history of the Lib- fascinating, often newly discov- tive (or possibly Unionist) candi- eral Party, however, this impres- ered, detail, thoroughly and lov- date in the person of the Earl of sive book will be a good read from ingly culled from the source Lisburne stood there in November cover to cover and will prove most materials and presented clearly and 1923, thus allowing Rhys Hopkin useful as an authoritative, lasting, logically. Throughout, the text is Morris to capture the division as an accurate work of reference. further embellished by a number independent, anti-Lloyd George of numerical tables which add so Liberal. Did John Hugh Edwards Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archivist much to the value and appeal of the really publish ‘three biographies of and Head of the Welsh Political Archive book. The structure of the volume, Lloyd George’ as is claimed here (p. at the National Library of Wales, too, is eminently logical. A general 111)? Was Gwilym Lloyd-George Aberystwyth. survey of ‘defectors and loyalists’ leads to a detailed survey of those Liberal MPs who changed party to, in turn, Labour, the Conservatives, and the minor parties, followed by an account of those who migrated into the Liberal Party. There is some fascinating material on the Letters formation of the SDP in 1983, its converts, and its subsequent merger with the Liberal Democrats. Election agents (1) Dr Wyburn-Powell’s conclu- Michael Steed asks in his letter I think this is most unlikely. sions are crisp and unequivocal. (Journal of Liberal History 81, win- Certainly in the period I know In his considered view, the British ter 2013–14) whether his solicitor best – 1884–1918 – the agent was Liberal Party was basically in sound grandfather, who was agent for always partisan. Ideally a candidate health up until the First World his Conservative MP in the 1920s, had a full-time agent who ran the War, and could possibly have been could have been serving in a profes- local party organisation, arrang- ‘recovered’ in 1918, but had lost sional non-partisan capacity. ing meetings, campaigns, social

50 Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 Joseph Chamberlain Imperial Standard Bearer; National Leader; Local Icon

On 4th and 5th July, Newman University, in collaboration with Birmingham City Council, are holding a two-day conference to commemorate the centenary of Joseph Chamberlain’s death on 2nd July 1914.

The first day’s event will take place at Newman University and will focus on Chamberlain’s national and international career, followed by a three-course dinner with speaker at Highbury Hall, the Birmingham home that Chamberlain built in 1878.

The second day will take place in Birmingham City Centre at the Birmingham Midland Institute and will address Chamberlain’s local significance. There will be the chance to examine artefacts and documents relating to Chamberlain’s career, a documentary film on his life and a tour of sites associated with Chamberlain, including his office in the Council House.

The conference will feature a host of expert academic speakers, amateur historians, heritage specialists, research students and politicians, making this a truly diverse and interesting two days. The full programme is available at: http://events.history.ac.uk/event/show/10755

This event is sponsored by Severn Trent Water and is organised in collaboration with the Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Labour History Groups, Birmingham Museums Trust, the new Library of Birmingham the Birmingham Post, the Centre for West Midland History at the University of Birmingham and the Lunar Society of Birmingham.

Registration fees are as follows: Two-day conference, including dinner £100.00 Saturday conference £25.00 Two day conference £60.00 Saturday conference (students and unwaged) Friday conference, including dinner £80.00 £15.00 Friday conference £45.00 Conference dinner only £40.00

To register, please send your name, organisation (if any) and email address to: email: [email protected]; or post: Ms E. Board, Newman University, School of Human Sciences, Genners Lane, Birmingham B32 3NT

Cheques can be made payable to ‘Newman University’. Alternatively, card payments can be made to our finance office at [email protected] or by calling 0121 476 1181 ext. 2342.

For any queries, please contact Dr Ian Cawood ([email protected])

Journal of Liberal History 82 Spring 2014 51 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting liberalism, peace and the first world war The First World War sent a shockwave through the Liberal Party, permanently affecting its politics, its people and the way it viewed the world and its own place in it. This meeting, jointly organised by the Liberal Democrat History Group and Liberal International British Group, and held a hundred years, almost to the day, after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, will explore key aspects of this crisis of Liberal internationalism.

Speakers: Robert Falkner (Associate Professor of International Relations, LSE) on the Great War and its impact on liberal internationalism, and Louise Arimatsu (Associate Fellow, International Law Programme, Chatham House) on war, law and the liberal project. Chair: Martin Horwood MP (Co- Chair, Liberal Democrat parliamentary policy committee on international affairs).

7.00pm, Monday 30 June (after the LIBG AGM – History Group members please wait until it’s finished) Lloyd George Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1

events and fund raising, and In 1910 the Cheltenham Lib- and Tewkesbury were promi- would have seen nothing before 1918 he also upheld the erals were again without an nent local Conservatives. In wrong in being prominent in party’s interest each year when agent. For the January election 1892 the Cirencester Borough the local Conservative organi- the election registers were com- an experienced long-serving Surveyor canvassed his workers sation while holding the vari- piled by the local Poor Law professional agent was brought for the Conservative candidate ous posts in local government Overseers. This was obviously in, probably provided by party and gave them time off to vote. that Michael lists. What local a partisan activity, the aim headquarters in London, but Poor Law Overseers who com- Liberals or Labour supporters being to get as many support- unfortunately he did not stay piled the election registers were thought is another matter! ers as possible on the list and after the election and it was party nominees. The partisan J.R. Howe opponents off! A local solicitor not until October that a full- bias of the local magistrates, could do this work but it really time replacement was found. overwhelmingly Conservative, required specialist knowledge He then took charge of the was a frequent cause of Lib- Election agents (2) of franchise law. December campaign, but this eral complaints, and the radical Michael Steed (Journal of Liberal The Corrupt Practices Act was a disaster! The agent, Mr local MP Sir Charles Dilke put History 81, winter 2013–14) may of 1883 required a candidate Kessell, turned out to have no pressure on the Lord Chancel- well be right that a candidate’s to appoint an election agent experience of running a cam- lor to nominate more Liberals. agent was historically seen as an to carry legal responsibility paign and a totally inadequate Even Returning Officers were legal or clerical and non-polit- for every aspect of the elec- grasp of election law. Thus, partisan. In a council election ical role. tion campaign. If there were although the Liberals won the in Cheltenham South Ward in To this day Crown servants a professional agent in post seat, the Conservatives lodged 1893 the result was a tie, and who are restricted in politi- he naturally became election a petition. Various corrupt and the Returning Officer, a Con- cal activity are not necessarily agent, and this happened nearly illegal practices were proved servative, gave a casting vote restricted from being agents. A always in this county between and the MP was unseated. The for the Conservative candidate. government department with 1884 and 1914. The Liberals did Conservatives then narrowly In Gloucester in the Decem- which I am familiar has rules occasionally find themselves won the ensuing bye-election ber 1910 general election the that in the same section restrict without an agent in post, for and it was not until 1997 that first count gave a tiny major- political activity but provide example in Cheltenham in July Cheltenham again elected a ity of only 4 votes for the Con- for time off to be an election 1895. Mr W.G. Gurney, who Liberal MP! servatives and the Returning agent, apparently without sense was a local solicitor, stepped in It is also worth noting that Officer, a Conservative, refused of contradiction. It must be that as election agent; he was cer- many local posts which might a recount and declared the Con- agenting is seen as an important tainly not non-partisan but a today be considered non-politi- servative candidate elected! public duty of, as Michael sug- prominent member of the local cal were then filled by partisans. So to conclude, I think that gests, a clerical or legal nature. Liberal party. The town clerks of Cirencester Michael Steed’s grandfather Antony Hook