Ja Hobson's Approach to International Relations
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Liberal Internationalism and the Decline of the State: a Comparative Analysis of the Thought of Richard Cobden
Liberal Internationalism and the Decline of the State: A Comparative Analysis of the Thought of Richard Cobden. David Mitranv. and Kenichi Ohmae Per Axel Hammarlund The London School of Economics and Political Science Submitted for the degree of Ph.D. in International Relations, 2003 1 UMI Number: U178652 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U178652 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 fflUT'CAL AMO Declaration In conformity with rule 6.3.7. of the University of London Regulations for the Degrees of MPhil and PhD, I swear that the work presented in the thesis entitled ‘Liberal Internationalism and the Decline of the State: A Comparative Analysis of the Thought of Richard Cobden, David Mitrany, and Kenichi Ohmae’ is my own. Per A. Hammarlund New York, NY, 21 March, 2003. Abstract The purpose of the thesis is to provide a critical analysis of the liberal idea of the decline of the state based on a historical comparison. It takes special note of the implications of state failure for international relations. -
From Modernism to Messianism: Liberal Developmentalism And
From Modernism to Messianism: Liberal Developmentalism and American Exceptionalism1 Following the Second World War, we encounter again many of the same developmental themes that dominated the theory and practice of imperialism in the nineteenth century. Of course, there are important differences as well. For one thing, the differentiation and institutionalization of the human sciences in the intervening years means that these themes are now articulated and elaborated within specialized academic disciplines. For another, the main field on which developmental theory and practice are deployed is no longer British – or, more broadly, European – imperialism but American neoimperialism. At the close of the War, the United States was not only the major military, economic, and political power left standing; it was also less implicated than European states in colonial domination abroad. The depletion of the colonial powers and the imminent breakup of their empires left it in a singular position to lead the reshaping of the post-War world. And it tried to do so in its own image and likeness: America saw itself as the exemplar and apostle of a fully developed modernity.2 In this it was, in some ways, only reproducing the self-understanding and self- regard of the classical imperial powers of the modern period. But in other ways America’s civilizing mission was marked by the exceptionalism of its political history and culture, which was famously analyzed by Louis Hartz fifty years ago.3 Picking up on Alexis de Tocqueville’s observation that Americans were “born equal,” Hartz elaborated upon the uniqueness of the American political experience. -
The New Liberalism in Global Politics: from Internationalism to Transnationalism
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org March 2011 THE NEW LIBERALISM IN GLOBAL POLITICS: FROM INTERNATIONALISM TO TRANSNATIONALISM By James Kurth James Kurth, Senior Fellow at FPRI, is the Claude Smith Professor of Political Science at Swarthmore College. His FPRI essays can be accessed here: http://www.fpri.org/byauthor.html#kurth . The final collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought a definitive end to the Cold War. It also brought an end to an international system defined by two superpowers and the beginning of a new global system defined by only one, the United States. The prevailing American ideology of international affairs—its literal worldview—had long been liberal internationalism, and the United States promptly proceeded to reshape global affairs according to its precepts. Now, two decades after its beginning, the global ascendancy of the United States and its ideology seems, to many observers, to be approaching its own end. It is an appropriate time, therefore, to review and reflect upon the course of liberal internationalism over the past two decades and, in particular, to discern what its recent transformation into liberal transnationalism may mean for America’s future. A TALE OF TWO DECADES The 1990s were certainly a good decade for liberal internationalism. It was the era of the New World Order, the Washington Consensus, neo-liberal regimes, humanitarian intervention, universal human rights, global governance, and, of course and most famously, globalization. The greatest military and economic power and sole superpower—the United States—vigorously promoted liberal internationalism. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
MILITANT LIBERALISM and ITS DISCONTENTS: on the DECOLONIAL ORIGINS of ENDLESS WAR a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS: ON THE DECOLONIAL ORIGINS OF ENDLESS WAR A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Aaron B Gavin December 2017 © 2017 Aaron B Gavin MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS: ON THE DECOLONIAL ORIGINS OF ENDLESS WAR Aaron B Gavin, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 MILITANT LIBERALISM AND ITS DISCONTENTS tells a story about the reinvention of liberalism during the era of decolonization. The dissertation shows how a persistent pattern of militant liberalism came to structure the postwar international order—one where the United States engages in militant action to protect the liberal international order from irredeemable illiberal threats, precisely when its hegemonic influence reaches its limit. While anti-totalitarianism and the war on terror are defining episodes in the development of this pattern, the dissertation argues that it was only liberalism’s encounter with decolonization that made the practice of militant liberalism ideologically coherent and enduring. After shattering the civilizational justifications of nineteenth century liberalism, decolonization provided militant liberals with a unique enemy, the Third World, upon which to distinguish and legitimate their own logic of violence, all while destroying alternative political possibilities arising out of the decolonial process. The dissertation explores these themes through four political thinkers—Isaiah Berlin, Louis Henkin, Frantz Fanon, and Carl Schmitt—and narrates a story about the legitimation of militant liberalism and the eventual rise of its discontents. On the one hand, Berlin and Henkin spoke of Thirdworldism as uniquely threatening: the former arguing that Thirdworldist nationalism often morphed into romantic self-assertion, and the latter claiming that Thirdworldists exploited state sovereignty allowing international terrorism to proliferate unbound. -
Democracy and the Global System a Contribution to the Critique of Liberal Internationalism
Democracy and the Global System A Contribution to the Critique of Liberal Internationalism Fabian Biancardi Democracy and the Global System Democracy and the Global System A Contribution to the Critique of Liberal Internationalism Fabian Biancardi Assistant Professor of Political Science, Riverside Community College, California, USA © Fabian Biancardi 2003 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2003 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 1–4039–1777–9 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. -
JENS PETERSEN the Italian Aristocracy, the Savoy Monarchy, and Fascism
JENS PETERSEN The Italian Aristocracy, the Savoy Monarchy, and Fascism in KARINA URBACH (ed.), European Aristocracies and the Radical Right 1918-1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) pp. 91–110 ISBN: 978 0 199 23173 7 The following PDF is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND licence. Anyone may freely read, download, distribute, and make the work available to the public in printed or electronic form provided that appropriate credit is given. However, no commercial use is allowed and the work may not be altered or transformed, or serve as the basis for a derivative work. The publication rights for this volume have formally reverted from Oxford University Press to the German Historical Institute London. All reasonable effort has been made to contact any further copyright holders in this volume. Any objections to this material being published online under open access should be addressed to the German Historical Institute London. DOI: 6 The Italian Aristocracy, the Savoy Monarchy, and Fascism JENS PETERSEN What political role did the aristocracy play in the early decades of a unified Italy? Researchers are widely divided in their opin- ions on this question. They range from the rose-tinted view of Arno Mayer, who regarded the ancien regi,me nobility as still at the core of Italy's social and political system, to opinions that speak of a rapid and unstoppable decline. 1 Although aristocratic values continued to shape the path of upward mobility for the middle classes, nobility as such did not play an important role in the Italian nineteenth-century social structure, because it did not constitute a well-defined group in itself, due to its regional more than national status. -
Utd^L. Dean of the Graduate School Ev .•^C>V
THE FASHODA CRISIS: A SURVEY OF ANGLO-FRENCH IMPERIAL POLICY ON THE UPPER NILE QUESTION, 1882-1899 APPROVED: Graduate ttee: Majdr Prbfessor ~y /• Minor Professor lttee Member Committee Member irman of the Department/6f History J (7-ZZyUtd^L. Dean of the Graduate School eV .•^C>v Goode, James Hubbard, The Fashoda Crisis: A Survey of Anglo-French Imperial Policy on the Upper Nile Question, 1882-1899. Doctor of Philosophy (History), December, 1971, 235 pp., bibliography, 161 titles. Early and recent interpretations of imperialism and long-range expansionist policies of Britain and France during the period of so-called "new imperialism" after 1870 are examined as factors in the causes of the Fashoda Crisis of 1898-1899. British, French, and German diplomatic docu- ments, memoirs, eye-witness accounts, journals, letters, newspaper and journal articles, and secondary works form the basis of the study. Anglo-French rivalry for overseas territories is traced from the Age of Discovery to the British occupation of Egypt in 1882, the event which, more than any other, triggered the opening up of Africa by Europeans. The British intention to build a railroad and an empire from Cairo to Capetown and the French dream of drawing a line of authority from the mouth of the Congo River to Djibouti, on the Red Sea, for Tied a huge cross of European imperialism over the African continent, The point of intersection was the mud-hut village of Fashoda on the left bank of the White Nile south of Khartoum. The. Fashoda meeting, on September 19, 1898, of Captain Jean-Baptiste Marchand, representing France, and General Sir Herbert Kitchener, representing Britain and Egypt, touched off an international crisis, almost resulting in global war. -
L. T. Hobhouse and J. A. Hobson
Two years before the Labour Party victory of 1997, Tony Blair made a seminal speech L. T. HOBHOUSE AND J. A. HOBSON: to the Fabian Society in celebration of the fiftieth anniversary ThE NEW LIBERAL INFLUENCE ON ThiRD WAY idEAS of the 1945 Labour election victory. The speech was a major media event because it was a defining moment for New Labour ‘modernisers’. They were seeking to move the party from its socialist history on to ‘new’ political and ideological ground – as well as reap the tactical electoral benefits they felt could be gained by such a shift. Blair used the speech to pronounce himself ‘proud’ to be a ‘democratic socialist’ while redefining socialism to create ‘social-ism’. More relevant here, as seen above, was Blair’s reiteration of British political history from this revised New Labour position. Dr Alison Holmes examines New Liberal influences on Blair’s ‘Third Way’. 16 Journal of Liberal History 55 Summer 2007 L. T. HOBHOUSE AND J. A. HOBSON: ThE NEW LIBERAL INFLUENCE ON ThiRD WAY idEAS lair listed both L. T exercise it. So they argued for the New Liberal ideas of writers Hobhouse and J. A. collective action, including such as Hobhouse and Hobson Hobson amongst the state action, to achieve positive that were to carry through to intellectual corner- freedom, even if it infringed the modern interpretation of the stones of both New traditional laissez-faire liberal Third Way. BLiberalism and New Labour – orthodoxy … They did not call later termed the Third Way: themselves socialists, though Hobhouse coined the term J. -
Imagination Movers: the Construction of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism
Imagination Movers: The Construction of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism Seth James Bartee Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Social, Political, Ethical, and Cultural Thought Francois Debrix, Chair Matthew Gabriele Matthew Dallek James Garrison Timothy Luke February 19, 2014 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: conservatism, imagination, historicism, intellectual history counter-narrative, populism, traditionalism, paleo-conservatism Imagination Movers: The Construction of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism Seth James Bartee ABSTRACT The purpose of this study was to explore what exactly bound post-Second World War American conservatives together. Since modern conservatism’s recent birth in the United States in the last half century or more, many historians have claimed that both anti-communism and capitalism kept conservatives working in cooperation. My contention was that the intellectual founder of postwar conservatism, Russell Kirk, made imagination, and not anti-communism or capitalism, the thrust behind that movement in his seminal work The Conservative Mind. In The Conservative Mind, published in 1953, Russell Kirk created a conservative genealogy that began with English parliamentarian Edmund Burke. Using Burke and his dislike for the modern revolutionary spirit, Kirk uncovered a supposedly conservative seed that began in late eighteenth-century England, and traced it through various interlocutors into the United States that culminated in the writings of American expatriate poet T.S. Eliot. What Kirk really did was to create a counter-narrative to the American liberal tradition that usually began with the French Revolution and revolutionary figures such as English-American revolutionary Thomas Paine. -
This Essay Explains Benjamin Disraeli Parliamentary Response to The
Conservatism and British imperialism in India: finding the local roots of empire in Britain and India by Matthew Stubbings A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2015 © Matthew Stubbings 2015 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public ii Abstract This thesis explores the importance of political conservatism in shaping the ideological and political foundations of British imperialism in India between 1857 and 1914. From the Indian Revolt to the rise of Indian nationalism, it examines how British and Indian conservatives attempted to define a conceptual and institutional framework of empire which politically opposed liberal imperialism to the First World War. It relies upon a biographical analysis to examine how intellectual configurations defined distinct political positions on Indian empire. This study reveals the extent that local conservative inclination and action, through political actors such as Lord Ellenborough, Benjamin Disraeli, Lord Mayo, Lord Lytton, the Kathiawar States, Roper Lethbridge, and M.M. Bhownaggree, shaped public and partisan discourse on empire. It argues that British and Indian conservatives evoked shared principles centered in locality, prescription, and imagination to challenge, mollify, and supplant the universal and centralizing ambitions of liberal imperialists and nationalists with the employment of pre-modern ideas and institutions. It is argued that this response to liberalism conditioned their shared contribution and collaboration towards an imperial framework predicated principally upon respecting and supporting local autonomy and traditional authority in a hierarchical and divided India. -
Ethics Content
Ethics Content I Introduction to Ethics Unit-1 Nature and Scope of Ethics Unit-2 Importance and Challenges of Ethics Unit-3 Ethics in the History of Indian Philosophy Unit-4 Ethics in the History of Western Philosophy II Ethical Foundations Unit-1 Human Values Unit-2 Human Virtues Unit-3 Human Rights Unit-4 Human Duties III Applied Ethics Unit-1 International Ethics Unit-2 Bioethics Unit-3 Environmental Ethics Unit-4 Media Ethics IV Current Ethical Debates Unit-1 Natural Moral Law Unit-2 Deontology and Moral Responsibility Unit-3 Discourse Ethics Unit-4 Social Institutions UNIT 1 NATURE AND SCOPE OF ETHICS Nature and Scope of Ethics Contents 1.0 Objectives 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Moral Intuitionism 1.3 Human Person in Search of Himself/Herself 1.4 Love and the Moral Precepts 1.5 The Dynamics of Morality 1.6 The Constant and the Variable in Morality 1.7 Let Us Sum Up 1.8 Key Words 1.9 Further Readings and References 1.0 OBJECTIVES This unit aims at introducing the students to the philosophical need for Ethics starting from a brief discussion of Moral law and how the human person in his or her process of growth intuits the ethical principles. Discussions pertaining to the dynamics of morality is undertaken to show how on the one hand new situations call for new responses from moral point of view and on the other hand certain fundamentals of ethics remain the same in so far as there is something of a common human nature adequately understood.