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Heir to the New Liberals? Ed Randall John Rawls Appreciation of a Liberal philosopher Patrick Jackson, Ian Crowe Biographies Loulou Harcourt and Edmund Burke J. Graham Jones ‘A real triumph for my old friend’ fooled by Lloyd George interview Architect of political realism Interview with David Steel David Boyle Hilaire Belloc and the Liberal revival Distributism revisited Liberal Democrat History Group TEN YEARS OF LIBERAL HISTORY

his issue of the Journal of Our underlying aim has never How they Liberal History, number 40, really changed, though – to pro- used to look: Tmarks the tenth anniversary mote the study and research of Newsletter of the publication originally Liberal history, whether relating number 1, known as the Liberal Democrat to the Liberal Party, SDP, Liberal Newsletter History Group Newsletter, then the Democrats or, more broadly, 10 – our first Journal of Liberal Democrat History, British (and sometimes foreign) special, on and operating under its current Liberalism. We wanted both to ‘Liberals title since the beginning of 2003. remind party members of their and the First I think it is true to say that party’s history, and to promote World War’ those of us involved in launching its study and research – generally – and the the Liberal Democrat History a neglected topic – amongst all first Journal Group in 1988 – inspired by the those interested, whether aca- of Liberal Liberal History Group in the demics or not. Democrat pre-merger Liberal Party – had We hope you find the Journal History, no idea that we would end up of Liberal History helps you in one nunber 17. where we are now. or both of these aims, and man- Our original intention was ages to be an enjoyable and inter- simply to organise fringe meet- esting read at the same time. ings at the main Liberal Demo- I cannot thank enough all crat Federal conferences. Perhaps those who have made the Journal slightly to our surprise, many of possible over the last ten years. them turned out to be extremely Here’s to the next decade! popular, and we gradually accu- mulated a list of people willing Duncan Brack (Editor) to help out with other tasks. So, in 1994, we started to organise meetings both at the spring party conferences, and also in , New subscription rates for for the benefit of non-confer- the Journal ence attendees. Subscription rates for the Journal And in September 1993, we will be increasing from the new produced the first issue of the subscription year, starting in Sep- Group’s Newsletter, designed tember 2003. This is the first rise simply to publicise our activi- for four years; it is necessitated by ties and to publish reports of the increasing costs of producing our meetings, and a few book what is on average a much larger reviews of interests to students of publication than hitherto. Liberal history. An annual subscription to We managed to stick to a the Journal of Liberal History now (more or less) regular quarterly costs £15.00 (£7.50 unwaged publication, and ten years on rate) for individuals and £25.00 we can look back at forty issues, for institutions. This includes including eight special ‘themed’ membership of the History issues, three books (published Group unless you inform us oth- with the help of our friends at erwise. Politico’s), a rapidly develop- Rates for overseas subscribers ing website, and an expanding are £20.00 for individuals and range of contributors and help- £30.00 for institutions; special ers. (Which is not to say that we three-year rates are available for don’t need more contributions £55.00 (individuals) and £85.00 and help!) Perhaps most pleas- (institutions) total. ingly, both Labour and Conserv- Standing order forms are atives have finally got round to available on request – for contact emulating us, with two History details, see the page opposite. Groups founded in the last year.

2 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 Journal of Liberal History Issue 40: Autumn 2003 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group.

ISSN 1479-9642 Heir to the New Liberals? 4 Ed Randall describes and assesses the contribution of the American Editor: Duncan Brack philosopher John Rawls to political philosophy and Liberal thought Deputy Editor: Sarah Taft Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Biography: Lewis Harcourt 14 Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini The life and career of Lewis ‘Loulou’ Harcourt; by Patrick Jackson Patrons Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; ‘A real triumph for my old friend’ 18 Professor Earl Russell; Professor John Vincent Dr J. Graham Jones examines the occasion when The Times took at face value an imaginary interview with Editorial Board Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Architect of political realism 23 Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Interview with David Steel; by Adrian Slade Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Hilaire Belloc and the Liberal revival 26 Dr John Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Iain Sharpe Distributism – an alternative Liberal tradition? by David Boyle Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, Biography: Edmund Burke 30 and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a The career and political thought of Edmund Burke; by Ian Crowe refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Reviews 33 Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ John Grigg: Lloyd George: War Leader, reviewed by Ian Hunter; Michael email: [email protected] McManus: Jo Grimond: Towards the Sound of Gunfire, reviewed by Michael Steed; Mark Bonham Carter and Mark Pottle (eds): Lantern All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Slides: The Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham Carter, 1904–1914, reviewed by Robert Ingham Advertisements Adverts are welcome; please contact the Editor for rates. Report: Liberal heroines 37 with Baroness Liz Barker and Diana Wallis MEP; report by Justine Subscriptions/Membership McGuinness An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £15.00 (£7.50 unwaged Archives 39 rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. The Liberalism in Dundee; by Iain Flett institutional rate is £25.00

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Liberal Democrat History Group The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of historical Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History occasional publications. Group, c/o 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Printed by Kall-Kwik, records of meetings and archive and other research sources, see our web site at: 426 Chiswick High Road, London W4 5TF www.liberalhistory.org.uk. September 2003 Hon President: Earl Russell Chair: Tony Little

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 3 Ed Randall describes and assesses the contribution of the American philosopher John HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS? Rawls to political philosophy and Liberal thought and suggests that Rawls is a true heir to the New Liberalism of T. H. Green and L. T. Hobhouse.

Liberal political thought and philosophy have invigorated and inspired modern politics and helped to shape European political systems since the end of the seventeenth century. ohn Rawls died on 24 Rawls – a biography To the diverse and November 2002 hav- When Rawls died, in November extraordinarily creative ing made what was last year, the obituary writers indisputably the greatest were only able to draw upon a family of liberal contribution of any twen- very limited amount of infor- Jtieth-century political philosopher mation about the personal life thinkers, including to the canon of liberal thought of a modest and very private John Locke, Voltaire, and one of the most remarkable man.3,4 There can be no doubt Montesquieu, Thomas contributions to political phi- that John Rawls, never a seeker losophy of any time. Rawls was, as after publicity, wanted it that Paine, Marquis de one of his most able, articulate and way. Nevertheless, what is known Condorcet, Benjamin knowledgeable admirers has put it: about Rawls’s social background ‘[aware of the] prodigies of cruelty and intellectual development is Constant, Adam Smith, and destruction for which [human helpful in understanding him beings] are prepared to offer justi- as a philosopher and as a liberal Jeremy Bentham and fications’.1 But, as Thomas Nagel political thinker. , we went on to argue, Rawls’s deep John Rawls was born in 1921 understanding of and commit- and grew up in Baltimore in the must add the name of ment to liberal civilisation meant American state of Maryland. Sig- the greatest political he was determined not to let ‘the nificantly, Maryland had been a great evils of the past and present slaveholding state before 1865. thinker of the twentieth undermine hope for the future Although it did not become part century, John Rawls. of a Society of liberal and decent of the Confederacy, it had strong Peoples around the world’.2 ties to the slaveholding Southern

4 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS?

states that fought together in tune, equally unmerited, can play politics … and [in] the principles the American Civil War. Rawls’s in the course of a life. John Rawls Rawls’s of international justice …’.9 philosophical arguments, based was also strongly influenced by Rawls returned to Princeton upon deeply held beliefs about his parents’ active involvement deep when the war was over and there the importance of reciprocity in Democrat politics and by a he enrolled as a doctoral student. and mutual respect in social and very particular admiration for under- He completed his doctorate on political life, reflected an abid- Abraham Lincoln. This American ethics and ethical decision-mak- ing abhorrence of slavery, and President, who had been a firm standing of ing in 1950 and, in the process, most especially the slavery which opponent of slavery despite hav- and com- deepened his interest in both the South had defended and ing been born in a slaveholding political and moral philosophy. depended upon; a slavery that state, was, in Rawls’s own words: mitment By some accounts he was already had persisted despite the exist- ‘selfless in [his] judgements of … committed to the production of ence of an American covenant society’s interests’.6 to liberal his masterwork, A Theory of Justice, committing American citizens Rawls entered the US army although it was not published to building a society based on in 1943, having graduated from civilisa- until 1971. Despite having spent respect for individual rights and an elite American educational tion meant almost ten years at Princeton, as the maintenance of democratic institution – Princeton Uni- both a postgraduate and under- government. versity, in New Jersey. Although he was graduate and then as an instruc- Rawls was educated at an he is known to have described tor, this ‘northernmost outpost of exclusive independent school, his army career as ‘singularly determined … southern gentlemen’10 did not affiliated to the Episcopal undistinguished’7 it is clear that provide a long-term intellectual Church, in Kent, Connecticut. his service as an infantryman in not to let home or an academic berth for This was an educational choice New Guinea, the Philippines, ‘the great John Rawls. that reflected his parents’ reli- and Japan had a profound impact He travelled to England, to gious beliefs and the social and on his moral and political out- evils of the Oxford University, in 1952 and economic advantages of being look. He was still serving in the spent the academic year 1952/ born into a wealthy and estab- US army in August 1945 when past and 53 in Oxford with the aid of a lished Baltimore family. He the atomic bomb was dropped Fulbright fellowship. He worked was the second of five brothers on Hiroshima. He believed that present with and took inspiration from – two of whom died as a result the decision to drop the bomb under- many of Britain’s leading phi- of childhood infections that John had violated the principles by losophers and political thinkers, believed they had contracted which liberal democracies should mine hope including Isaiah Berlin, Stuart from him. Indeed Rawls attrib- govern their conduct of war, and Hampshire and Herbert Hart.11, uted the development of his later on he said so. Quite unusu- for the 12 His interest in their work, severe stutter to the shock of his ally, for an academic renowned and their interest in his, contin- brothers’ deaths.5 His liberalism for the use of highly abstract future of ued throughout their lengthy and his ideas about social justice language and careful phraseol- a Society careers as political thinkers and were powerfully shaped by this ogy, he chose to castigate what philosophers. John Rawls had childhood tragedy and by his he regarded as a grievous ‘failure of liberal become part of an international recognition of the part that luck of statesmanship’.8 According to community of political think- could play in the course of an his best-informed and most sym- and decent ers and philosophers committed individual’s life. Rawls’s liberal- pathetic obituarist, his personal to the assiduous and academic ism pays particularly close atten- knowledge of the terrors and Peoples pursuit of political truths. He tion to the numerous unmerited horrors of war, ‘overshadowed around the was becoming known as a quiet, advantages that come with good everything he did as a student, gifted and exceptionally thought- fortune, and the part that misfor- [stimulated] his interest in world’. ful American and well on his way

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 5 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS? to becoming an extraordinarily A Theory 5,000 serious academic replies justice. And Rawls grew increas- influential American. But it was a or ‘ripostes’ since its publica- ingly interested in relating his protracted process, mostly hidden of Jus- tion in 1971.15, 16 Responses to conception of social justice, and from public, if not from academic, Rawls’s liberal thought have of the political liberalism upon view. tice has probably filled more academic which he vigorously argued it On his return to the United library shelves than the work of rested, to the formulation of the States from Oxford, he joined attracted any other liberal political thinker, just principles that he hoped the staff of Cornell University a vast and ancient or modern; indeed his and believed could serve as the in Ithaca, New York. Although political thought spawned a foundation for a fair and toler- he is thought to have completed truly inter- publishing industry of its own in ant world order. The titles of much of the work on A Theory of the final quarter of the twentieth his principal works published Justice at Cornell before 1960, he national century. Rawls was surprised by since 1971 help to illustrate the had in fact still published very lit- the runaway success of his book core issues and themes that he, tle. Just three articles are listed in readership. and the attention it received – not as a convinced and confidently his Collected Works as having been It has been just in academic circles but well egalitarian liberal, believed were published before 1963.13 His beyond. There can be little doubt central to political philosophy: approach to political philosophy trans- about why it was and remains so Political Liberalism; The Law of Peo- was epitomised by the lengthy popular and is so widely praised ples (with ‘The Idea of Public Reason gestation of his political and phil- lated into and admired, even by those who Revisited’); and Justice as Fairness: osophical writing. He believed in strongly disagree with Rawls’s A Restatement. a thorough, if not to say exhaus- twenty- arguments and conclusions. The personal good fortune tive, and highly academic exami- seven lan- A Theory of Justice served that Rawls recognised had had a nation and evaluation of his own as midwife for the rebirth of great impact on his life – he had ideas. The process of arriving at a guages and philosophical argument about lived when two of his brothers ‘reflective equilibrium’ – Rawls’s the greatest, the most profound, had died, he had survived the war term, for ‘a process of mutual has sold social and political questions. in the Pacific when many of his adjustment of principles and con- Philosophy had become very peers had been killed, and he had sidered judgements’14 – was one hundreds dull and technical in the years been born into a wealthy society to which he was fully committed. of thou- immediately before and after the and a prosperous family at a time ‘Reflective equilibrium’ was rep- Second World War, and most phi- and in circumstances that enabled resented as having been a corner- sands of losophers seemed uninterested in him to pursue his deep interest in stone of A Theory of Justice when it debates about human rights and political philosophy – did not last eventually appeared in print, and copies. wrongs, about social justice and for the whole of his life. In 1995 it describes his general approach about the ways in which human Rawls suffered the first of a series to political philosophy. societies should be governed and of strokes. They were not allowed Despite his modest published organised. Rawls took on the big to prevent him from completing output, Rawls was made a full political questions, he made them The Law of Peoples in 1998 in professor at Cornell in 1962, hav- interesting and, above all else, he which, as Thomas Nagel puts it, ing previously obtained a tenured provided a way to discuss them. we can find ‘some of his strongest academic position at the Massa- Those questions included: What expressions of feeling’.17 chusetts Institute of Technology. is the point of political argument? He then moved on to Harvard What, if any, obligations do indi- University, where he settled in viduals, as members of a society, Rawls: the ideas and the the early 1960s, and where he have to one another? Is it possible works – A Theory of Justice subsequently became the Conant to weigh liberty and equality and Political Liberalism University Professor in 1979, an against each other when we try to honour conferred after his inter- fashion and reform our social and A theory of justice national academic reputation had political institutions? Rawls is responsible for a number been well and truly made by A To a considerable degree, A of substantial additions to the Theory of Justice. Theory of Justice took over Rawls’s language employed in political academic career and his work philosophy and refinements of as a philosopher. Most of what the concepts used by political A worldwide audience for he wrote and published after thinkers; the term ‘reflective Rawls’s ideas 1971 was offered as justifica- equilibrium’ has already been A Theory of Justice has attracted tion, refinement, development mentioned. In his writings on a vast and truly international or correction to his particular social justice, Rawls introduced readership. It has been translated and avowedly liberal conception the idea of a ‘veil of ignorance’, into twenty-seven languages and of social justice. His ideas about the notion of an ‘original posi- has sold hundreds of thousands political liberalism, public reason tion’ and the concept of a ‘max- of copies as well as motivating, and toleration all stemmed from imin decision rule’ or ‘difference according to Alan Ryan, some his liberal conception of social principle’. These are all part of his

6 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS? presentation and recasting of the so-called contractarian tradition in John Borden RAWLS political philosophy: a tradition 1921 (Feb 21) – Born in Baltimore, son of Anna Abell RAWLS (née STUMP) and William Lee of political thought intended to RAWLS help provide a persuasive account 1939 Graduates from Kent School in Connecticut and goes on to Princeton University of social and political institu- tions and practices; an account 1943 Completes his undergraduate degree at Princeton and joins the US army, going on to that reasonable people might be serve as an infantryman in the Pacific theatre expected to subscribe to, if they 1946 Despite an opportunity to become an officer, leaves the army and returns to study at were free to do so and prepared Princeton where he pursues research for a doctorate to adopt and apply the same 1949 Marries Margaret Fox (a painter) with whom he subsequently has five children principles in the governance of 1950/51 Is awarded a doctorate at Princeton for his thesis: A Study in the Grounds of Ethical society to everyman. Knowledge: Considered with Reference to Judgements on the Moral Worth of The contractarian tradition is Character. His thesis serves as the basis for his first academic publication Outline of a typically presented as congruent Decision Procedure for Ethics. with liberal principles and prac- 1950–52 Employed as an instructor at Princeton tices and held to rest upon a rea- soned and consensual approach 1952–53 Holds a Fulbright Fellowship that enables him to go to Oxford University where he to deciding what is right and fair meets several of Britain’s most eminent political philosophers including the leading liberal thinker Isaiah Berlin – not just for ourselves but for all those to whom we wish to 1953–59 Works as an assistant/associate professor at Cornell University accord the same respect we seek 1960–62 Professor of Philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, , and expect for ourselves. Rawls Massachusetts himself explained what he was 1962–79 Professor of Philosophy at Harvard University trying to do in A Theory of Justice. His aim was to: ‘generalise and 1970–72 President of the American Association of Political and Social Philosophers carry to a higher order of abstrac- 1971 A Theory of Justice is published and widely acclaimed tion the traditional theory of the 1979–91 Holds the James Bryant Conant University Professorship at Harvard (the most social contract as represented by esteemed Harvard Chair, previously held by the economist Kenneth Arrow) 18 Locke, Rousseau, and Kant …’ 1993 His second major book is published, entitled Political Liberalism 1995 Has the first of a series of strokes In search of justice 1999 The Law of Peoples is published Although we do not choose the 1999 Rawls is awarded the National Humanities Medal by President Clinton time, the place or the circum- stances of our entry into the 2001 Justice as Fairness: A Restatement is published world, Rawls invited his readers 2002 (November 24) – Dies of heart failure to think about the choices that they might make – if they were society should be governed and They can be told everything that able to do so – about the differ- the lines along which human there is to know about human ent possible societies they might societies should be organised. societies. They are allowed, for join. He argued that it was open In A Theory of Justice, Rawls example, unrestricted access to to all of us to think deeply and invites his readers to undertake a the work of social researchers, productively, with honesty and thought experiment: to imagine psychologists, philosophers and detachment, about the ways in themselves in a situation (which historians. This is permitted, even which societies were organised he called ‘the original position’) encouraged, so that their discus- and the ways in which they might in which individuals are able to sion of social and political prin- be reorganised. make and share judgements about ciples is as well informed as it can While we do not have the the arrangements that they would be. Though it must be conceded option of joining a great human choose, from all possible arrange- – in the face of criticisms directed congress prior to taking up our ments, to order and organise at the work of social scientists and membership of society, we can society. other observers of the human use our intellects to grapple with Rawls’s invitation is to join condition – that it is far from the issues that such a hypotheti- him on a journey to a place certain how useful such ‘informa- cal assembly – in some imaginary where no one has specific tion’ and ‘knowledge’ would turn ante-chamber to life – might knowledge of personal interests out to be. The social sciences have enable potential new citizens to and characteristics. Participants enjoyed rather modest success deliberate. Rawls offered a means, in Rawls’s original position can in providing undisputed insights for all who wanted to use it, to be aided in their deliberations into human behaviour. grapple with such matters as the by certain kinds of information. choice of principles by which

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 7 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS?

The original position is only the same liberties for all others. It liberalism of Friedrich Hayek. open to those who undertake was, Rawls argued, a truly basic As Duncan Forrester has put it the journey there by way of a and fundamental human desire – and put it rather well: ‘Issues of veil of ignorance; participants are to be treated and regarded as the justice for [Rawls] cannot simply deprived of personal knowledge end rather than the means in any be swept aside in the pursuit of but not of their humanity in social scheme or plan – a notion efficiency and economic prosper- the course of a journey past the found at the core of the liberal ity. Justice is what holds a decent veil. (Or should it be through a political tradition and exempli- society together’.20 Bunyanesque vale of ignorance?) fied in the works of John Locke Because they undergo a thorough and J. S. Mill. – but highly selective – amnesia, Rawls believed that the sec- At the heart of liberalism which is not meant to rob them ond principle of social justice Rawls’s most basic proposition, of their human nature, partici- would reflect the awareness of all the core of his political liberalism, pants in Rawls’s extraordinary those participating in the original was that social and political insti- hypothetical congress, his ‘origi- position that they were quite tutions should give expression to nal position’, lack all certainty uniquely vulnerable; it would the belief that respect for another about how any agreement they reflect an understanding of the person’s right to self-determi- enter into – the principles chosen part that chance, purest chance, nation ought to take priority to govern society – will apply to plays in all our lives. Participants over other political goals. Whilst them personally. would be aware of the possibil- respect for another person’s enti- Rawls was convinced that ity that it could be their lot, their tlement to decide for themselves the fairness that he believed was personal misfortune, on travelling what is right and what is good is an integral part of his extraordi- Inequali- back past the veil of ignorance, to not unqualified – it requires, for nary thought experiment would ties, discover that they now occupied example, a mutuality of respect powerfully shape any conceivable the worst position in society. – a liberal’s conception of justice agreement made by even the most accord- Inequalities, according to this second cannot accommodate the belief self-regarding of human beings principle of justice, were only justified that ‘the loss of freedom for some who found their way to the ing to this if they worked to the advantage of the can be made right by a greater original position. He set out to worst off.19 This second component good shared by others’.21 This devise a procedure that was as fair second of the second principle of justice sharply distinguishes Rawlsian as possible, but it is clear that he principle has been labelled the ‘difference political thought from utilitarian- also believed that a human capac- principle’. It can be characterised ism, itself an important and pow- ity for reason and for fairness of justice, as the ultimate insurance policy erful strand in the rich tapestry of was fundamental to the pursuit for those in the original position: liberal political argument. of social justice and to political were only they know that they could be In reacting against utilitarian- liberalism. In this he followed amongst life’s biggest losers and ism, Rawls shared a good deal in Immanuel Kant’s belief in the justified that it is only the design of a fair common with John Stuart Mill, existence of a defining character- if they society that can cap their suffer- who grew away from his father istic of human beings: a capacity ing and their disadvantages. Only James’s utilitarianism as his lib- for moral personality. And Rawls worked to fair social and political principles eral political thought developed was convinced that reason- can offer them protection against and matured. Rawls shares even able readers would agree that the the advan- the unmediated consequences of more with the New Liberals, imaginary participants in his great being worst off. T. H. Green and L. T. Hobhouse congress would emerge united in tage of the A keen appreciation of the who ‘disparaged Bentham [and] their support for two principles of worst off. central importance to liberalism found much in [John Stuart] social justice that would form the of interdependence, mutual- Mill’s improved’, heavily quali- foundation blocks for a just and This com- ity and fraternity are hallmarks fied, ‘utilitarianism highly appeal- liberal society. of the New Liberalism of ing’.22 Indeed it may be fair to Rawls believed that par- ponent of T. H. Green, L. T. Hobhouse and argue that Rawls, along with ticipants in the original position John Hobson. They are an equally many other contemporary lib- would insist, before all else, on the second important part of Rawls’s politi- eral political thinkers, has failed entrenching equal respect for principle cal philosophy. Just as the New to acknowledge the extent of every person. Agreement on Liberals challenged the works and the intellectual debt owed by making respect for individual lib- of justice political doctrines of the greatest twentieth-century liberals to the erty the first – the prior – princi- exponents of liberal classical eco- New Liberal thinkers of the final ple of social justice would reflect has been nomic thought and the liberalism quarter of the nineteenth century the individual’s determination, of the utilitarians, above all of and the first decade of the twenti- under all conceivable circum- labelled the the great liberal thinker Jeremy eth. However, there should be no stances, to ensure that they would ‘difference Bentham, John Rawls’s work rep- doubt about the importance of be able to enjoy the most extensive resented a great challenge to the the New Liberal heritage found set of basic liberties consistent with principle’. unbalanced and market-obsessed – albeit barely acknowledged

8 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS?

– throughout Rawls’s industri- cratic societies. Labour’s Social Liberal ous and unceasing reworking of Justice Commission, set up on the philosophers: the great New Liberal themes: initiative of John Smith, and the John Stuart support for thriving individuality, Liberal Democrats’ Commission Mill, for the promotion of liberal com- on Wealth Creation and Social T. H. Green, munity and above all, for social Cohesion in a Free Society, set and justice.23, 24 up on the initiative of Paddy Ash- L. T. Hobhouse down, both owed a philosophical debt to the renewal of interest in Life’s lottery ideas about the compatibility, in Rawls was keenly aware of life’s market societies, between eco- lottery. He was aware of the extent nomic goals one the one hand to which almost everything in life and social cohesion and social depends on chance events, on justice on the other; an interest contingencies over which indi- strongly stimulated by Rawls’s viduals have little or no control. Theory of Justice. No doubt this is A liberal theory of social justice what motivated Will Hutton to could not, he argued, overlook make the claim that, in Europe or evade the fact that: ‘the natural (though not in America), it was distribution of abilities and talent Rawls, more than any other phi- … are decided by the outcome of losopher, who had: ‘[justified] … a natural lottery; and [that] this universal education, health and outcome is arbitrary from a moral income support and [the] redis- point of view.’25 tributive taxation to pay for it’.26 Reasonable people, he Hutton’s estimate of the criti- believed, would recognise the cal importance of Rawls’s con- existence and the all-pervasive ception of social justice to the influence of good and ill fortune formulation of contemporary on the course of human lives plans for social reform is shared and support social institutions by others including Duncan and public policies that chal- Forrester. Forrester describes the lenged rather than entrenched Labour Party’s Commission on the inequalities that had arisen Social Justice as ‘largely Rawlsian from what he referred to as the in its inspiration’, referring to the ‘natural lottery’. Rawls rejected four principles of social justice the view that acceptable justifica- that the Commission espoused as tions for an unequal distribution ‘distinctly Rawlsian in tone’.27 of income and wealth in a just There can be little doubt that society should rest on differences Rawls’s approach to distribu- that were arbitrary from a moral tive justice is both radical and standpoint. egalitarian. However, while it An unequal distribution of appeared to provide powerful wealth and income could be jus- support to liberals wishing to tified, but the justification would make the case for progressive tax- have to depend upon the extent ation and for redistributive public to which social and economic policies, Rawls left it to others to inequalities were of benefit to champion detailed public policy the unluckiest and the most dis- prescriptions and manifestos advantaged members of society. based on his philosophical meth- This is a philosophical position ods and conclusions. that appears to bless commun- ion between New Liberals and Democratic Socialists in the past Broadening the appeal of A and their numerous progeny Theory of Justice on the centre left of European In his Political Liberalism Rawls politics in the present. Indeed, set out to develop his conception European Liberals and Social of justice as a form of liberalism Democrats have relied on Rawls that would have the broadest pos- in fashioning the case for the sible appeal. He believed it was reform of social welfare systems possible to formulate his most in capitalist, liberal and demo- important ideas about justice as

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 9 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS?

as self-evident by liberals but not from the perspective of liberal necessarily by other reasonable democracy, in Rawls’s opinion, people. And liberals should firmly was that the fact of reasonable plural- endorse, as a key part of the liberal ism was not a temporary matter, a outlook, the view that there are passing phase in the life and times many people with different, but of liberal democratic society, but reasonable, conceptions of how an enduring and (most certainly human beings should behave and to liberals) welcome character- of what is good. istic of modern liberal societies. What Rawls came to refer to Therefore a key task confronting as political liberalism needed to liberal thinkers was to construct be built upon as wide a base as a convincing account of demo- possible. That base, he believed, cratic and tolerant societies that was present in societies with a appealed to as many people as public culture that was essentially possible and appealed as the democratic. Rawls’s aim was to ‘work of human reason’, thereby present his ideas about justice as supporting and sustaining ‘endur- fairness in such a way that they ing free institutions’.29 would be acceptable to people One important contempo- who understood and accepted rary facet of debate about social that any stable social order in any justice and its relationship to fairness in a way that would be social system was dependent upon laws and institutions in liberal attractive to many different mem- co-operation and mutual respect. democracies concerns the status bers of diverse and open societies Indeed political liberalism refers of human rights. It is not unrea- and to reasonable people in very to ‘everyday conceptions’ of indi- sonable to suggest, as Francesca different societies right around viduals as free and equal beings Klug has, that Rawls has played the globe – people who were who have the capacity and will to an important part in stimulat- 28 likely to have distinctly different co-operate with one another. ing and shaping the philosophi- ideas about what constituted the John Rawls believed that one cal and political arguments that good life. of the greatest challenges facing now influence how we interpret In some ways Rawls narrowed any modern political philosopher such documents as the European his philosophical ambition and was the fact that democratic soci- Charter of Human Rights and in other respects he embraced a eties fostered diversity. Demo- the Universal Declaration of greatly extended philosophical cratic societies encouraged the Human Rights, although Klug task. Once again, in so doing, he expression of distinct and appar- is far from convinced that Rawls added to the language of politi- ently incompatible beliefs among and liberals in general have been 30 cal philosophy. Political Liberalism their citizens. Such pluralism, on the side of the angels. included references to the ‘fact of if it was to be consistent with Rawls’s desire to accommo- reasonable pluralism’, ‘an overlap- peaceful and fruitful coexistence, date the greatest possible diversity ping consensus’, ‘the criterion of required the common acceptance of distinctive world views, when reciprocity’ and ‘political justifi- of political ideas that were them- formulating and giving expres- cation through public reason’. Let selves capable of attracting and sion to his conception of justice us briefly consider each of these, retaining the support of people as fairness, meant that he favoured because they are the concepts that with very different cultural, reli- a state that maintained its neutral- came to dominate his philosophi- gious and moral beliefs. He noted ity, so far as practicable, between cal and political writing in the that, even though we encounter different ideas about how we years following the publication of people with whom we have quite should live and order our lives. A Theory of Justice and right up to fundamental disagreements, peo- However, Rawls was far from the end of his life. ple who strive for very different being an advocate of uncriti- Rawls grew dissatisfied with A ends, we nevertheless accept that cal pragmatism in public policy. Theory of Justice. He came to the they are sincere about what they Mutual respect and toleration in conclusion that it had a major believe and no less intelligent or human societies may be grudg- shortcoming. While those who fair-minded than ourselves. ing – based on fear rather than on already shared his liberal outlook It was an article of liberal faith philosophical reasoning or gener- were likely to accept its method for Rawls that people who disa- osity. Toleration may be pragmatic and general conclusions, other gree, even quite fundamentally, and based on the recognition that reasonable people might not be can – despite their disagreements no one is sufficiently powerful so accepting – because A Theory – be convinced of each other’s to have things all their own way. of Justice appeared to be founded reasonableness, if they share an It may reflect an acceptance of upon beliefs that were accepted essentially democratic outlook. the inevitability, rather than the What made this quite critical, desirability, of compromise. But

10 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS?

Rawls, in his Political Liberalism, simply to do as you please. And philosophical opponents, Robert sought something more reliable liberals can take great inspira- Nozick, a liberal of a very dif- and less fleeting: he wanted to tion from John Rawls’s efforts ferent kind who also died last articulate something that could to plot the domain of liberty in year, attacked the very heart of serve as the bedrock for political a just society. For Rawls, liberal- Rawls’s liberal project. Nozick liberalism. For a liberal society to ism necessitated a search for, insisted that at the heart of liber- exist and continue to exist, it was identification of and defence of alism were individual rights that necessary, in his view, that there the principles needed to create an should not be violated, under any was a broad and reasoned agree- enduring liberal and democratic circumstances – even if violations ment about social and political political community. Liberal soci- were thought to be necessary in fundamentals. Liberal political eties depend upon consent, and order to bring about the good or community required a method reasonable people are assumed at least the fair society.32 Building as well as a social and political to be most persuadable about an entire edifice of government, covenant that acknowledged and the virtues of any political com- for example, to advance the inter- entrenched respect for human munity if they perceive as just ests of the worst-off would mean, diversity. not only its political institutions in Nozick’s view, trampling end- An overlapping consensus about but its social and economic ones lessly on the rights of the better- the essentials of a liberal political as well. off. Why should those who were community would only be pos- The purpose of Rawls’s most more talented and who worked sible, in Rawls’s opinion, if agree- famous work, A Theory of Justice, harder simply accept that the ment rested upon something that can be expressed very straight- product of their hard work and could be found from within the forwardly. It was an invitation to greater talent should be com- beliefs of each group of citizens consider what kind of society we manded – commandeered – by and from within each distinctive would choose to live in if we did the state and be treated as if it did world view represented in society. not know, or could not be sure, not belong to them but to others Reasonable people, reasonable how things would turn out for who were less fortunate? If liber- citizens, wishing to co-operate us personally if we went to live alism stood for anything, in Noz- with each other, wanting to live there. And, to begin with, Rawls ick’s view, it stood for a world together as well as to enhance was convinced that the only in which individuals could not and honour their own tradi- sensible choice for human beings be enslaved by some great social tions and notions of the good who wanted to live with other purpose imposed on them in the life, needed to be persuaded that human beings would be a liberal name of the population at large. doing so was entirely congruent society in which liberal values For Rawls, Rawls attracted fierce criti- with the mutual respect that was permeated every aspect of life. cism of a very different kind from fundamental to liberal political Later he rejected this view. Nev- liberalism political thinkers, such as Michael community. What Rawls refers ertheless he remained committed neces- Sandel, Charles Taylor and to as the criterion of reciprocity to the central role of liberal ideas Michael Walzer, who believed would enable citizens, with dis- and values. In place of what had sitated a that liberalism and liberal ideas, tinct world views, to accept one been, to use his terminology, a including Rawls’s liberalism and another’s motives and actions as comprehensive liberal doctrine, search for, liberal ideas, served – however expressing genuine beliefs about he argued for what he called unintentionally – to undermine what would be accepted by oth- political liberalism. Political lib- identifica- or sideline community. Ties of ers as reasonable. eralism was, he came to believe, tion of and the intellect are, from this point The search for common the best expression of our most of view, weak and unsatisfying. ground and the elaboration of widely shared ideas about what is defence If people are to belong and to the criterion of reciprocity are needed for people to live together respect one another they must important requirements if what in a society that is able to endure of the feel a part of something that is Rawls refers to as public reason is and, at the same time, offer all its deeply rooted in their lives. Lib- to play its full part in enabling members the best possible pros- principles eral choices, however cleverly citizens to settle differences about pects for realising their very dif- needed to constructed, that are detached the ways in which their society ferent goals and capabilities. from the values we have been should be governed and the ways Despite his enthusiasm for create an raised to hold, the historical com- in which all the members of a just building broad agreements and munities of which we are a part political community should be identifying commonalities, enduring and the bonds of family, are no involved in government.31 Rawls’s political liberalism and substitute for the commitment his ideas about social justice liberal and and sense of belonging that are have attracted as much criticism democratic largely inherited and imbibed as Assessing and criticising as they have support. His liberal we grow up in the communities Rawls outlook appears to many of his political with which we most naturally Liberals value liberty but do not fellow Americans to be rather come to identify. But the so- believe that liberty is a licence un-American. One of his fiercest community. called communitarian attack on

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 11 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS? Rawls’s work often caricatures his Rawls’s liberalism attractive need to show having complex, many-sided, views and claims to have discov- less timidity and much greater political ambitions, of the kind ered incompatibilities where few political determination, as well as ingenu- that characterised the work of if any exist.33 Rawls never denied ity, in reconnecting liberalism with John Rawls and the New Liberals the importance or the value philosophy long-standing liberal ambitions for (in whose intellectual footsteps I of community. He was – as he a freer and a fairer society. believe he often trod), does make often made plain – concerned to is, above John Rawls’s contribution it important to understand why work out a basis for liberal politi- all else, to political philosophy was a those liberals who have man- cal community that could help distinctively and strongly liberal aged to avoid a fixation with the to obstruct the passage and the about fash- one. In common with other lib- ‘magic of markets’ also believe tyranny of any world view that erals, Rawls identified the most that any insistence that liberals would not or could not accept a ioning the important and politically signifi- must choose between justice and place in society for the reasonable cant human characteristic as the liberty is fundamentally miscon- beliefs and practices of others. intellectual capacity for personal decision: ceived and illiberal. Rawls, as Rawls’s philosophical writings resources a capacity that, following Kant, will be clear to anyone who has have often been introduced as Rawls believed was not simply read A Theory of Justice, was fasci- a rationalisation or justification needed to self-regarding. Liberals value self- nated by neo-classical economic for the welfare state.34 And one determination but also champion theory; but he, like the New Lib- particularly strong and growing understand respect for each individual’s capac- erals, never accepted that market line of criticism of his liberal ity to make decisions about the mechanisms were a substitute conception of social justice is that and build kind of life that they want to lead. for political argument or for the it has failed to stiffen the resolve stronger Rawls’s political philoso- creation of political institutions of Liberals and Social Democrats phy is, amongst other things, able to formulate and implement to strengthen welfare systems liberal a determined attempt to inte- a wide range of public policies. that have singularly failed, in the grate a commitment to tackling Acknowledging the impor- course of the last twenty years, to political inequality into the core of liberal tance of pursuing social justice stem a rapid rise in economic and thought. He asserted, in A Theory in a liberal society, and recognis- social inequality, particularly in commu- of Justice, that a liberal concep- ing that interdependence is an the United States and Britain – nities in tion of society should be firmly inescapable part of the human precisely those English-speaking rooted in fairness. If the liberal condition, we should also be able countries where Anglo-Ameri- which we conviction that we are entitled to accept that the plea on Martin can political philosophy might to equal respect is to be taken Englebrodde’s tombstone37 cap- have been expected to have had can form seriously and actively pursued in tures a key ingredient in Rawls’s the greatest impact on practical the organisation of society, then egalitarian liberalism and the lib- politics. and sus- the pursuit of social justice must eralism of the New Liberals, with It is known that Rawls himself tain insti- go hand in hand with the pursuit whom I have suggested Rawls was disappointed with the impact of liberty. Liberalism seeks a win- had much in common: that public welfare systems had had tutions and ning recipe that reconciles Isaiah on economic and social inequali- Berlin’s negative and positive Here lies Martin Elginbrodde, ties. Ben Rogers even describes beliefs that notions of human liberty. It may Ha’e mercy on my soul, Lord Rawls as coming to ‘despair of be that this is a goal as elusive as God; the capitalist welfare state, which help us to the Holy Grail, but that does not As I would do, were I Lord God, acquiesced in a dramatic rise in trust and mean that liberals should aban- And Thou were Martin Elgin- social inequality in the 1980s and don it. The value and importance brodde ’90s’.35 No doubt we need to be to respect of human goals does not depend bolder and build upon Rawls’s simply on whether they are, in Rawls’s liberal political phi- ideas about designing a basic one some ultimate sense, achievable. losophy was very deliberately structure for our social and eco- If we thought that, we would designed to encourage and foster nomic institutions that embodies another surely abandon scientific enquiry a political outlook that was other the difference principle in a more despite our tomorrow. regarding. Martin Englebrodde’s appealing and effective form than Liberalism, Rawls’s liberalism plea for mercy and his promise of is found in the welfare states of the many dif- at least, is not only concerned reciprocity, should his own and his early twenty-first century. with securing basic freedoms; it creator’s roles be reversed, encap- It is surely right, as Will Kym- ferences. is strikingly egalitarian. Freedom sulates a liberal view of the world. licka argues, that ‘the main focus and justice depend on mutual It is a world in which we know for the politics of liberal egalitari- respect, reciprocity and support we cannot stand alone, in which anism should be [remedying] (the for individual autonomy. An we want and need the benefits growing) inequality in people’s honest recognition and celebra- of living and working together circumstances’.36 Rawls is dead tion of human interdependence and still wish to pursue our own but his ideas live on. Those who need not mean giving up on the course in life. Martin proposes follow him and find his egalitarian defence of individual liberty. But a contract with his maker that

12 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HEIR TO THE NEW LIBERALS? is, despite their unequal power, respect and concern for all of our Justice’’ – Obituary, Independent intended to appeal to his all-pow- fellow humans. (28 November 2002). erful creator, because it is quintes- Rawls certainly showed great 17 Nagel, ‘The rigorous compassion of John Rawls’. sentially decent and fair; exactly brilliance and ingenuity and an 18 Rawls, A Theory of Justice, p. 11. what Martin assumes his maker to extraordinary mastery of techni- 19 Readers should be aware that this be. Given their inequality his plea cal and philosophical language in is only part, indeed it is the second can have little appeal to his creator his published work. But, as Isaiah part, of the second principle of jus- other than its sincere promise of Berlin also observed, the use of tice. The second principle also pro- vides that: ‘All positions and offices reciprocity based upon fairness. highly abstract and technical lan- in society should be open to all Its appeal is essentially moral and guage by philosophers is a bit like under conditions of fair equality of intellectual – but that is enough if putting on heavy armour to fend opportunity’. it is known to be genuine. Martin off real or imagined adversaries. 20 Duncan B. Forrester, Christian Jus- trusts in the fairness of his maker We should not allow Rawls’s tice and Public Policy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) and believes that his maker will armour to deter us from making p. 133. know that he is genuine. Mem- the effort to grasp the ideas and 21 Rawls, A Theory of Justice, pp. bers of human societies are rarely insights contained in his work: 3–4. able to express quite the same the work of the greatest twenti- 22 David Weinstein, ‘The new liberal- trust in each other or have the eth-century political thinker. ism and the rejection of utilitarian- ism’ in Avital Simhony and David same confidence in each other’s Weinstein (ed.) The New Liberal- ability to estimate sincerity. Ed Randall lectures on politics and ism: Reconciling Liberty and Com- Human society has something social policy at University of London munity (Cambridge: Cambridge in common with Martin’s divine Goldsmiths and is the author of The University Press, 2001) p. 165. authority when it comes to the and Health 23 Ibid., p. 181. 24 Stephen Mulhall and Adam Swift, power that its most important Policy (Palgrave, 2001) and A ‘Rawls and Communitarianism’ office holders can exercise. We Union for Health: Strengthening in Samuel Freeman (ed.), The would all like to be able to trust the European Union’s Role in Cambridge Companion to Rawls in the basic fairness of the institu- Health (Centre for Reform, 2002). (Cambridge: Cambridge University tions that help to define our polit- Press, 2003) pp. 460–487. 25 Rawls, A Theory of Justice, pp. 1 Thomas Nagel, ‘The rigorous com- ical community. Rawls’s political 510–511. passion of John Rawls: Justice, philosophy is, above all else, about 26 Will Hutton, ‘Essential Truths of a Justice, Shalt Thou Pursue’, The Fair Minded Man’, The Observer (1 fashioning the intellectual New Republic (25 October 1999). December 2002). resources needed to understand 2 John Rawls, The Law of Peoples 27 Forrester, Christian Justice and and build stronger liberal politi- (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Har- Public Policy, p. 137. vard University Press, 1999) p. cal communities in which we can 28 John Rawls, Political Liberalism 22. form and sustain institutions and (with a new introduction and the 3 Ken Gewertz, ‘John Rawls, influ- ‘reply to Habermas’) (New York: beliefs that help us to trust and to ential political philosopher, dead Columbia Press, 1996) p. 18 respect one another despite our at 81’, Harvard University Gazette (footnote 20) many differences. (25 November 2002). 29 Ibid., p. 129. 4 Ben Rogers, ‘Portrait – John 30 Francesca Klug, Values for a God- Rawls’, Prospect (June 1999). less Age: The Story of the United 5 Ibid. Kingdom’s New Bill of Rights (Lon- Conclusion 6 Rawls, The Law of Peoples, pp. don: Penguin Books, 2000) pp. Most of Rawls’s writing is, it 97–98. 56, 70, 128–129. has to be acknowledged, highly 7 Gewertz, ‘John Rawls, influential 31 Rawls, Political Liberalism, pp. political philosopher, dead at 81’. abstract. It is important not to be 224–225. 8 Rawls, The Law of Peoples, pp. put off by his exceptionally schol- 32 Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State and 95, 100–102. Utopia (Oxford: Basil Blackwell arly approach to political philoso- 9 Ben Rogers, ‘John Rawls’, Guard- – Basic Books, 1974). phy. Isaiah Berlin, when praising ian (27 November 2002). 33 Mulhall and Swift, ‘Rawls and Bertrand Russell, endorsed what 10 Rogers, ‘Portrait – John Rawls’. Communitarianism’. 11 Obituary of John Rawls, The Times he described as Russell’s ‘highly 34 Bryan Magee, Talking Philosophy (27 November, 2002). perceptive but unexpected (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 12 Obituary of John Rawls, Daily Tel- 1982) p. 210. insight’ that ‘the central visions of egraph (27 November 2002). 35 Rogers, ‘Portrait – John Rawls’. great philosophers are essentially 13 Samuel Freeman (ed.), John Rawls 36 Will Kymlicka, Contemporary Politi- simple’.38 Rawls’s place in the Collected Papers (Cambridge, cal Philosophy: An Introduction, Massachusetts: Harvard University pantheon of political philosophy 2nd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). is secure; he authored two very Press, 2002) pp. 53–101, ‘Liberal 14 John Rawls, A Theory of Justice Equality’. long and very weighty academic (London: Oxford University Press, 37 I first came across this inscrip- tomes of political philosophy. But 1972 – first published by Harvard tion in Kenneth J. Arrow’s Social he was also the most thoughtful University Press in 1971) p. 20. Choice and Individual Values, 2nd 15 Gewertz, ‘John Rawls, influential and skilful twentieth-century edn (New Haven: Yale University political philosopher, dead at 81’. exponent of the view that liberal- Press, 1963), p. 114. 16 Alan Ryan, ‘Author of a ‘Theory of ism calls on us to show an equal 38 Magee, Talking Philosophy, p. 27.

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 13 Patrick Jackson analyses the life and career of Lewis ‘Loulou’ Harcourt (1863–1922), son of and secretary to William Harcourt, Liberal MP and cabinet minister under Asquith.

BIOGRAPHY: LEWIS HARCOURT

ewis Vernon Harcourt did little to affect the relation- in him, and the childless John was born in Pont Street, ship. The thirteen year old acted Morley contrasted his charm with London, on 31 January as best man at the ceremony in his father’s abrasive tactlessness. 1863, the son of Wil- and accom- Lewis Harcourt loved gossip liam (later Sir William) panied his father and young and he was a good listener: poli- LVernon Harcourt and his wife American stepmother on the tics were always the main preoc- Marie Therese Lister, who died Paris holiday that followed their cupation, but he also enjoyed soon after the birth. Reflect- honeymoon. photography, theatre going, and ing his inherited place in the When Loulou left Eton in grouse shooting. The seventy- political establishment, the child 1881 he became private secre- four volumes of Loulou’s journal, was christened Lewis (with Lord tary to his father, now Home now in the Bodleian Library, pro- Clarendon acting as godfather) in Secretary in Gladstone’s second vide a lively account of political memory of Marie Therese’s step- government, and he continued and social life in upper-middle- father to perform this confidential class London at the end of the who had recently died and had task until shortly before William nineteenth century and the nar- been a Liberal Chancellor of the Harcourt’s death in 1904. Loulou rative is spiced by racy anecdotes. Exchequer and . taught himself shorthand and typ- These include the embarrassing However, Lewis Harcourt was ing and was willing to undertake expiry of a circuit judge in a known throughout his life as the humblest secretarial duties. brothel, the death-bed confession Loulou. His father was wealthy and well of a clergyman who said that he For many years William Har- connected, and Loulou grew up had married to court feared that his delicate with ready access to all the draw- John Brown, and the story of an and precocious boy would not ing rooms of London society archdeacon charged with sexual survive, and the anxiety resulted and to the country-house parties impropriety who, according to in an extraordinarily close and where political alliances were Loulou, had to pay a high price protective relationship: Harcourt made. Despite his over-indulgent for girls because he insisted that told Loulou on his twelfth birth- upbringing Loulou was generally they must be not only young but day that he had been left ‘as both well liked and a welcome guest: High Church. a trust and a consoler’.1 Even his older women such as Mrs Glad- The political partnership father’s second marriage in 1876 stone mothered him and confided between Lewis Harcourt and his

14 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 BIOGRAPHY: LEWIS HARCOURT father grew even closer over the intrigues that followed Glad- budget of a graduated income years and, despite the emotional stone’s retirement. His father tax, but Harcourt was persuaded intensity of the relationship, there had acted as deputy leader in the by officials that this would over- were no quarrels or estrange- House of Commons and would load the fiscal machinery. ments. This was remarkable have been the preferred succes- During the years in opposi- because William Harcourt never sor for most Liberal backbench- tion after the 1895 election defeat managed to curb an exuberant ers, who relished his pugnacious Loulou supported his father and fiery temper and succeeded leadership. However the Queen against the carping criticisms of in exasperating and alienat- chose Lord Rosebery, whose the (Grey, ing most of his colleagues. In imperial policies approximated to Haldane and, more ambivalently, contrast, Loulou (tall and thin those of Lord Salisbury. Rosebery Asquith) who looked forward to alongside his Falstaffian father) expressed strong reservations Rosebery’s return from political was self-controlled and quietly (fully justified in the event) about exile. At the end of 1898 Harcourt determined. When A. G. Gardiner his suitability for the premier- resigned the Commons leader- included Lewis Harcourt in the ship, and he would probably have ship, in a manoeuvre coordinated 1908 collection of biographical abandoned the attempt to form by Loulou and Morley that was essays Prophets, and Kings, a government if there had been designed to force into the open he described the inscrutable smile any serious resistance by cabinet the intrigues of Rosebery’s sup- of a ‘dominating, masterful figure’ colleagues. Loulou fought a tena- porters. Campbell-Bannerman whose thoughts were ‘known cious rearguard action in support and most of the other Liberal only to Mr Lewis Harcourt and of his father’s claims, or rather, in leaders condemned the move, his maker’. Loulou’s view, his entitlement but when Campbell-Bannerman Loulou became a shrewd after all the hard work they had took over the leadership he was judge of his father’s political both contributed during the bleak subjected to similar treatment by speeches and actions, and his years of opposition. He encour- the Liberal Imperialists and he influence behind the scenes was aged a protest by backbenchers welcomed Harcourt’s loyal sup- considerable. At the time of the against the imposition of Rose- port, particularly during the Boer Home Rule split in 1886, he was bery and he used all his influ- War when there were bitter divi- less sceptical than William Har- ence with the Liberal leaders to sions of opinion in the party. court abut the feasibility of Glad- whom he was closest. He pressed In 1904, shortly before his stone’s proposals and he helped Spencer to reduce the high naval father’s death, the forty-one- to ensure that his father remained estimates that were the proximate year-old Loulou was elected to at the old man’s side, effectively cause of Gladstone’s departure Parliament as the member for as his deputy, rather than leav- and dangled before John Morley Lord Hartington’s old Lanca- ing the Liberal Party with Lord Loulou the tempting prospect of becom- shire constituency of Rossend- Hartington and Joseph Cham- ing either Chancellor of the ale. Harcourt escorted him into berlain, the two colleagues with became Exchequer or Foreign Secretary the House of Commons and whom he had previously worked in a Harcourt government. This reported that ‘the dearest wish of most closely. From time to time a shrewd strenuous manoeuvring was my life was fulfilled. The House Lewis Harcourt was tempted to fruitless. Harcourt’s high-handed was crowded on both sides and embark on an independent polit- judge of treatment of colleagues during … cheered the rising and the set- ical career. Several constituencies his father’s his period at the Treasury left ting sun’.2 After a partnership of sounded him out about standing many of them unprepared to twenty-five years with his father, as a parliamentary candidate, and political serve under him, and he was too Lewis Harcourt’s own political in 1892 he was offered the post proud to play any part in his son’s career lasted only half as long, but of junior whip in Gladstone’s speeches intrigues. The only outcome was for nearly all that time the Liberal fourth and last government, but to make Harcourt’s humiliation Party was in power and Loulou he knew that he was indispen- and more obvious, and permanently was in office. This suited him very sable to his father. However he actions, to sour relations with Rosebery well: he was not by temperament served the party by acting as who never forgave Loulou for the a back-bencher, nor an inspiring secretary of the Home Counties and his part he had played. public speaker like his father, but Liberal Federation from its foun- In the Rosebery govern- a political organiser who enjoyed dation in 1887 and by organising influence ment Loulou helped with the operating in the inner corridors election campaigns and supervis- 1894 budget, his father’s great- of power. ing fundraising activities in the behind the est achievement, encouraging He waited two years before south east of England. He was scenes was the radicalism that underlay the making his maiden speech as also a founder member of the introduction of steeply gradu- First Commissioner of Works in . consider- ated death duties applied to both Campbell-Bannerman’s govern- In 1894 Lewis Harcourt landed and personal property. He ment; in March 1907 he was pro- played a controversial part in the able. also urged the inclusion in the moted to the cabinet in the same

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 15 BIOGRAPHY: LEWIS HARCOURT

than attempts to dominate the particularly the need to avoid discussion in his father’s style. continental commitments. Not all his colleagues appreciated William Harcourt had braved this approach: Charles Hobhouse unpopularity by his opposition described him as ‘subtle, secretive, to the Boer War and, as Chan- adroit, and not very reliable or au cellor of the Exchequer, he had fond courageous’.3 struggled to resist the inexora- Loulou had married the ble pressure for increased naval wealthy daughter of an American and military expenditure. In banker and he entertained lav- 1908 and 1909 Loulou took a ishly at his town house in Brook similarly strong, but ultimately Street, (later the Savile unsuccessful, line against Fisher’s Club) and at the Harcourt fam- naval estimates. Like most of his ily seat at Nuneham Courtenay, colleagues, Loulou only became Oxfordshire, where the Asquiths aware towards the end of 1911 were regular guests. Like Asquith of the Anglo-French staff talks (and William Harcourt) Loulou that had been taking place in strongly opposed the granting secret for nearly six years. When of the parliamentary franchise the cabinet debated the subject to women and he played a on 1 November 1911, Asquith prominent part in the anti-suf- claimed that the government was frage campaign. He voted against not committed to military inter- the Parliamentary Franchise vention in the event of war with (Women) Bill in March 1912 Germany, and Loulou continued post, having declined a transfer Sir William and against the Representation to reject the view that war was to the Department of Education Harcourt in of the People (Women) Bill in inevitable, seeking to negoti- because he enjoyed his respon- the House of May 1913, and his outspoken ate the peaceful settlement of sibilities for the royal parks and Commons, by views made him a target for the outstanding colonial disputes. At palaces, including the Houses of F. C. Gould militant suffragettes. In 1912 an the end of July 1914 he initially Parliament. In 1910 Asquith pro- attempt was made to set fire to argued the case for neutrality, moted Loulou to succeed Lord the children’s quarters at Nune- but finally allowed himself to be Crewe as Colonial Secretary, and ham Courtenay. persuaded that the invasion of during his period of office new Opposition to women’s suf- Belgium made British involve- railway links were established in frage was not the only question ment inescapable. Apart from Nigeria (where Port Harcourt on which Loulou seemed to John Morley and John Burns, was named after him) and in East look back to his father’s politi- who both resigned, all the cabi- Africa. He was also responsible cal views. Although the 1894 net ministers who had expressed for steering through the House Budget had been seen as radical, strong reservations in November of Commons several measures William Harcourt was firmly 1911 supported the decision to unconnected with his depart- committed to Gladstonian go to war. mental responsibilities: in 1906 principles of retrenchment, and Like many other Liberals, Lou- a bill, rejected by the House of Loulou regarded Lloyd George’s lou was opposed to conscription Lords, abolishing the entitlement financial policy as reckless and and was regarded by critics of the to plural voting for electors with electorally damaging. Lloyd government as one of the minis- property in several constituencies; George described him as the ters who failed to appreciate the in 1907 a Small Holdings and most resolute of the cabinet crit- need for more radical measures Allotments Bill; and in 1909 a ics of the 1909 People’s Budget. to win the war. When a coalition London Elections Bill. However Loulou strongly sup- government was formed in May In many respects Lewis ported the campaign to restrict 1915, Asquith moved him back Harcourt’s liberalism reflected the veto powers of the House to the Office of Works, to be suc- traditional nineteenth-cen- of Lords which culminated in ceeded as Colonial Secretary by tury principles, especially those the 1911 Parliament Act and, the Conservative leader Bonar inculcated by his father. Asquith during the Home Rule crisis of Law whose brusqueness came admired his caution and admin- 1913, he warned George V of the as a shock after his predecessor’s istrative competence, and the two potentially serious consequences suavity. Lord Esher said that in men got on well together despite if the decisions of the House of any other country Loulou would Asquith’s former association with Commons were not allowed to be the Tory and the Rosebery and the Liberal Impe- prevail. democrat.4 rialists. Loulou regularly sat next Lewis Harcourt remained Although he was only 53 to the Prime Minister in cabinet powerfully influenced by his in 1916, Lewis Harcourt was and favoured quiet asides rather father’s views on foreign policy, exhausted and in poor health after

16 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 BIOGRAPHY: LEWIS HARCOURT over ten years in ministerial office in the Liberal Party to whom all and he was content to resign with things seem possible’,5 but despite Asquith in December of that year his organisational skills he never and to go to the fulfilled this potential. He lacked in January 1917 when the King his father’s passionate involve- agreed to revive the family vis- ment, and with hindsight one can countcy which had been held by see Lewis Harcourt as an example a Lord Chancellor in the reign of of the way in which some of the Queen Anne. Liberal leaders, after the great He was an infrequent partici- electoral victory of 1906, looked pant in the business of the Upper to the past and failed to come House, although in January 1918 to grips with the industrial and he took part in the debates on social problems of the new cen- the Representation of the Peo- tury. When he was deprived of his ple Bill. He now accepted the father’s guidance in 1904 Loulou inevitability of women’s suffrage, confided to Spencer that he felt but continued to share his father’s ‘very rudderless in details, but scepticism about proportional firmly anchored in principles’.6 representation. The principles remained valid, Loulou retained his interest but his father had always rec- in the electoral organisation of ognised the need to adapt them the Liberal Party and he had a flexibly to circumstances. wide range of prestigious non- political activities, as befitted a life-long member of the charmed Sources Lewis 1 Harcourt Papers, DEP 649, f1. circle of the great and the good. The main primary source is Lewis Harcourt, by 2 Harcourt to his sister, 18 March 1904, Alfred Gardiner, The Life of He helped to found the London Harcourt’s unpublished journal, Harry Furniss Sir William Harcourt (Constable, Museum in 1911, was a member now in the Bodleian Library, 1923), vol. 2, p567. of the advisory committee of the Oxford. Among the second- 3 Edward David (ed.), Inside Victoria and Albert Museum ary authorities, A. G. Gardiner’s Asquith’s Cabinet: From the Dia- and of the council of the British Prophets, Priests and Kings (1908) ries of Charles Hobhouse (John Murray, 1977), p229. School at Rome, and was also a contains a perceptive portrait of 4 Maurice V. Brett (ed.), Journals trustee of the Wallace Collection, Lewis Harcourt, and Gardiner’s and Letters of Reginald, Viscount the National Portrait Gallery, Life of Sir William Harcourt (1923), Esher (Nicholson & Watson, and (like his father) the British written with Lewis Harcourt’s 1934–38), vol. 3, p137. Museum. close co-operation, contains a 5 A. G. Gardiner, Prophets, Priests and Kings (Alston Rivers, 1908), On 24 February 1922, at the definitive account of his career p122. age of 59, Lewis Harcourt was as secretary and companion to his 6 Spencer Papers, KS 218, 21 found dead at his Brook Street father. The Dictionary of National December 1904. town house (not Nuneham, as Biography article on Lewis Har- suggested in the Dictionary of court by Lord Onslow (1937) is National Biography), and was suc- flawed by inaccuracy on several ceeded as the second viscount by points of detail. Liberal History Online his son. He had taken an overdose of a sleeping draught and there Since he retired from the civil service The History Group’s website, at were rumours of suicide, but in 1989 Patrick Jackson has devoted www.liberalhistory.org.uk, is the coroner returned a verdict of himself to the study of Victorian being developed into the web’s misadventure. Liberal politics. He has published premier site for all aspects of British Liberal history. On the following day Loulou biographies of Lord Hartington (The had intended to meet A. G. Gar- Last of the Whigs, 1994) and W. In particular, we are developing diner to discuss progress on the E. Forster (Education Act Forster, the Liberal History Online project, biography of his father in which 1997) and has recently completed containing a concise history of the party, a growing series of he had been closely involved. He the first full-scale biography of Sir pages covering particular issues would have been ready to accept William Harcourt for eighty years. and periods in more detail, and that nothing in his own political He has written the article on Lewis research resources, including lists career matched the vital contri- Harcourt for the new Dictionary of of party leaders, election results bution he had made to the career National Biography, and also the and cabinet ministers. Look out for of his father. entries for George Otto Trevelyan, more details in the next Journal, In 1908 Gardiner singled out Henry James (Lord James of Her- and the first components of the Liberal History Online project Loulou as ‘one of the three men eford) and J. K. Cross. before the end of the year.

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 17 ‘A REAL TRIUMPH FOR MY OLD FRIEND’

soon came to be regarded as a notable claim to fame. He wrote with unfailing wit, candour, irony and penetration, with a meticu- lous knowledge of public events and their potential significance, and of the thoughts and motives of public figures, most of whom accepted his barbed comments with good grace. The Junior Member possessed an uncanny knack of making his ‘interview- ees’ speak in a totally authentic and credible way. Western Mail readers, with whom these columns were a particular favourite, all realised that the exchanges were totally imaginary. One of the Junior Member’s most consistent vic- tims was David Lloyd George, Dr J. Graham erhaps the best-kept who relished every word of the secret in the history lively columns. A lengthy ‘inter- Jones examines a of twentieth-century view’ with the Liberal leader bizarre episode in Welsh journalism is entitled ‘Mr Lloyd George and the precise identity his Future’, and subtitled ‘May January 1931 when an Pof the celebrated mythical West- go to the Right – and he may editorial columnist on ern Mail columnist ‘The Junior go to the Left’, was published in Member for Treorchy’. His lively the Western Mail to mark his 68th the staff of The Times pen graced the Welsh national birthday on 23 January 1931. It took at face value an daily newspaper from 1910 until quoted telling remarks on the the beginning of the Second state of the Liberal Party. imaginary ‘interview’ World War and then resurfaced in Astonishingly, a journalist 1959 for a further distinguished of the staff of The Times rather with Liberal Party five-year stint. The Junior Mem- naïvely took the ‘interview’ at leader David Lloyd ber’s speciality was the imaginary face value and referred to it in interview, generally with promi- a leading article published the George published in the nent politicians and public figures. following day. As the paper had column of the mythical These included party leaders like taken a consistently hostile atti- and James Ram- tude towards the Liberal leader ‘Junior Member for say MacDonald, as well as many over many months, it relished Treorchy’ in the Western other ministers of the crown the opportunity to discredit his and Welsh backbench MPs. A reputation still further and to Mail, and assesses the reference in one of his columns, perpetuate renewed rifts within reaction to it. favourable or condemnatory, an already feud-racked Liberal

18 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 ‘A REAL TRIUMPH FOR MY OLD FRIEND’

Party. The episode immediately fairer representation in the Com- A lengthy of traditional allegiance and a caused a minor sensation in the mons more in line with their level parliamentary following. He had journalistic and political world. of popular support in the country. ‘interview’ no intention of going it alone in a All the major national newspa- Nationally it was a notably inaus- political wilderness and believed pers ran columns referring to picious period: the breakdown of with the that a strong Liberal Party might the blatant misinterpretation, The the traditional staple industries well be the vehicle to herald his Times felt compelled to publish a in the 1920s had led to ever- Liberal return to high ministerial office. (somewhat half-hearted) apology spiralling unemployment levels, leader The Labour Government lost to its mystified readership, and nearing a total of almost three no time in introducing simulta- Lloyd George himself issued a million, a steady fall in wage and entitled neously its Trade Disputes Bill press statement clarifying his per- price levels and resultant social and an Electoral Reform Bill sonal position and congratulating and community difficulties. All ‘Mr Lloyd containing provision for the ‘his old friend the Member for three mainstream political par- alternative vote, on the under- Treorchy’ on his ‘real triumph’. ties experienced bitter divisions, George and standing that the latter would Even in the proceedings of the most notably the Liberals who his Future’, buy Liberal acquiescence in the House of Commons there were were visibly falling apart, many former. There was probably no several pointed references to of their MPs growing increas- and subti- firm ‘pact’, but many Liberals the Junior Member during the ingly restive about keeping the grew restive that Lloyd George debates of the ensuing two weeks. Labour Government in power. tled ‘May was seeking closer relations with The episode stubbornly refused There was a mounting challenge the Government than some of to lie down, inevitably then caus- in their ranks to the most sacred go to the them wished. Further difficulties ing intense embarrassment for the of the party’s traditional doctrines Right – and stemmed from the introduction editorial team of The Times. – free trade. There were repeated by the Government in December These events took place at an threats to break away and join he may 1930 of a highly divisive Coal agonisingly difficult time both forces with the Conservatives as Mines Bill which sought to bring for the strife-ridden, notori- National Liberals (as indeed was go to the together the Miners’ Federation ously quarrelsome Liberal Party eventually to happen in the sum- and the obdurate coalowners, but and for Lloyd George personally mer of 1931). Left’, was which contained many clauses who was at the time compelled The relationship between the published wholly unacceptable to the Lib- to steer a perilously arduous Liberals and the Government erals. political course.1 In the general was a particular bone of conten- in the In his ‘interview’ with the election of 30 May 1929, the tion during the late autumn and Junior Member for Treorchy the Labour Party had captured 288 winter of 1930. Lloyd George, Western following diatribe was attributed constituencies, the Conservatives always the ultimate pragmatist, to Lloyd George: 260 and the Liberals only 59. As strove to shore up the Govern- Mail on Labour Premier James Ramsay ment (and thus avoid yet another 23 January I am expected to accomplish MacDonald formed his second general election likely to prove the impossible with the Liberal minority administration, the Lib- calamitous for the Liberals) 1931. Party. It has lost its heart as well erals held the balance of power without entering into a complex, as its tail. Between ourselves, I in the House of Commons. The full-scale coalition between the sometimes feel that its stomach agreement was that, in return for Liberal and Labour Parties. He has also gone, and yet I am being Liberal support, the Government retained a deep-rooted attach- held responsible for its emaciated would introduce legislation to ment to his party, not least and truncated appearance. reform the electoral system so because it provided him with a Although I am the official that the Liberals would enjoy working organisation, a reservoir leader of the party, men like

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 19 ‘A REAL TRIUMPH FOR MY OLD FRIEND’ [Edward] Grey, [Walter] Runci- The News the Liberal leader’s closing published a series of imaginary man, John Simon, and Donald remarks as he answered Treorchy’s and humorous interviews by Maclean, who in past days used Chronicle questions, ‘his countenance cor- a writer calling himself ‘the to urge loyalty to the skipper as rugated with his quizzical smile’. Member for Treorchy’, with the first duty of every member described The column concluded, ‘That no public men, including Mr Bald- of the party, are deliberately and doubt correctly represents the win, Mr Ramsay MacDonald even sullenly holding aloof from the course present attitude of the Liberal and all the political personalities me and publicly flouting my of events Party, but circumstances seem to of the day. authority. In the circumstances, I be conspiring to render it less As a Welsh MP, I am sup- should be fully justified in emu- as ‘the comfortable than it sounds. In posed to have been very fre- lating the example of Gladstone the interests of self-preservation quently ‘interviewed’. These by throwing up the responsibility most it may even be wiser to take a articles afford considerable of the leadership in order to find doubtful course than to abstain amusement to the Welsh public leisure for contemplating the entertain- from taking any course at all.’3 of all parties. No sane person glories of the world to come. ing news- Reaction was predictably swift would ever be taken in by them, and highly amused. The Sunday and, to be quite fair, the Western Pressed by Treorchy to elaborate, paper and Times the next day described Mail does not intend that they he reconsidered: ‘I live for what the bizarre episode as ‘one of should. But the editor of The these eyes can see: this old earth political the most entertaining political Times has such a morbid obses- is quite enough for me. And so in comedies of recent years’. Brit- sion against me that he is hardly spite of the ruptures and cleavages comedy ain’s premier daily newspaper had responsible when he comes to with which the party is riven I for years commented ‘solemnly and with judge any tale to my detriment. mean to stick to its leadership.’ At moral indignation’ on a totally So he solemnly quotes in a lead- the close of the ‘interview’, Tre- … It is not imaginary, fictitious interview. ing article a passage from one orchy asked intently, ‘But what The paper, which had made no of the entertaining skits which about your future?’, and received given to secret of its antipathy to Lloyd appeared on Friday, and draws from LG a rather guarded reply: George, had indeed suffered ‘a important inferences therefrom many of us strange lapse’.4 The ‘lapse’ was all as to ‘the attitude of the Liberal I can only say in reply to your to hoax so the more incredible as it was well party’. question that I am not prepared known that the Junior Mem- ‘COMPLETELY HOAXED’ to commit myself just yet in completely ber had conducted ‘imaginary The Editor of The Times has regard to my future destiny. I humorous interviews with public allowed himself to be completely may go the Right or I may drift the stately personalities for many years in hoaxed. It is a real triumph for to the Left. My decision will be the Western Mail’. my old friend, ‘the Member for determined by circumstances. In Times.’ It was also the Sunday Times Treorchy’, and I congratulate the meantime I must wait until I that drew Lloyd George’s atten- him. Tomorrow Welshmen of all can discern where the land lies.2 tion to the editorial column in parties will be holding their sides The Times. The Liberal leader with laughter over the episode. As with many previous ‘inter- considered the course of events Men with a sense of humour views’ with both Lloyd George hilarious. The interview had been outside Wales will join in. The and other prominent politicians, a ‘gorgeous piece of imagination. merriment will, however, be the column published in the How The Times came to allow tempered with a sense of regret Western Mail on 23 January 1931 itself to be so deluded into the that a paper which still affects to was widely read and aroused con- position it has created for itself be our leading journal should be siderable interest. But everyone is almost beyond credence.’ But thus befooled and debased by realised that it was imaginary. there was also, he insisted, ‘a seri- personal spite.6 On the very same day was held ous side to the joke. The sugges- the first day’s debate on the Trade tion embodied in the comment, The next day the Liberal Disputes Bill which placed the “I am waiting until I can discern newspaper the News Chronicle Liberal MPs in an extremely where the land lies” I strongly described the course of events difficult position, some of their resent. It is inaccurate, without as ‘the most entertaining news- number asserting that the meas- foundation, and misleading.’5 paper and political comedy for ure would legalise the general In a lengthy statement pub- years … It is not given to many strike. The next day in a lengthy lished in The Observer on the of us to hoax so completely the editorial on the bill entitled ‘The same day, Lloyd George spelled stately Times.’ How The Times’ Liberal dilemma’, The Times col- out his reaction: editorial columnist could have umnist concluded by referring to interpreted at face value the the ‘remarkable interview which The Western Mail, the leading imaginary interview it consid- Mr Lloyd George accorded on Conservative Welsh journal, ered ‘incomprehensible’. But, it his birthday to the representative has, for over twenty years, went on, ‘the Times has really of a local newspaper’. It quoted been hoaxing itself for a long

20 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 ‘A REAL TRIUMPH FOR MY OLD FRIEND’ time by its odd practice of print- Small wonder, therefore, that the rupted by excited MPs.14 Two ing the real leaders of Liberalism paper had relished the ‘interview’ days later, during the debate on on a back page, while according published in the Western Mail on the Trade Disputes Bill, Church- the largest type to exponents of 23 January 1931 and had rushed ill relentlessly taunted Ramsay “Liberalism”, of whom most with intemperate haste to pass MacDonald, the Labour Prime Liberals have never heard’.7 comment upon it. On Monday Minister, continuing: These claims did not lack 26 January, it had no alternative justification. Certainly The Times but to publish an apology. Even I was not invited myself to the had adopted an unfailingly now, however, it trivially dis- conference which took place hostile attitude towards Lloyd missed its Saturday column as no last week in Downing-street George. After the Liberal leader more than ‘a light-hearted refer- between the Prime Minister had addressed party candidates at ence’ to Lloyd George. Although and the leader of the Liberal the National Liberal Club a year it denied any ‘personal spite’ party, but my hon. friend the earlier, The Times had slightingly in its words, it regretted that Member for Treorchy – (laugh- dismissed his words as ‘a very skil- it had interpreted the original ter) – gave me a true account ful display of skating over thin ‘interview’ as ‘emanating from of the incidents between the ice’, and it took advantage of the himself and not from the writer two party leaders. After the opportunity to launch a vehe- of a skit’.11 The Western Mail was usual compliments the Prime ment attack upon the continued unimpressed. Far from being Minister said, ‘We have never existence and means of control of ‘a light-hearted reference’, The been colleagues. We have never the infamous Lloyd George polit- Times’ column had been ‘solemn been friends, at least what we ical fund: ‘Mr Lloyd George could and severe’ in its censure upon call holiday friends. But we have have converted frowns into smiles Lloyd George and the Liberal both been Prime Minister, and at any time by divesting himself Party, while the Liberal leader dog doesn’t eat dog (Laughter). of the fund, the whole fund, himself had interpreted its words Just look at the Bill the Trade and, of course, nothing but the as ‘further evidence of a morbid Unions and the wild fellows fund.’8 His speech to the Liberal obsession against himself cher- have foisted upon me. Do me a Party conference in October was ished for some reason or other in service and I will never forget it. ‘so discreet that it lacked even a Printing House Square’. Take it upstairs and cut its dirty peroration’. Its tone revealed him Over the weekend the Western throat’. (Uproarious laughter as ‘only too anxious to continue Mail had found itself bombarded and cheers).15 co-operation with the present with insistent appeals to reveal Government’.9 A further speech the true identity of the Junior The laughter in the Commons to Liberal election candidates Member for Treorchy. Predict- chamber continued for several six weeks later had ‘broadened ably, it refused to budge.12 There minutes as Churchill continued the fence with self-righteousness were also repeated repercussions his account of the imaginary until it looked quite comfortable in the proceedings of the House Downing Street interview, but to sit upon’. The Times’ columnist of Commons. On Monday 26 Some of his words failed to bring a smile went on: January, following a question to the face of the Prime Min- on the advertising of the British those ister who ‘sat with folded arms Is the fence, however, really any Industries Fair, Ernest Brown, and immobile features’ on the broader? Is not the whole of Mr Liberal MP for Leith, asked in a present Government benches while his Lloyd George’s case that the supplementary question to the Cabinet colleagues, J. H. Thomas circumstances are unpropitious minister responsible, ‘Whether even and Vernon Hartshorn, MP for for a General Election, and is he is arranging as a means of accused Ogmore, laughed loudly. Both not the only deduction from his advertising this fair, for another the Commons and the Peers’ speech the fact that that there spurious article to be written by Churchill of Gallery were packed as Church- will not be an early election if the hon. member for Treorchy in ill spoke. Some of those present he can help it? In spite of all his the Western Mail and the Times’.13 being the even accused him of being the heroics, he has brought down to During the same day, the Junior true Junior Member for Treorchy the materialistic plane of party Member was also mentioned by true Junior – to his great amusement.16 tactics the problem whether the , the former Member The following week, during Liberal Party should keep the Conservative Chancellor of the the debate in the Commons on Government in office or not. Exchequer, during a lengthy for Tre- the Electoral Reform Bill, Gor- The fact is not disguised by the speech on India. In the course don Lang, Labour MP for Old- argument that the Liberal atti- of the ensuing debate the Junior orchy – to ham and a native of Chepstow, tude will be less misunderstood Member was mentioned on no spoke on the proposal to abolish if the Government is a little less fewer than four occasions and his great double-member constituencies, rude to the Liberals and the attracted chanting choruses of amuse- concluding his speech, ‘Finally, all Liberals a little more rude to the ‘Treorchy’ as successive speakers I hope is that with the abolition Government.10 found their perorations inter- ment. of senior and junior members for

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 21 ‘A REAL TRIUMPH FOR MY OLD FRIEND’ the same constituency, we shall 1 On Lloyd George’s role at this spe- 8 The Times, 21 January 1930, p. not get rid of that representative cific juncture, see John Campbell, 15, col. d. who adds so much to the gaiety Lloyd George: the Goat in the 9 Ibid., 18 October 1930, p. 13, col. Wilderness, 1922–1931 (Lon- b. of nations and, lately, has so gen- don: Jonathan Cape, 1978), pp. 10 Ibid., 6 December 1930, p. 13, erously hoodwinked so many 278–80; Colin Cross (ed.), Life col. b. of us – “the Junior Member for with Lloyd George: the Diary of 11 Ibid., 26 January 1931, p. 11, col. Treorchy”’, a comment which A. J. Sylvester, 1931–45 (London: d. provoked a sonorous ‘Hear, hear’ Macmillan, 1975), p. 23; Peter 12 Western Mail, 26 January 1931. Rowland, Lloyd George (London: 13 House of Commons Debates, from Lloyd George which rever- Barrie and Jenkins, 1975), pp. 5th series, Vol. 247 (26 January berated around the Commons 665–66. 1931), cc. 595–96. chamber. The Junior Member, 2 Western Mail, 23 January 1931. 14 Ibid., cc. 661 ff. clearly, would not lie down.17 3 The Times, 24 January 1931, p. 15 Ibid., c. 1022 (28 January 1931). 13, col. c. 16 Western Mail, 29 January 1931. 4 Sunday Times, 25 January 1931. 17 House of Commons Debates, Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archi- 5 Ibid. 5th series, Vol. 247 (2 February vist and Head of the Welsh Political 6 The Observer, 25 January 1931. 1931), c. 1511; Western Mail, 4 Archive at the National Library of 7 News Chronicle, 26 January February 1931. Wales. 1931. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; christopher.fox7@ Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro virgin.net. TR1 3ND; [email protected]. Political life and times of Josiah Wedgwood MP. Study of the History of the Liberal Party. Roy Douglas (author of The History of the political life of this radical MP, hoping to shed light on the question Liberal Party 1895–1970 and a dozen or so other historical books) is of why the Labour Party replaced the Liberals as the primary popular working on a new book about the Liberal Party and its history. This will representatives of radicalism in the 1920s. Paul Mulvey, 112 trace events from the rather indeterminate 19th century date when the Richmond Avenue, London N1 0LS; [email protected]. party came into existence to a point as close as possible to the present. Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. He believes that the story requires attention to be given not only to Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an the glamorous deeds of major politicians but also to such mundane understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include matters as party organisation and finance. ideas, please! Roy Douglas, personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold 26 Downs Road, Coulsdon, Surrey CR5 1AA; 01737 552 888. of the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Hon H. G. Beaumont (MP for Eastbourne 1906–10). Any Cott, 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; information welcome – especially from anyone having access to [email protected]. material about the history of Liberalism in Eastbourne – particularly SDP in Central Essex. Contact with anyone who had dealings with on his political views (he stood as a Radical). Tim Beaumont, 40 Elms the area, and in particular as many former SDP members of the Road, London SW4 9EX. area as possible, with a view to asking them to take part in a short Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the questionnaire. Official documents from merger onwards regarding the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, demise of the local SDP branches and integration with the Liberals autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a would also be appreciated. Elizabeth Wood, The Seasons, Park Wood, complete edition of his letters. Dr A. Howe, Department of International Doddinghurst, Brentwood, Essex CM15 0SN; [email protected]. History, London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London WC2A Student radicalism at Warwick University. Particulary the files affair 2AE; [email protected]. (For further details of the Cobden Letters in 1970. Interested in talking to anybody who has information about Project, see www.lse.ac.uk/collections/cobdenLetters/). Liberal Students at Warwick in the period 1965-70 and their role in Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focussing particularly on Liberal campus politics. Ian Bradshaw, History Department, University of anti-appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, Warwick, CV4 7AL; [email protected] Newtownabbey, Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Wales Liberal Party and the wartime coalition 1940–45. Sources, 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in particularly on Sinclair as Air Minister, and on Harcourt Johnstone, Wales but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh Dingle Foot, Lord Sherwood and Sir Geoffrey Maunder (Sinclair’s PPS) Federal Party. Any memories and information concerning the post- particularly welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, Richmond TW9 1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published 4DL; [email protected]. in book form by Welsh Academic Press. Dr Russell , Centre for Humanities, University of Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew Cardiff CF23 6XD; [email protected]. Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; [email protected].

22 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 Adrian Slade talks to former Liberal leader David Steel (Lord Steel of Aikwood) about his career in politics, from his election in 1965, through his period as leader of the Liberal Party from 1976 to 1988 to his recent role as Presiding Officer of the Scottish Parliament.

ARCHITECT OF POLITICAL REALISM

or all the high hopes of been afraid to take risks and court which had a deep effect on me, Jo Grimond’s ‘Liberal controversy. His introduction of and I joined the Anti-Apartheid Revival’, only three the 1967 Abortion Bill; his crea- Movement that was formed as a by-elections were tion of the 1976 Lib–Lab Pact; his result. Also, much influenced by actually won by the encouragement of the formation Jo Grimond, who was rector of FLiberal Party of the 1960s. The of the SDP; his proposed alliance the university and actually intro- most significant for the future with the new party; his ultimate duced me to my future wife, Judy, was Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles, strong advocacy of Liberal–SDP I joined the Liberals.’ where, in 1965, 26-year-old David merger: all have made him John Pardoe and Steel, ‘Boy David’ as he quickly enemies, even if those enemies had at different times suggested became known, won the seat with are heavily outnumbered by his that David Steel was always more a 4,500 majority over the Tory. supporters. But, on each occasion, of Social Democrat than a Liberal. Unlike the other by-election events have tended to vindicate How true was that? ‘Oh, Jo jok- victors, Eric Lubbock and Wal- him, and his place in history as ingly suggested it too, at the time lace Lawler, Steel’s majority just the Liberal Party’s architect of of the Alliance,’ he says. ‘If being survived the party’s debacle at the political realism and co-operation a bit of an interventionist Liberal 1970 election and he went on to is firmly assured. also means being a Social Demo- become one of the Liberal Party’s Steel’s Liberalism is deeply crat then perhaps there is an ele- longest serving leaders. rooted in colonial Africa, where ment of truth in it. But, despite Four years ago the creation his father was a minister of the some early efforts by Labour MP of a Scottish Parliament drew Church of Scotland and where John Mackintosh to persuade him back from near-retirement he was educated until coming to me, I never wanted to join the politically. He stood for election boarding school in Scotland in his Labour Party. No doubt, if I had, as an MSP and then became the teens. ‘Right up to independence, I would later have helped to form parliament’s first speaker. Having education in colonial Africa was the SDP! I’m a Keynesian Liberal. recently stepped down, he once as segregated as it was in South Was he a Social Democrat?’ again feels free to talk on wider Africa,’ he says. ‘Even at fifteen, In 1962, when Steel was in issues. that seemed all wrong to me. Then his last year and president of his From the moment he entered my time at university coincided university’s Liberals, uncrowned politics, David Steel has never with the Sharpeville massacre, Scottish Liberal king George

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 23 ARCHITECT OF POLITICAL REALISM

Mackie offered him his first job and Roy Jenkins, by now Home days, particularly in local gov- – Assistant Secretary of the Scot- Secretary, were very keen that ernment. We suffered the classic tish Liberal Party. This was part I should it take it on. So for all squeeze. I don’t think there was of a successful Mackie plot to these reasons I decided to try.’ much we could have done.’ put him into Roxburgh, Selkirk It was a brave advocacy that ‘The next four years were & Peebles, one of Scotland’s few made him very unpopular with quite different because we ben- seats in which Liberals were in some people. ‘I still get letters to efited from the by-election effect. second place. He went on to this day, calling me Hitler, baby Ladywood had not been a major make huge inroads into the Tory murderer and so on,’ he says. by-election win but Rochdale vote in the 1964 election and to ‘But there was wide cross-party and Sutton were and they were win the by-election that soon fol- support for change, particularly followed by three other wins. lowed. ‘We fought it very much amongst Labour ministers. It People always tend to support on local issues,’ he says. ‘The local took up many hours of consul- winners and that was what we hospital, the threatened Beeching tation listening to doctors, the were. In the same way late, at a railway closure, the revitalisation churches and pro and anti groups, much more difficult time, we of the Borders, which had been but, crucially, Roy found us the were undoubtedly helped by suffering badly from depopula- parliamentary time to get the bill David Alton’s win at Edge Hill tion by the young.’ through.’ a month or two before the1979 When he first entered Par- The new bill legalised abor- election.’ liament, these were the sorts of tion under certain conditions, Steel was soon to take over as constituency issues that Steel putting the decision in the hands party leader. In party terms what concentrated on. But he also of any two doctors who agreed to had he learned from his first ten developed his African interests. ‘I the abortion in good faith. ‘It was years? ‘To concentrate on our remember slipping into Rhodesia not a woman’s right to choose, strengths, such as we had, and not with Archy Kirkwood during the so you still get campaigning on to dissipate – to target seats and Smith UDI regime,’ he says. ‘We that issue, but at the time it was not spread resources too thinly. were arrested on the way out.’ At a pioneering reform compared to Of course we became much bet- this point he proudly produces most other countries,’ he says. ter at that a few years later.’ his ‘Prohibited Immigrant’ cer- His constituents were less Not surprisingly he had found tificate, which he was forced to unhappy with his Abortion Bill the period following Jeremy accept by the Rhodesian authori- ‘It had than his association with the Thorpe’s departure as leader ties. Shortly after this visit he anti-apartheid opposition to the ‘very depressing and long drawn took over from David Ennals as always 1969/70 South African rugby out’ but he refutes any sugges- President of the Anti-Apartheid tour. ‘Menzies Campbell and I tion that the leadership election Movement. ‘They needed some- seemed to did a meeting in my rugby-lov- he fought with John Pardoe had one who wasn’t going to be made ing constituency. It was very been bad-tempered. ‘John and a minister,’ he says. me quite badly attended and didn’t make I always got on extremely well, But, after the 1966 election, unrealistic me popular. At the election the and I hand it to him that, within a he drew third place in the pri- next year my majority went day of my being elected, he came vate members’ bill ballot and to expect down to 500.’ to my office to give me his full shot immediately to the atten- He was not alone in suffer- support. I was devastated when tion of the public at large when us to move ing at that election. All but six of he lost his seat in 1979. Although he decided to introduce a bill the twelve Liberal MPs lost their he never was deputy leader, eve- to legalise abortion in certain straight seats. ‘And the combined majori- ryone thought he was and his circumstances. Until then abor- into major- ties of Jeremy, John Pardoe and economic expertise was of huge tion had been illegal, was often myself, half the parliamentary value, particularly to me because self-induced, and was also the ity govern- party, totalled just 1500,’ he adds I had none. He was a great loss to province of back-street operators with a laugh, although he found the party.’ and private clinics covering their ment so I it far from amusing at the time. When Steel became leader work under other names. In 1968 Wallace Lawler had and he used his first Assembly ‘I had supported change was always won a by-election seat from speech to call on his party to be openly in my by-election and looking for Labour in Birmingham Lady- prepared to share power at some here was a chance to do some- wood (now part of Clare Short’s stage. He sees the Lib–Lab Pact thing about it,’ says Steel. ‘Six or a pathway territory). This apart, why had as a logical sequel to that speech. seven previous attempts had all the party made so little impact ‘It had always seemed to me quite failed for lack of time, but the to get us between 1966 and 1970? ‘The unrealistic to expect us to move most recent, Lord Silkin’s, had Wilson government was very straight into majority govern- already gone through the Lords back into much in the ascendancy,’ he says. ment so I was always looking for a and I decided to pick up his influence ‘And, unlike today, there was a pathway to get us back into influ- draft. Silkin’s son, John, was the strong Tory party. We were also ence and power. When Labour then Labour Chief Whip and he and power.’ very thin on the ground in those faced a vote of confidence in the

24 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 ARCHITECT OF POLITICAL REALISM House I saw this as an opportu- that time, there was a difference Steel Labour into third place, the Alli- nity, not to avoid an election – we of view between Roy and David ance continued, and David Owen were not in particularly good Owen, who thought a new party believes took over from Roy Jenkins. ‘I shape but there was no reason should go it alone rather than actually got on well with David to suppose that we would be any work with in alliance with the strongly – those photos of us in woolly better later – but to do something Liberals.’ jumpers looking over farm gates positive in co-operation. Was that view shared by Bill that his were perfectly genuine,’ Steel says. In retrospect had the Pact Rodgers and Shirley Williams? legacy as ‘I didn’t have as much social con- achieved much? ‘Yes, I think it did ‘To begin with, yes it was, but tact with him as I did with Roy, – not so much in policy terms but Roy’s courageous decision to leader was but at times he was very support- politically, in forcing the party to stand in a difficult seat like War- ive, particularly after the defence think about possible coalition and rington and seek the support of to get his debate at Eastbourne. We had our relations with other parties and Liberals helped him to persuade own heated debates about policy that was particularly important them to change their minds and party to and tactics but they were good later when the SDP was formed. support the idea of an alliance, face the tempered, even if he did get an There were some policy gains, although David Owen was never obsession over defence.’ for example for small businesses really persuaded.’ realities of ‘But, if you ask me whether and a free vote on Europe, but of Steel too had been courageous, joint leadership could ever have course we lost that. In retrospect some thought foolhardy, in offer- politics. worked, the answer is no, and perhaps we should have stuck out ing up the Liberal Party to an alli- that is why by 1987 I strongly for PR in the European elections ance with a new party that, for a favoured either a split or a but, as Jo said at the time, to bring few months, looked as if it might merger of the two parties. My down a government on an issue overwhelm it electorally. ‘Yes it one regret is that we then took that almost nobody except Liber- was a risk, but I have always taken so long, and it wasn’t just David als cared about might not have risks and I thought all along that Owen’s fault, as Liberals like to been worth it!’ the two parties were complemen- think. We were at fault, too, in the Steel had many meetings with tary. They had the leadership and way we chose to structure our Prime Minister Jim Callaghan we had the people on the ground negotiating team.’ during the Pact and retains a high and in local government. It didn’t Steel hadn’t expected David regard for him as a patriot and take long for Bill and Shirley, and Owen to opt out of the process manager. ‘Where he let us down most of the Liberal Party, to come and had thought he would stand was after the Pact ended. He round to that view.’ for leader of the merged party. He failed to go for an election in the Nevertheless leadership, or also admits that the difficulties autumn of 1978 because he was rather joint leadership, was never encountered in the protracted persuaded that he would have a easy and Steel had his problems negotiations convinced him that, better chance of an overall major- with both Jenkins and Owen. after twelve years of Liberal lead- ity later. If he had not listened He looks back with some regret ership, he did not want to stand to that advice, everyone might at his meeting with Jenkins at himself. ‘It all could have been have benefited from a subsequent Ettrick Bridge during the 1983 much neater and easier,’ he says. coalition rather than a Thatcher election that was meant to clarify ‘But that it was done was essential, Government.’ Nevertheless the leadership confusion. and the proof of the pudding is in 1979 result was better than Steel ‘The problem was the elector- the eating. We got one party with expected at the time – ‘We came ate’s perception of the two of us. one leader and now, instead of up again and we survived’. Unfortunately David Marquand having a handful of MPs between Not many months later he had invented the title for Roy us, we have more than 50.’ was having his informal chats in of “prime-minister-designate”, Steel believes strongly that his Brussels with Roy Jenkins about which neither of us had ever legacy as leader was to get his Roy’s growing disenchantment used, but which was picked up party to face the realities of poli- with Labour and the fallout by the media. It was confusing tics, and in today’s climate there within the Labour Party at home. because we had agreed that I is nowhere has it had to do so They explored ways in which would lead the campaign and more than in Scotland where for they might work together. ‘Yes, Roy would become PM if we got the last four years devolved gov- later on, we did discuss whether elected. The attempt at clarifica- ernment has been in the hands Roy should join the Liberal Party. tion didn’t really work and, sadly, of a Labour–Lib Dem coalition, His view was that first he should for a short time it slightly soured and seems likely to remain so. try something new and that only my relationship with Roy. It may Perhaps the latest proof of the if that failed should he join, and even have been a factor in Roy’s Steel pudding? then not as a campaigner. So resignation as SDP leader after I encouraged him to pursue the election.’ A shorter version of this interview was something more fundamental. Nevertheless, at the elec- first published in Liberal Democrat It has become clear that, even at tion the Alliance all but pushed News.

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 25 HILAIRE BELLOC AND THE LIBERAL REVIVAL

David Boyle argues that there is a liberal tradition in Britain that has usually run independent of, yet parallel to, the Liberals or Liberal Democrats. It is recognisably Liberal in its commitment to individual freedom and local self-determination, but it has included Radicals (Cobbett), Tories (Ruskin, or so he said), Socialists (Morris) and Greens (Schumacher). And though both traditions have influenced each other in every think we can explain how Belloc has inspired at least two generation, they have to make a small shop or major biographies in the last rarely come together a small farm a common twenty years, but – considering feature of our society bet- the influence he cast in his life- in Parliament. The ter than Matthew Arnold time – he is little remembered ‘Iexplained how to make the State today, except perhaps for the exception – and it was the organ of Our Best Self.’ occasional ‘Cautionary Tale about a brief exception – was Matilda’ or ‘Lord Lundy’s tears’. A G. K. Chesterton, The Outline of century ago, it was very different. Sanity in the political career Belloc had a French father, an English mother and an Ameri- of the writer, poet and ‘And never a ploughman under can wife. His grandfather was a the sun. historian Hilaire Belloc, friend of John Stuart Mill and his Never a ploughman. Never a mother moved in Liberal Party Liberal MP for South one.’ literary circles. He was born in Salford, 1906 to 1910. Hilaire Belloc, ‘Ha’nacker Mill’ 1870, served briefly in the French

26 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HILAIRE BELLOC AND THE LIBERAL REVIVAL

artillery and took Oxford by South Salford was a mar- Clutterbuck’s Election (1908) and storm as an eloquent conversa- ginal seat and the Conservatives A Change in the Cabinet (1909) tionalist, speaker and debater in adopted the unsophisticated slo- – both dictated at great speed the generation of Liberals like gan ‘Don’t vote for a Frenchman during Holy Week – offended John Simon and J. L. Hammond. and a Catholic’. Belloc ignored his own side as well as the oth- He joined these two as a con- the advice of his constituency The heart ers. He also became increasingly tributor to the 1897 book Essays campaigners in the 1905/06 disillusioned with Parliament: ‘I in Liberalism – Belloc’s contribu- election campaign and con- of Dis- can see little object in the House tion concentrated on land reform fronted the religion issue head- tributism of Commons,’ he said less than a and singled out Cobbett rather on at a packed public meeting. year after the election. ‘It does not than Cobden as the great Liberal ‘Gentlemen, I am a Catholic,’ he was the govern; it does not even discuss. It pioneer. One reviewer claimed told them, taking his rosary out of is completely futile.’6 His opposi- that the ideas of none of the six his pocket. ‘As far as possible, I go redistri- tion to female suffrage stemmed contributors ‘correspond to those to Mass every day. This is a rosary: from his sense of the superiority of any recognised section of the as far as possible, I kneel down bution of of women over parliamentary Liberal Party’.1 This was pro- and tell these beads every day. If land and politics. It wasn’t an argument phetic: Belloc’s strident Catholi- you reject me on account of my that cut much ice with either cism and drinking habits made religion, I shall thank God that property so side. him rather stand out in a party of he has spared me the indignity of Still, he exhausted himself determined nonconformists and being your representative.’4 There that eve- getting re-elected in 1910 (this temperance reformers. was silence for a few moments, time by just 314 votes), but was He managed the temper- then thunderous applause. He ryone had then enraged that Asquith did not ance problem by siding with the took the seat by 852 votes. some – on push his battle with the Lords far reformers against the big brewers, He was never taken entirely enough to depose them entirely. arguing that ‘the vast majority of seriously in Parliament and, from the ground When a second election loomed publicans throughout England the start, he was a thorn in the at the end of the year, he decided are the servants, and probably the side of his own government. that small that he could not remain an debtors also, of a small and very His campaign against importing official Liberal. He never stood wealthy clique whose power it cheap Chinese labourers into enter- for Parliament again. ‘I think is our business to destroy.’2 The South Africa – a form of slavery, prises, everyone will agree with me Catholic aspect was more dif- he said – thoroughly embarrassed that even the most modest pen ficult. He lost the Liberal nomi- Campbell-Bannerman, who had smallhold- in the humblest newspaper,’ he nation for Dover in 1903 when promised to stop it. His cam- said in his final Commons speech, the local Catholic leapt paign for pure beer offended the ings and ‘is as good as a vote in what has forward at his adoption selection nonconformists. ‘There are very ceased to be a free deliberative meeting and embraced him – or few nights when I do not go to small units assembly.’7 so he attributed his failure. But bed after drinking a pint or two were the His collaboration with G. K. in South Salford in 1904 he was of beer,’ he told the Commons, Chesterton after that – together unanimously adopted, and he admitting that his speech had only basis they made up the unusual crea- moved the vote of confidence in offended the teetotallers in his ture dubbed by Bernard Shaw the party that year at their confer- constituency – adding offensively for dignity, as the ‘Chesterbelloc’ – was ence in Manchester, predicting ‘there are eight of them’.5 certainly political. Their horror victory at the next election so His campaign to have all secret independ- at deals between the two front that ‘the ancient soul of Britain, party funds audited – even his ence and benches after the 1910 election a thing in some peril, would own – infuriated Liberal Party was simply naïve, but he finally thereby be delivered’.3 managers. His satirical novels Mr liberty. torpedoed any links with the

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 27 HILAIRE BELLOC AND THE LIBERAL REVIVAL

party during the so-called Mar- Belloc in coni scandal. 1932, by This was not, by any stretch, a Daphne high point in Liberal history, and Pollen. Belloc concerned a handful of cabinet said of it: ‘You ministers – including Lloyd have made George – who appeared to have me look like been involved in the insider trad- Blake, seeing ing of Marconi shares. It was Bel- a vision’. loc’s weekly Eye-Witness – selling 100,000 copies a week – which did most to bring the scandal to the public’s attention, unfortu- nately focusing on the fact that two of the central figures were Jewish. Belloc had stood down from the editorship by then and had unwisely handed it over to Chesterton’s younger brother Cecil, a swaggering anti-semite. But he stood by Chesterton when he was prosecuted for criminal libel by the brother of the attor- ney-general, Rufus Isaacs. (Cecil was found guilty but only fined £100, which the Chestertons Belloc, Chesterton (G. K., that were being driven out claimed as a moral victory.) that is) and the Distributists by the monopolistic London And that was that for Belloc’s were equally hostile to socialism General Omnibus Company. In relationship with the party – but and capitalism, and set out to response, they bought a series of in another more subtle respect it prove they were the same thing: Distributist buses, painted them was just the beginning. His book ‘Collectivist experiment is thor- red, green and blue and called The Servile State (1912) was an oughly suited (in appearance) them things like ‘William Mor- influential diatribe against big to capitalist society,’ wrote Bel- ris’ – and took on the big com- business and Fabian collectiv- loc. ‘It works within the existing pany buses.9 ist policies – a book now rather machinery of capitalism, appeal- Distributism fizzled out after inappropriately kept in print by ing to just those appetites which the Second World War. There obscure American libertarians, capitalism has aroused, and ridi- have been Distributist gestures which wouldn’t have pleased cules as fantastic and unheard-of since then (Mrs Thatcher’s sale him. The book formed the basis just those things in society the of council houses, for example), of the political movement known memory of which capitalism has but little more. Its proponents as Distributism that flourished in killed among men wherever the were disappointed that those who the 1920s and 1930s. blight of it has spread.’8 had taken it to heart most were Distributism knitted together Distributism was anti-indus- not the urban poor, but crafts- the old Catholic social doctrine trial, anti-finance, anti-corpora- men like Eric Gill or journalists of Pope Leo XIII and Cardinal tion, anti-bureaucrat, and most like Beachcomber. Yet The Servile Manning, which was so close to of all anti-giantism, in the form State had been enough to cast a Belloc’s heart. It mixed a gener- of either big bureaucracy or big disabling doubt over the minds of ous dollop of land-reforming business – the ‘Big Rot’ accord- radical New Liberals as they leant Liberalism with unworldly Gan- ing to Belloc. Capitalism is una- towards the Fabians.10 dhian simplicity, borrowing the ble to satisfy human needs for Between the wars, there were old slogan of Joseph Chamberlain stability, sufficiency and security, set-piece debates between Bel- and Jesse Collings from the 1880s, said Belloc, and is therefore only loc’s Distributism and Shaw’s ‘three acres and a cow’. Its heart a phase. What Distributism was Fabianism, and between Belloc’s was the redistribution of land actually for was a little hazier, but Distibutism and Wells’s Modern- and property so that everyone it included Jeffersonian solutions ism – and from the perspective had some – on the ground that of workers’ co-operatives, small- of two generations later, Belloc small enterprises, smallholdings holdings and land redistribution, seems to have won both debates. and small units were the only and savings boosted by the state. The two great Liberal ideologues basis for dignity, independence One of the Distributists’ earliest of the period, Keynes and Bev- and liberty. campaigns was in support of the eridge, were not necessarily well small London bus companies known as Liberals.

28 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 HILAIRE BELLOC AND THE LIBERAL REVIVAL

Belloc’s politics thereafter themes were very prominent in the one that knits Liberal Demo- drifted in directions no Liberal the Liberal revival years: industrial crat European policy with its would follow. He flirted with common ownership, resistance to enthusiasm for decentralisation. French monarchism, with Musso- bureaucracy and the whole idea But for Belloc, subsidiarity lini and Franco. His views about of a non-socialist radical alterna- always meant more than just Europe’s Jewish heritage were tive. Dodds was among the ginger administration. He applied it just complicated enough for him to group formed in 1953, calling as much to our relations with be accused of anti-semitism – and, itself the Unservile State Group, employers, with business, and like T. S. Eliot, his reputation has that remade the party’s ideology with money. He would probably been tarred with that ever since along these lines – its title a tacit advise Liberal Democrats these – though he recognised Hitler for acceptance of the Servile State cri- days that applying subsidiarity to what he was from the start. In fact, tique. ‘Tribute must be paid to the other areas of life is the best way he consistently warned against work of Hilaire Belloc and G. K. towards a new radical Liberal cri- Europe’s peril and Hitler’s threat Chesterton who, though they tique, capable of uniting people to the Jews. He died in 1953, and fell foul of the Liberal Party, were behind the cause. And – if I might his reputation continues to suffer such doughty fighters for Liberal be allowed a contemporary com- from his association with Eye- values, and whose “Distributist” ment in a history journal – I Witness under Cecil Chesterton, crusade inspired so many (includ- believe he would be right. with its proto-fascist undertones. ing the present writer) with the But that obscures some of the ideal of ownership for all,’ wrote David Boyle is a member of the ways in which his liberal legacy Dodds that year.’13 Liberal Democrat Federal Policy remains, especially in the modern Generally speaking, the alter- Committee, an associate of the New Liberal Democrats. native Liberal tradition of Cob- Economics Foundation and the author By the 1930s, a new gen- bett, Ruskin, Morris and Belloc Belloc of the forthcoming Authenticity: eration of Liberals was having to – if it exists as such – has held back Brands, Fakes, Spin and the Lust respond to the collectivism of the from the party. It was recognis- would for Real Life (Flamingo, August dictators, especially as the Webbs ably agrarian where the party was 2003). www.david-boyle.co.uk. were embracing Stalin on behalf more industrial. It was recognis- probably of the Fabians. And these were ably high Anglican or Catho- 1 Joseph Pearce, Old Thunder: A life influenced by Belloc, his passion- lic where the party was more advise Lib- of Hilaire Belloc (London: Harper- Collins, 2002). ate sense of Europe and his idea nonconformist. It was deeply eral Demo- 2 Ibid. of a different kind of common melancholic where the party – as 3 Ibid. ownership – by people, rather anybody who delivers Focus will crats these 4 A. N. Wilson, Hilaire Belloc (Lon- than by The People. confirm – was hopelessly opti- don: Hamish Hamilton, 1984). The party’s policy, Owner- mistic. It was interested in the days that 5 Pearce, Old Thunder. 6 Ibid. ship for All, agreed at the Liberal economic roots of liberty when applying 7 Ibid. assembly in Bath in 1938, set out the party was interested in the 8 Hilaire Belloc, The Servile State the very Distributist notion that political roots. And its interest in subsidiarity (London: T. N. Foulis, 1912). ‘the widespread ownership of free trade was always more flexible, 9 A. N. Wilson, Hilaire Belloc. property is the firmest guarantee and sometimes unrecognisable. 10 Victor Feske, From Belloc to to other Churchill: Private scholars, public against dictatorship’ – including But there have been vital culture and the crisis of British Lib- policies to reform inheritance moments of cross-over. It’s there areas of eralism 1900–1939 (Chapel Hill: laws, tackle monopolies, tax land in Keynes’s call to national self- University of North Carolina Press, and share profits.11 The purpose sufficiency,14 or in Beveridge’s life is the 1996). of free trade is to undermine conviction that Liberals would 11 Elliott Dodds, Ownership for All: best way The Liberal Party committee’s monopoly, it said – not to make have a further aim beyond social- report on the distribution of prop- the world safe for monopoly. ists – ‘not material progress but towards a erty (London: Liberal Party Organi- The chair of the Ownership for spiritual liberty’.15 And although sation, 1938). All panel was a former editor of the Roman Catholic political new radi- 12 Jo Grimond, introduction to Cob- the Huddersfield Examiner, Elliott doctrines that so influenced Bel- bett’s Tour in Scotland, ed. Daniel cal Liberal Green (Aberdeen University Press, Dodds, who would be Liberal loc seem pretty dusty in the UK 1984). Party president in 1948–49 and these days, it was Pope Leo XIII critique, 13 Elliott Dodds, Ownership for All was one of the key figures behind who first coined the concept (London: Radical Programme the party’s intellectual revival of ‘subsidiarity’ in his encyclical capable Series/Liberal Publication Depart- under Jo Grimond. Rerum Novarum in 1896. It was ment, 1953). of unit- 14 See for example J. M. Keynes, The influence of Belloc on this idea that was taken up by ‘National Self-Sufficiency’ in Col- Grimond’s Liberalism was almost Belloc, turned into a political lected Works, ed. Moggridge (Lon- unacknowledged – though Gri- creed in Distributism, rescued ing people don: Macmillan, 1982), vol 21. mond later described the Belloc from obscurity by Schumacher behind the 15 Quoted in Ian Bradley, The Strange tradition as one ‘to be studied and – only to pop up again as the cen- Rebirth of Liberal Britain (London: Chatto & Windus, 1985). fostered’.12 Yet the Distributist tral tenet of Euro-ideology, and cause.

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 29 Ian Crowe examines the career and political thought of Edmund Burke (1730–97) – normally thought of as a Conservative philosopher, but a political thinker whose writing has much of relevance to Liberals.

BIOGRAPHY: EDMUND BURKE

dmund Burke was and academic circles: he was, for Whigs with his Thoughts on the born in Ireland in example, a well-respected mem- Cause of the Present Discontents 1730, the second sur- ber of Dr Johnson’s circle and (1770) – a defence of political viving son of Richard one of the founding members of party as a counter to supposed Burke, an attorney, ‘The Club’. ‘hidden influences’ working close Eand his wife, Mary. After gradu- Burke’s political career began to the person of the monarch, ating from Trinity College, Dub- when he was appointed private George III – Burke really rose to lin, Burke travelled to London to secretary to William Hamilton, a prominence as a parliamentarian train for the Bar at the Middle wealthy and promising politician, after he was elected to represent Temple; but by the mid 1750s some time around 1760. Hamil- Bristol, then England’s second his lukewarm interest in the legal ton became Chief Secretary to port, in 1774. This was the occa- profession had given way to an the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, sion of his famous statement upon uncertain career in academic the Earl of Halifax, in 1761, and the duty of a member of parlia- writing and journalism. His Burke followed him to Dublin. ment to his constituents: ‘Your prospects brightened with the Four years later, after an acrimo- representative owes you, not his publication of two books of sig- nious break with his employer, industry only, but his judgment; nificance, A Vindication of Natural Burke was appointed private and he betrays, instead of serv- Society (1756) and A Philosophi- secretary to the great Whig land- ing you, if he sacrifices it to your cal Enquiry into the Origin of our owner Charles Watson-Went- opinion.’ The statement, in hind- Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful worth, Marquis of Rockingham, sight, was highly unfortunate, for (1757), and his publisher, Robert and that December was provided Burke’s six years as the member Dodsley, commissioned him to with the ‘pocket’ parliamentary for Bristol were neither entirely edit a new venture, a periodical seat of Wendover through the happy nor successful. His sympa- of current events, political and favour of Lord Verney, a friend of thetic judgment of the American cultural reviews and essays enti- his close friend, Will Burke (no colonists in their quarrel with tled the Annual Register, which family link has ever been proved). parliament, his promotion of the first appeared in 1759. By the Although he made an imme- relaxation of Irish trade restric- time he was elected to parlia- diate impact on the House as tions, his support for Catholic ment, in 1765, Burke had gained a speaker, and consolidated his Relief, and his absorption in a secure reputation in literary position among the Rockingham the broader political struggles

30 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 BIOGRAPHY: EDMUND BURKE at Westminster, produced ten- Burke’s most famous work, the broad and varied traditions of sions and enmities among his Reflections on the Revolution in eighteenth-century Enlighten- constituents that resulted in his France, appeared late in his career, ment thought. withdrawal from the poll in 1780. in 1790. Its penetrating attacks Burke’s later assault on ‘Jaco- For the remainder of his parlia- upon the French revolution- binism’ was, in fact, a defence mentary career, until 1794, he sat ary philosophy of the ‘rights of the intellectual currents of for the Yorkshire seat of Malton. of man’ seemed to many of his his time against an emerging Burke remained loyal to contemporaries, and to some of heresy that placed a potentially Rockingham up to, and well his closest political friends, an disastrous reliance upon abstract beyond, the latter’s death in 1782, inexplicable abandonment of his and rationalist thought to the and his campaigns during this earlier commitment to liberty; exclusion of other vital facets of period were particularly directed but Burke set out to show in suc- human nature and social inter- at perceived encroachments of ceeding works – particularly in course. In particular, Burke feared royal power upon the preroga- An Appeal from the New to the Old the consequences of its atheistic tives of parliament. This impec- Whigs (1791) and his Letters on a assumptions when applied to cably Whiggish stand – liberal in Regicide Peace (1795–97) – that politics, and this helps to explain its sensitivity to the preservation he had consistently propounded his hardening attitude, towards of constitutional liberty in Brit- an understanding of the rights the end of his life, as regards the ain – was extended to a defence and duties of man in society toleration of dissenters in Brit- of the ‘chartered rights’ of the that was based not on abstract ain (although he maintained his American colonists, criticism of propositions but upon universal earlier latitudinarian position to the penal laws imposed upon principles necessarily mediated his death and remained a strong Irish Catholics under the ‘Prot- through circumstances, history, promoter of relief for Roman estant Ascendancy’, opposition cultural forms of social behaviour Catholics). to the institution of slavery in and inherited institutions. During the nineteenth cen- the British Empire, and, from the The last years of Burke’s life tury, admirers of Burke included early 1780s to 1794, an exhaus- were filled with personal and figures as diverse as Coleridge and tive attack on what he perceived professional disappointment. The Gladstone, Croker, Macaulay, and as the arbitrary and tyrannical impeachment of Warren Hast- Morley: Disraeli’s early writings rule of East India Company offi- ings failed, the revolutionary clearly owe much to the spirit cials over Britain’s Indian subjects. spirit appeared to pose increas- of Burke, and Matthew Arnold One personal source of this com- ing threats to Britain’s heritage found in him a vital source of mitment to justice within the of chartered liberties and rights, wisdom. Yet, inasmuch as the con- nation’s Imperial responsibility and Burke’s only surviving son, tours of Victorian Britain were may be found in Burke’s own Richard, died weeks after being defined by confidence in material upbringing in Ireland, the son of elected as the new member for progress and imperial power, and a Protestant father and Roman Malton. Burke’s grief was only by the growth of industrialisation Catholic mother. Nowadays, relieved by the consolations of his and parliamentary democracy, Burke held office (as Paymas- extremely successful and happy Burke was an awkward paradigm ter-General) for about twelve Burke’s marriage to Jane Nugent. for both Conservatives and Liber- months in all: in 1782, during In many ways, Burke’s legacy, als. Between Burke the romantic Rockingham’s brief second anti-ideo- and with it his significance for reactionary and Burke the proto- administration, and for several modern-day liberalism, has Utilitarian, there appeared to be months under the ill-fated logical been distorted by the extraor- little space in which to embrace Fox–North coalition, in 1783. stand is dinary success of the Reflections. the sheer breadth and complexity After the collapse of the coali- For example, Burke’s critique of his genius. tion in December 1783 and its particularly of the French Revolution has Nowadays, Burke’s anti- replacement by Pitt the Young- been taken as an assault on the ideological stand is particularly er’s first administration, Burke appealing Enlightenment, or ‘Modernity’, appealing to many conservatives, was never to be in power again. and a defence of monarchy, but it should be equally relevant He remained close to Charles J. to many aristocracy, and feudalism. But to liberals; his faith in the natural- Fox during the early years of the conserva- his criticisms of British policy ness and benefits of integration impeachment of Warren Hastings, in Ireland, America, and India, and coexistence among diverse Governor-General of Bengal, and tives, but his observations on slavery and cultures, and his insistence that through the first regency crisis economical reform, and his close there is more to the political and of 1788–89, but broke with the it should parliamentary association with social animal than mere rational Foxites in 1791 over their sym- the Rockingham Whigs and their formulae, can help us to appre- pathetic reception of the French be equally successors, all suggest a mind that ciate more fully the enduring Revolution, ending his parlia- relevant to thought radically about social human impulse for liberty, while mentary life in the company of injustice and, in its balance of rea- also understanding the vital the less radical Portland Whigs. liberals. son and passion, was well within importance of community life,

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 31 BIOGRAPHY: EDMUND BURKE

the origins and political context is an absorbing study of Burke’s of his religious beliefs. domestic life, focusing particu- Several recent, outstand- larly on his relationship with his ing, scholarly publications have wife, Jane. Readers would find it helped to chart these new paths highly instructive not only about in Burke studies, opening up aspects of Burke’s personality but fresh perspectives on his life and about the wider context of the the relevance of his thought: life of the landed gentry in late- F. P. Lock’s biographical study, eighteenth-century England. Edmund Burke, Volume One: For those interested in reading 1730–1784 (Oxford: Clarendon Burke’s original writings, there Press, 1998); David Bromwich’s are a number of options. Besides anthology of Burke’s writings, the anthologies mentioned above, On Empire, Liberty, and Reform: there are very good, affordable Speeches and Letters (New Haven: selections available from Liberty Yale University Press, 2000); and, Fund, Inc., Indianapolis, USA, most recently, J. C. D. Clark’s new (including a new imprint of edition of Burke’s Reflections on E. J. Payne’s three-volume Select the Revolution in France (Stanford Works of Edmund Burke, which civic duty and a respect for the University Press, 2001). The first appeared in the 1870s). The wisdom of tradition in the pres- appearance of the Viking Portable Oxford University Press edition ervation of that liberty. These are Edmund Burke, edited by Isaac of the Writings and Speeches of all facets of the human condition Kramnick (Harmondsworth, Edmund Burke (general editor that have, in the past, been cen- 1999), and of Edmund Burke: His Paul Langford) is largely excel- tral to the liberal heart, and they Life and Legacy (Dublin: Four lent, particularly those volumes may still convey a sense of the Courts Press, 1997), a collection edited by P. J. Marshall and inherent dignity of the human of essays by scholars, politicians containing Burke’s Indian writ- individual far surpassing that to and journalists published to com- ings. In selecting original works be found in the writings of the memorate the bicentenary of of Burke, readers should seek many ‘scientific’ humanitarian Burke’s death, also illustrate the out, in particular, the ‘Speech on planners who have emerged continuing vibrancy of interest in Fox’s East India Bill’ (1783), the since Burke’s death. Burke’s thought. ‘Speech on Conciliation with the In large part, recent develop- A really sound introduction to [American] Colonies’ (1775), the ments in Burke scholarship have Burke and his thought remains ‘Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol’ stemmed from the disintegration to be written, but Peter Stanlis’s (1777), the posthumously pub- of the ideological context within introduction to Edmund Burke: lished ‘Tracts on the Popery Laws which Burke’s thought had come Select Writings and Speeches (Wash- in Ireland’, and Burke’s opening to be analysed in the decades after ington, D.C., 1963) covers the speech at the impeachment trial the Second World War – i.e., the ground very effectively, and Rus- of Warren Hastings (1788). Cold-War world – when Burke’s sell Kirk’s Edmund Burke: A Gen- For discussions of Burke’s significance as a thinker was often ius Reconsidered (Arlington House, thought in the contemporary debated in a way that identified 1967, revised and updated by the context, see Jim McCue’s trench- Communism as a twentieth-cen- Intercollegiate Studies Institute, ant and well-wrought Edmund tury form of Jacobinism. Conor Wilmington, 1997) provides an Burke and Our Present Discontents Cruise O’Brien’s Introduction to accessible and often penetrating (London, 1997) and Terry Eagle- his famous biography of Burke, study for the interested reader. ton’s short but stimulating article The Great Melody (London: Sin- Also helpful is the commentary ‘Saving Burke from the Tories,’ clair-Stevenson, 1992), offers, of Nicholas Robinson in his col- which appeared in the New perhaps, the final serious contri- lection of contemporary prints Statesman, 4 July 1997. bution to this debate. Since the and cartoons Edmund Burke: A end of the Cold War, attention has Life in Caricature (New Haven: Ian Crowe is director of the Edmund turned increasingly to the recov- Yale University Press, 1996). Burke Society of America. Educated ery of aspects of Burke’s thought More difficult, but highly reward- at St. Catherine’s College, Oxford, that transcend the anti-Jacobin ing of perseverance, is Gerald and the University of Bristol, he is stance of his later years. These Chapman’s Edmund Burke: The now pursuing research at the Uni- include his campaigns against Practical Imagination (Cambridge: versity of North Carolina. In 1997 British corruption in India, his Harvard University Press, 1967). he edited Edmund Burke: His Life understanding of the social and A recent publication of interest and Legacy, a collection of essays moral significance of custom, tra- is Edmund Burke of Beaconsfield marking the bicentenary of the death dition, and culture in relation to by Elizabeth Lambert (University of Edmund Burke, which was pub- a ‘science’ of human nature, and of Delaware Press, 2003) which lished by Four Courts Press, Dublin.

32 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 Robertson as Chief of the Gen- eral Staff, he had to tolerate Sir REVIEWS Douglas Haig as Commander- in-Chief of the British Army in France until the end of the war, A Leader without a party in spite of having severe doubts about Haig’s strategic judgment. John Grigg: Lloyd George: War Leader (Allen Lane, Lloyd George had much less freedom of action than Churchill The Penguin Press, 2002) managed to achieve during his Reviewed by Ian Hunter premiership. He was the Liberal leader of a government domi- nated by the Tory party and was he first three volumes of discussed with barely disguised dependent on them for his polit- John Grigg’s outstanding contempt for Lloyd George’s ical survival. He became a leader Tbiography were published self-centeredness. without a party and this was at between 1973 and 1985. Sev- Grigg can hardly write a dull the heart of his downfall in 1922. enteen years later the volume paragraph. This book dazzles with It was not a mistake that Church- covering Lloyd George’s first deep insight and understanding. ill would make in 1940 when, on two years as premier has been Indeed it is almost two books the resignation of Chamberlain, published. It is the most impres- in one – providing both a com- he was offered and accepted the sive of the set. Sadly, Grigg did prehensive summary of the key leadership of the Tory party. not live to finish the book, which events and personalities during Irrespective of the political is completed by an epilogue the period from 1916–18 as well weakness of his position Lloyd from Margaret Macmillan, Lloyd as a sophisticated and controver- George achieved an immense George’s great-granddaughter. sial comparison of the war prem- amount by force of personal- Interestingly there are reports ierships of Churchill and Lloyd ity. He restructured the support that Grigg has left sufficient George. One of Grigg’s main apparatus around the cabinet notes and partial drafts for a contentions is that the situation with the creation of an informal skilled and sympathetic writer to that Lloyd George faced in 1916 10 Downing Street secretariat complete, at least to some extent, was even more desperate and crit- separate from the official civil the planned fifth volume on the ical than that faced by Churchill service machine. He appointed post-war premiership and the in 1940. One does not necessar- highly experienced men from final twenty-three years of Lloyd ily have to agree with Grigg to George’s life. enjoy the challenge and freshness Overall, Grigg’s biography of his argument. Throughout has done much to restore some the book Grigg sets out to judge balance to the portrait of Lloyd Lloyd George’s record in the First George and to offset the criti- World War against the now bet- cism that writers biased towards ter-remembered achievement the Tories and Asquith have of Churchill in the Second. The dispensed over previous decades. comparison does not find Lloyd Grigg provides a convincing and George wanting. generally sympathetic picture of One of the most attractive Lloyd George. The vast intellec- aspects of the book is that Grigg tual colour and political talents consistently maintains a sense of the man are apparent but there of balance. In the chapter that is no attempt to ignore the less covers and attractive egotism, selfishness, (both indi- sexual philandering and occa- viduals who fell foul of Lloyd sional lack of principle that were George, and left his government) also part of one known as ‘the the writing is a master class in goat’ by his enemies, particu- presenting both sides of the case larly Baldwin. Grigg pulls few without falling foul of accusa- punches when analysing Lloyd tions of sitting on the fence. George’s relationship with his Grigg is also excellent in his secretary, mistress and eventual treatment of the difficult rela- second wife, Frances Stephenson. tionship that Lloyd George had In particular, the little-reported with the military establishment. fact that he had entered into a Although he managed to remove joint suicide pact with her is the ineffective and inflexible

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 33 REVIEWS outside politics as directors of office at the Ministry of Muni- early as 1954’ in Liberal fortunes. manpower, shipping, food dis- tions in spite of Tory front- and The revival was more than that. tribution, agriculture and other back-bench opposition. By the local elections of May areas of the war effort. This was Grigg’s final volume provides 1956, many more Liberal can- almost unheard of at the time a fresh store of ammunition for didates were standing and the but usually proved to be highly anyone energised to argue that party’s vote was moving sharply successful. The personal relation- Lloyd George was one of the upwards. In the four by-elec- ship that Lloyd George forged twentieth century’s most remark- tions during the twelve months with leading Conservatives such able British prime ministers, before Grimond became leader as Bonar Law and Lord Derby along with Winston Churchill, in November 1956, Liberal partly compensated for his politi- H. H. Asquith and, possibly, candidates took nearly a quarter cal weaknesses. It enabled him Margaret Thatcher. All were of the vote and even in the no- to dismiss Sir John Jellicoe from exceptional in that they had the hoper of West Walthamstow they the Admiralty on Christmas Eve capacity to make things happen took 14.7%. What legacy did he 1917 and to force the adoption that would not have happened leave that was so different? In the of the convoy system on the otherwise. Grigg’s work provides nine by-elections in the year fol- Navy – a key factor in the defeat the case material for the advocate lowing his resignation in January of the growing German subma- who would argue that Lloyd 1967, the Liberal vote averaged rine menace, which threatened George was the greatest prime just 13.6%. to starve Britain into submission. minister of his century. His impact on Liberal par- His hold on the Tory high com- liamentary success was just as mand psyche also helped him to Ian Hunter is completing a part-time limited. In 1955 there were restore Churchill from his Dar- doctorate on the Liberal Party and six Liberal MPs, three of them danelles-induced banishment to the Churchill Coalition. dependent on local Conservative support, and an average general election vote of 15%. In 1970, the election following his depar- What difference did he make? ture, again just six Liberal MPs Many of were elected (three with tiny majorities, all fewer than 700) Michael McManus: Jo Grimond: Towards the Sound of those who and the average vote was 13.5%. Gunfire (Edinburgh: Birlinn Ltd., 2001) Obviously this reflected rose in both the increasing number of Reviewed by Michael Steed candidates in weaker areas and the Lib- three years of ’s leadership. Yet it is difficult to his is an overdue and com- ideas. Generally, too, they have eral Party conclude that Jo’s leadership prehensive biography, but echoed McManus’s view that itself produced an electoral one that I found rather the Liberal Party which Jo took in the T revival or left the party stronger oddly focused. I had enjoyed over was a party nearly defunct, decades in popular support. The inter- reading the book, been impressed desperately close to annihilation esting pattern of the 1950s, by the research behind it, irri- in the House of Commons, and following 1960s, and 1970s is that there tated by the easily avoidable one which he duly rescued from were three distinct revivals, one errors (as was David Steel in his oblivion. A similar consensus Grimond’s starting under Clement Davies laudatory review Grimond: The about Jo Grimond was evident (continuing under early Gri- Great Gadfly),1 but had wondered at the Liberal Democrat History leader- mond), one under Jo Grimond, why it failed to tackle some Group meeting in Brighton in ship, and and one under Jeremy Thorpe. obvious historical questions, all September 2002.2 But as each revival ebbed it left before I was asked to review it But let us apply the sharp who did so the party a little stronger than for this Journal. So I read several edge of Grimond’s own before. Leadership seems almost other reviews before composing renowned iconoclasm to the much to irrelevant. this one. significance of Grimond’s career. And if the party was certainly Generally Michael McManus Do the facts and figures sup- improve its stronger organisationally when Jo is seen to have served a use- port the view that Grimond fortunes, Grimond left than when he took ful purpose. Reviewers of my averted what Steel called the over, this could only be indirectly generation have welcomed ‘near complete extinction’ of were his due to his leadership. The great the much-needed, thorough the Liberal Party? They cer- gadfly was not an organisation account of Jo Grimond’s life, and tainly do not. McManus himself bequest man. The improvement in party have remembered how inspired acknowledges – but only briefly organisation in fact owed most they were by him – recalling a towards the end of the book to British to a man who could have so radical iconoclast and a man of (p. 375) – a ‘modest recovery as politics.

34 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 REVIEWS

Grimond was never as good forty years ago, got nowhere. either in the House of Com- But I still agree with William mons or on radio.3 Wallace in stressing the ‘huge But I cannot conceive that difference’ that Jo made to the Colonel Byers, as he was then party.5 Because he had the ideas, significantly often called, would personality and skills that he did, have matched Grimond on and because the party was reviv- the emerging televisual plat- ing electorally, he drew a whole form. This is where Grimond’s generation of new, young people warmth, self-deprecating wit into Liberal activism. Many of and willingness to engage in real them might well have voted debate came over so well, just as Liberal without him, but on the it did in person on a traditional other hand many of those would election platform, or – for me never have given so much of as a student – chatting around a their time and energy to politics dining table. There is no one like without him. that among the trained politi- Jo Grimond did not save the cians who appear on television Liberal Party. It would have sur- today. McManus is not unaware vived and probably prospered of Jo’s personal qualities but he without him. But I believe that does not convey his engaging he did have a profound effect on personality and oratorical skills its character. McManus records anything like so well as Tony (p. 373) that, towards the end Greaves at Brighton in 2002.4 of his life, Grimond felt that his Greaves was right to empha- political career had ended in sise Jo’s charisma: he was more failure. I think that Jo judged easily have become leader. If, in prophet than politician. But his his own achievements harshly. the February 1950 election, just combination of the skills of a Many of those who rose in the 0.2% of voters nationwide had nineteenth-century radical ora- Liberal Party in the decades fol- voted against the Conservatives tor with those of a late-twenti- lowing his leadership, and who instead of for them, the Liber- eth-century television performer did so much to improve its for- als would have won the North made him a remarkable politician tunes, were his bequest to Brit- Dorset seat where Frank Byers nonetheless. ish politics. lost by a mere 97 votes, creat- McManus is more interested ing the Chief Whip vacancy that in Jo Grimond the political Michael Steed now lives in retire- Grimond stepped into. And Atlee thinker and writer. He devotes ment in Canterbury where he is would have won a comfortable much more space to Grimond an honorary lecturer in politics and working majority – larger than the journalist-MP and roving international relations at the Univer- the actual majority Churchill was elder statesman (1967–83) than sity of Kent. He was President of the to win in 1951. Byers, the obvi- to his formative years as a ris- Liberal Party, 1978–79. ous successor to Clement Davies, ing star of the party (1950–56). would probably then have taken He concludes the book with 1 The Scotsman (2 November over as leader during this likely two lengthy appendices on Gri- 2001). McManus’s mistakes are typically confusion of names full-term Parliament. mond’s attitudes to European and One way of posing the (e.g. Peter Jay for Douglas Jay, p. constitutional questions and on 257) or electoral details (e.g. p. question of what difference his philosophy. He finishes claim- 86 – the Conservatives did fight Grimond’s leadership made to ing Grimond for ‘One Nation’ Clement Davies in Montgomery in the Liberal Party is to ask what values (p. 422), or – in other 1950). 2 Journal of Liberal History, 38, would have happened if the words – for McManus’s own 1950 election outcome had Spring 2003, pp. 32–36. Disraelian Tory tradition. Hence 3 Frank Byers, incidentally, makes been only slightly different and the focus of this biography is on too few appearances in this book. Frank Byers had led the party a writer and his place in the his- But there is a poignant photo- into a 1954/55 general elec- tory of political ideas. It is not graph, weirdly entitled Much Ado about Nothing (the meeting of 3 tion. When I started canvassing about a party leader – about the in the early Grimond years, I March 1974) which sums up the ‘Life and Times’ of someone who party’s succession of leadership found Byers still better known sought to change political history. over time, showing Byers, Gri- among Liberal-inclined vot- Maybe this rescues Jo from mond, Thorpe and Steel standing ers than Grimond. He was a the failure of his political strategy. together. 4 Journal of Liberal History, 38, star on the (then) BBC Home Certainly the strategy of realign- Service, especially Any Questions Spring 2003, p. 35. ment of the left, for all that it 5 Ibid., pp. 33–34. in the days when that mattered. appealed to me immensely over

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 35 REVIEWS ‘A despot in the making’ Attracting a dutiful crowd of potential suitors, who she mostly Mark Bonham Carter and Mark Pottle (eds.), kept at arms length, Violet lived the popular image of the period: Lantern Slides: The Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham balls till late when up in London, Carter 1904–1914 (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1996) and a succession of weekends in country houses. Violet was not Reviewed by Robert Ingham so taken up by the high life as to neglect political affairs, and lthough now fading fast four’s statement over lunch that there is a marvellous account from the public’s con- Churchill ‘with his name, chances of the formation of the 1905 sciousness, Lady Violet and capacity ought to have gone Liberal government, including A the effort required to persuade Bonham Carter was a Liberal further by now’ was perhaps colossus who bestrode the middle premature. A few weeks later she Grey and Haldane to join. Fail- of the twentieth century. Strong- was arguing with Hilaire Belloc ure to include them could have willed, opinionated, domineering, and Sir John Dickson-Poynder, helped the Conservatives rally somewhat autocratic, she could a Conservative MP, about the and reduced the scale of the sometimes give the impression propriety of maintaining close Liberal triumph in 1906. Violet that she had carried the Liberal personal relations with people of was appalled that she happened Party on her back through the the opposite political persuasion. to be abroad, recovering from dark days of the 1940s and 1950s. Labour politicians did not often an infection, when her father The reality wasn’t too far from feature on the guest lists of the was appointed Prime Minister, that perception. Her broadcasting events Violet attended at this time, although she managed to cap- appearances, indefatigable service although in July 1905 she formed ture from afar the absurdity of on committees of all kinds, influ- an unlikely threesome with John H. H. Asquith hurrying to Biar- ence in high places, and champi- Burns and Edwin Montagu. ritz, to be sworn in by a holiday- oning of the Liberal cause rallied Burns, the first working-class ing monarch. morale and stiffened backbones member of the Cabinet, jocularly In her personal life, 1909 was during years of continual decline. characterised her as a ‘despot in a crucial year. One of Violet’s She kept the Liberal flame of the making’. wooers, Archie Gordon, was her father’s generation burning, It would be misleading to fatally wounded in a car acci- if faintly at times, until it could describe Lantern Slides as a politi- dent. Rushing to his bedside, safely be passed to her son-in-law, cal commentary, however. The Jo Grimond. political references are quite Anyone who has heard stories modest at first, although they about ‘Lady Vi’ during the bleak come to dominate the later stages. period immediately post-war, or Instead, the book is a personal read of her in the histories and account of an unusual young memoirs of the time, would be woman coming of age in the hard pushed to imagine her as heart of the Edwardian establish- a lovestruck teenager, whirling ment. Denied the opportunity from ball to opera to European to follow her brothers to Balliol holiday during the dying years by the conventions of the time, of aristocratic ascendancy. The the diaries open with seventeen- triumph of Lantern Slides, the first year-old Violet and her older volume of Violet Asquith’s (as brother Arthur packed off with she then was) diaries, covering a maid to Paris for six months, the period from 1904 to 1914, so that he could learn French lies in the way Violet and her for a career in the City. In Paris, contemporaries vividly come to Violet led a carefree existence, life, with barely a hint of editorial seemingly unfettered by parental intervention. restrictions. Although lacking the Violet Asquith had a seat at the formal education from which top table of British politics from her brothers benefited, she could a very young age. In June 1905, already hold her own when the at the age of eighteen, for exam- conversation turned to Japanese ple, she dined with A. J. Balfour, art, Turkish politics or German the Prime Minister, who only a literature. few months later was to resign, On returning to England, allowing the Liberals in. Bal- Violet came out into society.

36 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 REPORT: LIBERAL HEROINES Violet asked to marry him hours Her robust conversation about the pros- where she dined with Theodore before he died. From then on, pect of a 1915 general elec- Roosevelt amongst others. for some four years, Violet’s diary views on tion, H. H. Asquith threatens This first volume of the dia- was written as a letter to her late that similar tactics would be ries ends with some correspond- fiancé. In memory of Archie the suf- employed by the Liberals against ence with a vivacious Rupert Gordon, she set up a boys’ club the Conservatives over Irish Brooke, a sign of the horrors to in Hoxton, which she ran suc- fragettes Home Rule, should the Liberals come. The second volume of cessfully for several years. She was and their be defeated. ‘Imagine, Winston Violet’s diaries are more frag- helped by Mark Bonham Carter and Lloyd George unmuzzled,’ mented, although the first sec- (known as Bongie), her father’s cause are ponders the Liberal leader. tions chronicle the downfall of Private Secretary, who through- Violet herself was more than the society into which Violet out the period played the role of given vent just a commentator at this time. was born. In the third volume, dependable friend of last resort. She was active in the Liberal Violet is captured as an ageing Violet and her friend Venetia on several Social Council, visiting ‘distant’ member of the great and the Stanley joked that Bongie resem- occasions: Palmers Green and Harlesden good, on an endless treadmill of bled Gabriel Oak from Hardy’s to speak for the cause. She spoke committee meetings, and a giant Far From the Madding Crowd. had she regularly in public in support amongst pygmies in her own By 1914, Bongie’s warm let- of the government and found party. Lantern Slides is the best of ters addressed Violet in the same been sym- she enjoyed it. There were also the lot, and unmissable for stu- way as she addressed her diary to opportunities for foreign travel. dents of the Edwardian era and Archie Gordon. Their marriage, pathetic With her father, she took a its politics. after a brief courtship, is covered to them, cruise with the Churchills on A word should be said for the in the second volume of diaries. the Admiralty yacht Enchantress. editing. Violet’s son Mark initi- Of Violet’s uneasy relation- might she While he was away, the Prime ated the project but died shortly ship with her stepmother, Mar- Minister missed some serious before publication. Mark Pot- got, there is precious little. Her have per- industrial action by the dock- tle assisted with Lantern Slides father is the subject of several workers and the resignation of and then edited the other two uncritical appreciations. Their suaded her the Lord Chancellor, Lord Lore- volumes outright. They did a relationship was very close and father to burn. Even the normally calm splendid job, not just in terms of warm, although not sufficiently Bongie was reduced to sending allowing Violet to speak out, in close for Violet to detect that change his fevered telegrams reminding the her own words, and at her own H. H. Asquith was a close con- Prime Minister of the dangers sometimes breathless pace, but fidante of Venetia Stanley at this mind? of leaving the government rud- in providing detailed, helpful time. There is not a sniff of this derless at such a sensitive time. footnotes and appendices on the scandal, although it shocked Violet also visited her brother people and places mentioned. Violet to the core when it was Arthur in the Sudan, where she finally revealed in the 1960s. rejected the advances of Bongie’s Robert Ingham is a historical writer, Relations with Lloyd George older brother Edgar, and travelled and Biographies Editor of the Jour- were not, at this time, particu- to the United States and Canada, nal of Liberal History. larly strained, although Violet records that she ‘heaved’ over one of his populist speeches on Lords reform in 1910. After 1909, with Violet ‘out’ in society and mourning Archie Gordon, politics featured more prominently in her life. She REPORT gave vivid accounts of the 1909 Budget, the 1910 elections and the Marconi affair. Her robust views on the suffragettes and Liberal Heroines their cause are given vent on several occasions: had she been Fringe meeting report, March 2003, with Baroness sympathetic to them, might she (Liz) Barker and Diana Wallis MEP have persuaded her father to change his mind? It is interest- Report by Justine McGuinness ing to note, too, how rowdy was the House of Commons at nce again the History fringe event at Conference. The that time, with uproar far worse Group provided the most reason was simple: an interest- than anything experienced in lively and simulating ing subject and very passionate recent times. Interestingly, in a O

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 37 REPORT: LIBERAL HEROINES speakers, who succeeded, where formulated some of the most than the temporary alleviation others so often fail, in ‘firing important ideas on discrimina- of suffering through emergency up’ their audience. Indeed, so tion and equality, ideas that have aid or charity. It is nice to hand enthused were the audience that changed the lives of women ever out milk or bread. It gives you the meeting did not really end. since. Liz Barker highlighted the a comfortable feeling inside. We Rather we had to be thrown out ‘Enfranchisement of Women’, need new and bold solutions.’ of the room and the discussion published in the Westminster Liz told the meeting that continued in the corridors and Review in 1851, as the work that Eleanor Roosevelt showed her bar of the Grand Hotel. best sets out the collaboration ability to bring about bold solu- First up was Liz Barker, with All three between Mill’s analytical pow- tions when she directed the con- a formidable and inspiring selec- ers and Taylor’s more emotional struction of a model community tion of women. Baroness Barker women had approach to philosophy. How- in West Virginia during the New first focused on Harriet Taylor ever, as Barker pointed out, sur- Deal era. Indeed, throughout that (née Hardy), otherwise known a passion- viving essays show that Harriet time she was Franklin’s eyes and as Mrs John Stuart Mill. Then, to held more radical views than her ears, travelling the country to see the surprise and enjoyment of ate hatred second husband and was more the New Deal in practice. the audience, she turned to Anna of injus- attracted to the socialist views During their time in the Eleanor Roosevelt (from the expressed by people such as White House, she published six introduction everyone thought tice, which Robert Owen. books, wrote countless articles, it was going to be Hilary Rod- Liz’s second heroine, Anna started women-only press brief- ham Clinton) and finished with was rooted Eleanor Roosevelt, was the ings with women reporters and possibly the strongest candidate, wife of one of the world’s most courted controversy over what Rosa Parks. in the famous men, her cousin Fran- we would call human rights Through her work and her experience klin Delano Roosevelt. They issues. Even after her husband’s relationship with Mill, Harriet married in 1905 and at the death in 1945 she remained a Taylor was an impressive agent of people time Eleanor had no objectives formidable power broker within for change, and it is this, together other than to be a supportive the Democratic Party. As Liz put with her passion for equality, that around wife and mother. However, her it: ‘A fine lady who influenced a clearly qualifies her to be a ‘lib- aspirations changed over time. fine man’. What a tribute! eral heroine’. Harriet Taylor and them. Each As her husband’s political career Liz Barker concluded with John Stuart Mill met each other challenged progressed, she expanded her a woman who did not make in 1830 at a dinner party, while circle of women friends, from the speeches or write articles, but she was still married to John Tay- the codes progressive, liberal reformers she rather was known for one thing lor, a wealthy businessman who and Franklin knew to women only. After a hard day’s work in helped found the Reform Club of the in organised labour organisa- December 1955, Rosa Parks sat and London University. Their tions. Eleanor’s lifelong interests on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama relationship developed but, as Liz society in such as education and economic and refused to move to the back commented, speculation about which she justice began to take practical to make way for a white person. that is ‘irrelevant because what is shape. By the end of World War Liz described this as a ‘quiet act of evidenced in his writing and in lived. Each One she had joined the board of dignified defiance against preju- hers is that they were two people the NY State League of Women dice’. An act that surely elevates who adored each other as equals.’ started Voters and become an active her to ‘heroine’, and clearly a During the 1840s, Taylor and campaigner for the civil rights liberal one at that – and one from Mill withdrew from London without a agenda of the National Asso- which modern society and worked together on platform ciation for the Advancement of can take inspiration. Principles of Political Economy. Two Coloured People. All three women had a pas- years after the death of John Tay- and cre- As a teacher, campaigner and sionate hatred of injustice, which lor in 1849, Mill and Taylor did writer, Eleanor pursued her own was rooted in the experience of marry but only after a declara- ated one course without ever undermin- people around them. Each chal- tion by Mill recognising Harriet’s ing FDR’s position, even when lenged the codes of the society freedom and property rights, and, in they disagreed. Throughout the in which she lived. Each started rights not recognised by British so doing, Depression she worked tirelessly without a platform and created society at that time. So low key on behalf of working women one and, in so doing, brought was the wedding that even Mill’s brought and people trapped in ghettos about change for others. Liz brother did not know about it and unsanitary housing. Some ended with a timely reminder for some time. about of her words from that period that, at this particular time They were a happy couple still resonate today. In 1932, for when the actions of the current who shared everything, espe- change for example, she said that there was American administration make cially his work. Together they others. a need for ‘something more any liberal ‘despair’, the USA has

38 Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 REPORT: LIBERAL HEROINES nevertheless been a place where Diana Wal- As the meeting closed, Several members of the audi- ‘great and inspiring things have despite there being no end to ence spoke with warmth and happened for women and for lis argued the discussion, a clear call came affection about Baroness (Nancy) liberty’. from the audience that the Seear. William Wallace reminded Diana Wallis MEP stood in with force History Group should look at us of her support for the party at the last minute and delivered running a special Journal issue through the bad as well as the an excellent speech. Her first that Mary focused on heroines. Judging good years. Liz Baker, in replying, nomination for heroine status Robinson’s from the questions at this fringe, said that Nancy had once offered was Anne Carter, a woman often there is much debate to be had advice to Sally Hamwee about in trouble, who lived in Essex impres- about what a liberal heroine attending political meetings: in the 1620s. While her motives is and how to define hero- ‘Always go if there is food’. There may be questioned, Anne led sive record ism. Does she have to be dead? was no food at this meeting, but I a group of men in a raid on a Or could she be alive and still feel sure that Nancy would have ship following the introduction on human working for political change, come for the intellectual feast. I of a grain tax. One could argue rights such as Shirley Williams? And look forward to seeing what the that it was an example of direct clearly there is a considerable History Group serves up at the action by a group of desperate, means she amount of material to consider. next conference! hungry people fighting for the good of the local community is a liberal against central government. Unfortunately, the powers of the heroine, day did not see it like that. Anne whatever was captured and hanged for her part in the civil unrest. her party Ms Wallis also nominated (though she is still alive) Mary label. ARCHIVES Robinson, a woman who, in Diana Wallis’s words, ‘rocked the system’ and had a tremen- Liberalism in Dundee dous impact on Irish society. Robinson was the first woman by Iain Flett President of Ireland and used her presidency for the good of all Rt Hon Sir George Otto Trev- people in Eire, not just the ones lthough not a source elyan, Bart., HM Sec of State for who had voted for her. Diana immediately apparent as Scotland, in connection with his argued with force that Mary Apertaining to Liberalism, support for Dundee’s constitu- Robinson’s impressive record the sixteenth century wooden- tion as a County of City, 1894. on human rights means she is boarded register of burgesses or Sir John Leng, printer, pub- a liberal heroine, whatever her freemen of Dundee, known as lisher and MP for Dundee, 1902. party label. The Lockit Buik (Locked Book) Rt Hon Herbert Henry Members of the audience contains entries of interest to Asquith, Prime Minister and then offered nominations for Liberal historians. George, later First Lord of the Treasury, 1912. liberal heroine status. Harriet Baron, Armitstead, was made Rt Hon David Lloyd Smith suggested Enid Lakeman a burgess in 1854 not in his George MP, Prime Minister for her work on electoral reform, own right, but by right of his ‘especially to his services in con- while Sue Vincent offered Caro- wife Jane, who was daughter of nection with the Great World line Norton (granddaughter of Edward Baxter of Kincaldrum. War now raging’, 1917. Richard Brinsley Sheridan) who He was one of the very few who Sir Garnet Wilson ‘in recog- lived in a era where women’s was later entered again in his nition of his long, distinguished voices counted for nothing, yet own right as an honorary bur- and useful career as a member campaigned for property rights gess in 1904 ‘in recognition of of the Town Council of Dundee for women. Elizabeth Garrett his long commercial connection …’, 1971. Anderson was offered as a hero- with Dundee and his generous ine for her groundbreaking work liberality to the Charitable and In addition to this, there is an on women’s health. Others sug- Benevolent Institutions of the amusing and unusual cartoon of gested included Marie Stopes, City’. Dingle McIntosh Foot on the Josephine Butler, Emily Hob- There are also entries for the Friends of Dundee City Archives house, Octavia Hill and Helen following figureheads: website index to their Poor Suzman.

Journal of Liberal History 40 Autumn 2003 39 A Liberal Democrat History Group Fringe Meeting CLEMENT DAVIES – LIBERAL PARTY SAVIOUR? Clement Davies led the Liberal Party from 1945 to 1956. During that time, the party came very close to dying out – but it survived. He turned down Churchill’s offer of a government position and in so doing preserved the party’s integrity. His tenure was as long as that of Jo Grimond, the hero of modern Liberalism. And yet today Davies’ leadership is hardly remembered at all.

Did Clement Davies save the Liberal Party from extinction? Or was he part of the problem?

Clement Davies’ contribution to British politics will be assessed by Alan Wyburn Powell, author of the new biography, Clement Davies: Liberal Leader, and Dr David Roberts of the University of Wales at Bangor.

8.00 p.m., Sunday 21 September Lancaster Room, Hilton Brighton Metropole Hotel, Brighton

database at www.fdca.org.uk/ As in all archives, titles can together with that of Dingle indenture of 1900, there are poor_index.htm. It portrays be misleading; the Dundee Foot of 1935–45. his speeches from the 1930s the night that he dressed League of Young Liberals There is detailed cor- on topics as diverse as ‘Style incognito in 1932 to gain account book for 1925–38, respondence in 1947–48 and Vocabulary’ and ‘The access to the East Poorhouse more importantly, contains 9 concerning candidates for Educational Service and the to test complaints about the loose items, including 4 pho- the Dundee parliamentary Employer’. His correspond- accommodation and food. tographs of Jeremy Thorpe seats including Dingle Foot, ence, which is still being cata- However, there are two MP, with Sir Garnet Wilson John Junor and Sir Garnet logued, includes exchanges principal collections in Dun- and Nathaniel Gordon, with Wilson, Lord Provost [Scots in 1940 with his friend and dee City Archives of interest shoppers in Dundee in Feb- for mayor] of Dundee, and fellow Liberal MP Dingle to Liberal historians. The ruary 1972. this neatly leads us to the Foot, in the Ministry of Eco- first is of GD/DLA, Dundee The fine tradition, now other collection of interest nomic Warfare, and with D. Liberal Association, covering a faint memory, of keeping to Liberal historians, that of C. Thomson, the Dundee the years 1884 to 1981. Min- pasted newscuttings books Sir Garnet Wilson. Sir Gar- press magnate and arch-critic utes range from those of the has left this collection with net’s family has left Dundee of Churchill. Executive Committee, cov- a rich insight into the Asso- City Archives with its only These records are avail- ering the period 1929–58, ciation’s work and interests. extensive collection of corre- able for consultation at which include a pamphlet With this series starting in spondence created by a Lord Dundee City Archives and letter from the Dundee 1882, the second volume Provost, and this collection is by prior appointment. Spanish Medical Aid Com- contains a Programme for an excellent reflection of his Address: 21 City Square, mittee, 17 May 1937, down a Grand Evening Concert views, his contacts, his poli- Dundee DD1 3BY; Tel: to nine ward minute books in 1895, and a ‘Warning to tics, his own family business +44 (0)1382 434494; Fax: for the first quarter of the Electors’ poster in 1896, and of a large department store, 434666. Our website is http: twentieth century. The ward of course there would have and particularly the running //www.dundeecity.gov.uk/ minute books have been to be at least one volume of the Home Front in Dun- archives. found fascinating as a case relating to Churchill’s elec- dee during World War Two. study by those researching tion campaign of 1909–10, Starting with Sir Gar- ‘grassroots’ activity. net’s legal apprenticeship