28 Cloke Method of Barbarism

which towns supported Parliament and Liberals, who have been better Boer War were difficult ones for the which the Royalist cause, but there are placed to conform to and adapt to Liberals. From the party was split a number of particular reasons to distinctive Cornish conditions. on the issue of Home Rule in Ireland explain these questions. Labour have had a history of import- and this in turn complicated the The first is that Cornwall is ing candidates into Cornwall from party’s relationship with the institu- intrinsically different, historically, outside without giving them the tion of Empire. culturally and economically, from time to establish any local credibility According to Professor Judd, there other counties. Secondly, there has and it has concentrated on national were a number of options for the party been a revival of interest in Cornish issues at the expense of Cornish ones. regarding its policy on the Empire. history and linguistic heritage, While national issues, of course, First, they could present themselves as contributing to a new sense of impinge in Cornish elections, the mildly anti-imperialist. The danger in Cornish consciousness, a feeling with local issues remain paramount. There this approach was that Home Rule in which the Liberals have traditionally was therefore a bedrock of Liberal Ireland could become seen as an been associated. There has been a support in Cornwall which was imperial issue and, therefore, as the first delay in the modernisation of the deeper and stronger than elsewhere step towards the disintegration of the Cornish socioeconomic structure. A which had been added to by the Empire. The party was conscious that it distinct style of politics has grown up campaigning, the image and the style had lost votes and seats on Home Rule in Cornwall which is anti-metro- of local Liberalism, particularly built and that the popular press was often politan and jealous to preserve the up in the s and s. pro-imperial. Hence the party offi- territorial integrity of the county. Relating this background to his cially disavowed this line. However, Class consciousness has not been own experience, Malcolm recalled the many Liberals opposed the worst overt either in rural or industrial beginnings of modern campaigning in aspects of imperialism. areas. Nonconformity has continued the s and s. There was a loyal, The second option was to be clearly to be important. There has been a bedrock Liberal support in the con- pro-Empire, but to what extent? A tradition of non-partisanship in local stituencies. On top of this was built group of Liberal MPs did emerge, government and politics. This has further support through a combination calling themselves Liberal Imperialists, resulted in the election of candidates of innovative campaigning tools, such who thought the party should respond in Cornwall who are local, are as community newsletters and sys- to the public interest in the Empire by prepared to act primarily as constitu- tematised electioneering techniques. becoming clearly in favour of it. ency representatives and are willing These factors combined with the very However, in Judd’s view this approach to take a genuine interest in Cornish local personality of Cornish Liberal would have had the danger of antago- affairs and problems. This has hin- candidates enabled the party to make nising the party’s traditional voters. dered Labour and helped the and, so far, sustain its breakthrough. Furthermore, the party faced a grow- ing challenge from the trade union and labour movements. Judd argued finally that there was a middle way for the party between these two positions: to be generally ‘Methods of Barbarism’ – supportive of the Empire but high- lighting concerns and disassociating Liberalism and the Boer War itself from military conquests. Unfor- tunately, Liberals could not agree upon Evening meeting, July 2000 a majority view, leading to difficulties for the party in responding to the Boer with Denis Judd and Jacqueline Beaumont War. A further problem was the Report by David Cloke establishment of another liberal party in the form of the Liberal Unionists. They had membership and organisa- n the evening of July members Beaumont and the meeting was tion and from , provided members Oof the History Group met at the chaired by the Liberal Democrats’ of Salisbury’s cabinet. How was the National Liberal Club to discuss the Foreign Affairs spokesperson, Menzies Liberal Party to win a future election? response of the Liberal Party and the Campbell MP. It was fundamentally split with its great liberal press to the Boer War – a venue Professor Judd began the meeting rising star, Joseph Chamberlain, having which was no doubt witness to many with a survey of the various responses defected. Another party was calling similar discussions and debates during of the Liberal Party to the Boer War itself liberal and was, under Chamber- the course of the war itself. The and the political difficulties posed for lain’s leadership, making a determined discussions were ably led by Professor the party by the war. Professor Judd effort to represent liberalism and to Denis Judd and Dr Jacqueline noted that the years running up to the win over working class voters. Journal of Liberal Democrat History 28 Autumn 2000 25 However, Professor Judd argued, the it was ‘calculated brinkmanship’ – a and the conditions in the concentra- last years of the century saw the conclusion backed up, he argued, by the tion camps that provoked a response by development of a ‘new imperialism’, fact that from July the government Campbell-Bannerman. After having perhaps flowing from a sense of was moving large numbers of troops to been lobbied by Hobhouse, C-B made insecurity. The triumphalism of the South Africa. At this time Campbell- a speech attacking the war, accusing Diamond Jubilee of overlaid Bannerman said on several occasions the government of deploying ‘methods concerns at the that the two Boer of barbarism’. Despite the changing prospects for the republics should political landscape, Judd believed that new century and ‘When is a war not a war? be annexed in those who were antagonised by the how Britain some form; speech probably outnumbered those would compete When it is carried on by though he never who welcomed it. with the US and methods of barbarism in made clear what In describing the eventual peace the Russian South Africa.’ that form should treaty with the Boers, Judd stated that Empire. In Judd’s be. he believed it to be generous to them. view, the Empire Henry Campbell- For Judd a key The rebels were let off, the displaced became associ- Bannerman, 14 June point in the were given loans to restart their farms ated with guaran- development of and there was a general amnesty. The teed power and 1901 Liberal policy only issue of major concern to Liberals success in the towards South at this time was the significant weaken- new century. Africa came on ing of the commitment to the ‘native There were other difficulties for October . On that day the franchise’, which was delayed until the party. During – the Liberal House of Commons was required to responsible governments were restored government undoubtedly connived vote the necessary supplies to enable to the Orange Free State and the with Cecil Rhodes and had discussed the prosecution of the war. The party Transvaal. Judd argued that the main interventions similar to the Jameson could not be seen to obstruct a war aim in the postwar period was coop- Raid of December . It was that had already begun. It could just eration with the Afrikaners and that, as revealing, Professor Judd argued, that hope that it would be over quickly if Milner brutally put it, ‘you only have the Liberal members of the official the British had the necessary supplies. to sacrifice the nigger completely and inquiry into the Jameson Raid rather From the outbreak of war there the game is easy’. pulled their punches. Furthermore, was a substantial opposition from In Judd’s view it was entirely to the although the party was out of power trade unions and church groups. This Liberal Party’s credit that once in from – there were Liberals developed as the crisis progressed, and government it granted responsible in key positions with regard to the a South African Conciliation Com- government to the Orange River development of South African policy. mittee was set up. The Liberal leader- Colony and the Transvaal, with Chamberlain was Colonial Secretary, ship found the Committee difficult to elections being held by . There Selborne Under-Secretary of State contain and a source of embarrass- were a number of reasons behind this: and Milner Governor of the Cape ment. With the news of defeats and the long Liberal tradition of appropri- from . the establishment of concentration ate devolution; part of the process of The left also caused problems. In camps, leading statesmen such as consolidating the peace and guaran- the view of many leftist critics one of Lloyd George joined the ranks of teeing the future; and it was hoped the key reasons underlying the crisis those opposed to the war – enabling that it would create an Anglo- was unfettered capitalism. This view government propaganda to portray Afrikaner middle ground of ‘moder- was tinged with anti-Semitism, as the Liberals as pro-Boers. Not sur- ate white supremacists’. Unfortu- many South African capitalists were prisingly, in such a political climate, nately in the Transvaal, whilst there Jewish. British Jewry was solidly and thinking that the war was won, were a large number of English Liberal at this time and three mem- the Conservatives called a general speakers, enough perhaps to win the bers of the Liberal cabinets from election in April .

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