The Greening of the Liberals? Tony Beamish traces the development of green thinking in the party.
The adjective ‘Green’ is capable (in a political century. We are, indeed, in danger of losing sight of the fact that it is a challenge at all.’ In prac- context) of several interpretations. For present tice, the press and most politicians, even when purposes it is only necessary to point up the they are aware of the Green, or ecological, ar- difference between what may be called (light) green, guments, do manage to confuse these two quite different philosophical stances; the radical im- with a small ‘g’, and (dark) Green with a capital ‘G’: plications of the (dark) Green case are only appreciated by a small (but growing) minority green: being genuinely (or ostensibly) concerned of people, many of whom now either look to about the protection of the natural and man- self-defined Green parties for their political rep- made environment, and of other species and resentation, or – more commonly – have given their habitats, and about the conservation of up on the political process altogether. natural resources. This subsumes conservationism For the Victorians, ‘progress’ (what we and environmentalism, and requires no funda- would now call ‘economic growth’) was essen- mental change in philosophical beliefs. tial, desirable and in normal times achievable, allowing for hiccups when the free market Green: believing that modern societies and failed to do its job properly. However, it is pos- economies need to be comprehensively re- sible to discern in J. S. Mill’s writings signs that structured. According to this view, industrial he was actually one of the first Greens; for ex- capitalism is coming to the end of the road; ample, he wrote: ‘It must always have been seen instead of desperately trying to achieve ever … by political economists, that the increase in greater material output, trade, and sales, we wealth is not boundless: that at the end of what should be seeking a ‘soft landing’ for the sys- they term the progressive state lies the station- tem. A shift of emphasis, in fact, from consum- ary state, that all progress in wealth is but a post- erism to conservationism, from competition to co- ponement of this, and that each step in advance operation and from global to local. It could be is an approach to it.’ summarised as a shift from quantitative to quali- But this view, like its modern equivalent tative criteria in decision-making – a position (derisively called ‘no-growth’, with the implied which is, of course, quite incompatible with corollary ‘no-good’) was ignored; far from ‘al- the faith in generalised economic expansion- ways having been seen by political economists’, ism held by most Western peoples and their it was hardly considered at all. However, other governments. nineteenth century thinkers (not economists) Greens in this sense are also concerned that also had reservations about industrialism. the world’s population is too large, and feel that William Morris was famous for his stand against any proposal to deal with current social, eco- it. John Ruskin, too, expressed some green nomic and ecological problems must take this ideas. He wrote, for example: ‘Private enter- into account. prise should never be interfered with … so long Andrew Dobson, in his book Green Politi- as it is indeed “enterprise” … and so long as it cal Thought, writes: ‘If we confuse Green poli- is indeed “private”, paying its own way at its tics (capital ‘G’) with either Conservationism own cost, and in no wise harmfully affecting or Environmentalism (these being green with public comforts or interests. But “private en- a small ‘g’) then we severely distort and mis- terprise” which poisons its neighbourhood, or understand the nature of the Green challenge speculates for individual gain at common risk, to the political, social, economic and scientific is very sharply to be interfered with.’ consensus that dominates the late twentieth Such sentiments were not appreciated by journal of liberal democrat history 21: winter 1998–99 15 society at large, nor by the nascent thinking than anyone since Marx – now been extended. In the nine- Liberal Party, simply because the and who, it must be added, changed teenth century the term political nineteenth century was not a green his ideas from time to time – wrote: economy was commonly used, and century, let alone a Green one. Peo- ‘Ideas, knowledge, science, hospital- in the twentieth politicians have ple and parties were fixated with ity, travel – these are things which taken for granted the over-riding ‘progress’; social and even moral ad- should of their nature be interna- importance of economics. But peo- vances were seen as the natural con- tional. But let goods be homespun wher- ple are now beginning to realise not comitants of economic growth. For ever it is reasonably and conveniently only that ‘the economy’ forms just a a hundred years both greenness and possible; and, above all, let finance be part – Greens would say ‘too great a Greenness were to be considered (if primarily national. We do not wish, part’ – of the world’s ecosystem, but they were considered at all) to be therefore, to be at the mercy of also that economic considerations idealistic and ‘woolly’. The Liberal world forces working out, or trying are playing too big a part in our pol- Party went with the flow; ‘economic to work out, some uniform equilib- ity. Consequently, it is time to start liberalism’ was the name of the game. rium according to the ideal princi- thinking and talking about political Laissez-faire and the competitive ples, if they can be called such, of ecology. spirit could justifiably be constrained laissez-faire capitalism. We wish … When the Club of Rome’s re- by governmental intervention only to be as free as we can make our- port Limits to Growth was published on grounds of justice, equity, or what selves from the interference of the in , a serious case for Green eco- are now called human rights. The outside world … [I] sympathise with nomics (and therefore politics) was environment was there to provide those who would minimise, rather made. With Schumacher’s Small Is the wherewithal for wealth creation, than … maximise, economic entan- Beautiful and The Ecologist’s Blueprint and there was plenty of environment glement among nations.’ for Survival, it made a substantial im- available. That was what life was all Keynes was one of the architects pact on the thinking of many peo- about; the spirit of the age simply of the post-second war settlement ple. So it was in the early s that was not green, and the Liberals could which, in the foundation of the the Liberal Party, like some sections not be blamed for something out- GATT, acknowledged the need to of the public, began to face up to side their world view. build up the international economy; the challenge of green – and even Even so, some of the great social but the International Trade Organi- Green – ideas. In , a commit- and economic reforms of the nine- sation he wanted, with the power to tee under the chairmanship of Stina teenth century, introduced by the regulate and control international Robson produced a Report on the Liberals, had an element of environ- trade, never materialised. (The WTO Environment, marking the real begin- mental justification; but these re- which was set up a few years ago ning of the greening – and the forms were not in any sense Green; puts increases in trade above all other Greening – of the party. In its intro- the idea that ‘modern society … considerations, environmental or so- duction, the ‘over-riding problems’ needed to be comprehensively re- cial, and it is a bold government were summarised as: structured’ would have been ridi- which argues against it.) .Population growth. culed. Green ideas, in fact, were not By the early s, when it was .Pollution. part of the philosophy of the public possible for Macmillan to claim that . Economic growth as measured at large or of any political party un- ‘we had never had it so good’, soci- in terms of GNP. til well after the second world war. ety at large, including the Liberal . The finite resources of the world. However, it is worth noting that, al- Party, was locked into the unGreen, These problems are well displayed in though it contained nothing which materialistic view that production, the body of the document, which would be thought of as Green nowa- trade and consumption were all was certainly responsible for substan- days, the famous ‘Yellow Book’ of ‘good things’. Not only should in- tial advances in the party’s thinking, did include a strong defence of creases in them be encouraged, but except for point – always a prob- the countryside and advocated the attempts to limit them, for any rea- lem for Liberals! idea of National Parks. son, were deplored as ‘protectionism’. A few milestones will give the An important part of the expan- At about the same time, however, picture: sionary world view was the notion Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring ap- The election manifesto of free trade. The great economic peared, the first of many contained almost nothing on any debates of the nineteenth century ‘doomwatch’ books pointing out subject which might be classed as were very largely to do with the rela- one or other hitherto unremarked green, but there was a brief refer- tive merits of free trade, which was, disadvantages of indiscriminate eco- ence to ‘the dangers of pollution and of course, one of the founding prin- nomic and technological ‘progress’. the damage we have done to the ciples of Liberalism, and of its per- In effect, the grounds of the great environment.’ The Young Liberals’ list ceived antithesis, protectionism. But right/left division between con- of speakers did not include any peo- Maynard Keynes, the Liberal who servatives and radicals (which will, ple (inside or outside the party) did more to revolutionise economic of course, always be with us) have claiming to speak on environment/
16 journal of liberal democrat history 21: winter 1998–99 conservation/ecological topics. desperate intensity, that it is a betrayal NGOs and charities such as Friends Although the (February) of everything liberals stand for to of the Earth and Oxfam, and their manifesto contained sections on increase … limitations on human political proxies like the YLs and quality of life, the energy crisis, ‘the freedom … We are moving in the LEG, were realising that many of the environment’ and transport, the es- right direction. The only question is obvious failings of the industrialised tablishment omitted them from the whether we will achieve our aims world were directly due to the pre- (October) manifesto. They within a Democratic society or not. vailing economistic attitude, the po- were, however, prominent in the It is the job of Liberals to see that litical and media establishments (in- Young Liberals’ manifesto, and the we do.’ cluding the Lib Dem establishment) YLs’ list also contained many speak- saw the arrival of the SDP continued to treat the green argu- ers on green topics. on the political scene, and its alliance ments as peripheral. But numerous saw the foundation of the with the Liberal Party. This had very articles in New Outlook and Radical Liberal Ecology Group, and David little to do with the rise of green po- Quarterly, and many pamphlets, dem- Steel said it was ‘cheaper to save a litical thinking in general, but it is onstrated the growing awareness of barrel of oil than to produce an ex- possible that the negotiations which Liberals of the need for ‘sustainable tra one’. The booklet Your Fu- led to the final merger in development’ – the new term which ture with the Liberals, by gained currency in the Desmond Banks, in- Brundtland Report. cluded Assembly reso- It is worth pointing lutions on the envi- out the distinction be- ronment, transport tween ‘development’ and energy from the and ‘growth’, two late s. Also in terms which are often the Margate As- thought to be inter- sembly passed the fa- changeable. Briefly, mous resolution de- ‘development’ can be claring that ‘economic thought of as qualita- growth, as measured tive change, and by GDP, is neither de- ‘growth’ as quantita- sirable nor achievable’ tive; it is easy to con- – it must be noted, ceive of a cancerous against some opposi- ‘growth’ or of an en- tion! tity which ‘develops’ In Michael into something smaller Meadowcroft, in Lib- – but that is not to eral Values for a New deny that the two of- Decade, wrote: ‘It is es- ten go together! Un- sential for Liberals to fortunately, the emphasise the urgent Paddy Ashdown defends Liberal Democrat green credentials against Brundtland term was need to adapt lifestyles, Mrs Thatcher’s ‘conversion’ in 1988 (Guardian, 30 September 1988). often distorted (not living standards and only by Liberals) into future consumption patterns … de- helped to clarify the thinking of ‘sustainable growth’; and that, non- clining resources [are] being used up many Liberals. The Liberal Ecology sensically, was interpreted as ‘growth at a rate which cannot be sustained’; Group addressed an open letter which can be sustained indefinitely’. and Tim Beaumont wrote in The Yel- (concerning the new party’s consti- This, of course, negated the whole low Brick Road: ‘To be a liberal in the tution) to the Liberal negotiating point of the phrase. next hundred years will be pro- team, pointing out that the SDP’s During this period, Green activ- foundly difficult. It will involve es- political philosophy was based on the ists felt that the establishment (and sentially the ability to resist pressure old ‘grey’ economistic view, while many local activists) were very pale from two sides, both of which will that of the Liberals incorporated ‘green’ or even ‘anti-green’. There be largely right. One side will insist some ‘green’ elements. Whether in was even some friction between with more and more evidence that response to this or not, the new par- them and ‘communitarian radicals’. the continuation of human civilised ty’s constitution was even ‘greener’ One point the two sorts of radicals life needs draconian measures, that than the old Liberal one. did agree on, however, was that all the production of more children or During the Thatcher years the nuclear activity, both civil and mili- the wastage of more resources can- ‘grey–green’ debate (within the party tary, should be halted as soon as pos- not under any circumstances be al- as in society at large) developed in a sible. (There was, of course, a sub- lowed. The other side will insist, with curiously one-sided way. While stantial ‘non-radical’ rump who disa- journal of liberal democrat history 21: winter 1998–99 17 greed, and still disagree, with this SLD and the Green Party, of course; spring conference in Cardiff: ‘We view.) The establishment continued but the old jibe of ‘only a protest have completed the first part of the to plug the old line of ‘rebuilding the vote’, so often aimed at the Liberals, task, which is to become a green economy’; in the Liberal Treas- showed that the public thought the party; we now have to face up to the ury Affairs Panel published a docu- Green case was worth more of a pro- much bigger challenge, which is to ment (Managing the Economy) which test than ours. become a Green party, with a capi- showed little awareness of the eco- The realisation in the party that tal “G”.’ This, in my opinion, is logical crisis. When the YLs pro- green issues had public resonance led where we have to talk in terms of duced an Assembly motion attack- to a lot of rethinking of detailed the end of an era. The underlying ing the party’s economic policy policy during the s; theme of the Industrial Age is ex- (largely on ecological grounds) they communitarian issues (such as traf- pansion; the necessary theme of the were accused by David Steel of be- fic congestion, health, and fuel pov- post-industrial age we are now en- ing Marxists! And at a one-day con- erty) were seen to be clearly linked tering is conservation. These two ference on ‘People, Prosperity and to green concerns, and new ideas themes are, as I suggested in my first Politics’ in , organised by LINk, like resource taxation (especially a paragraph, quite incompatible, unless only one main speaker stressed a carbon tax) were taken on board. they are interpreted and adopted green approach, and the few refer- The party now regards growth of with great care. As Sidney Smith said, ences to it from participants were GDP as only a partial, and rather hearing two women shouting at shrugged off. unsatisfactory, measure of socioeco- each other from the top windows of It is hard to see just why the nomic well-being, and is looking at houses on opposite sides of the street: ‘thinking’ elements in the party were the Index of Sustainable Welfare to ‘Those two women will never agree; so slow to adopt a green stance; I supplement it. they are arguing from different believe that the prospect of improv- These shifts in the policy stance premises.’ We are in danger of join- ing our public image and of attract- of the party were not, of course, ing those women; the trouble is that ing more votes, which was a plausi- merely a populist response to the the arguments of the conventional ble idea in the s, was thought shift in public perceptions; there had expansionists are so insistent – and to depend on a radical stance in non- been a lot of thinking and debate so much in tune with what the con- economic matters, but a conven- within the party. MPs such as Simon sumer wants to hear – that the radi- tional one as far as economics was Hughes, Matthew Taylor, and Paul cal conserver is unheard. concerned. We stressed a ‘middle Tyler, and many candidates, were How far is the party’s reaction to way’ between high capitalism quick to see the voter appeal and the green/Green ideas part of the gen- (‘Thatcherism’) and centralised state essential rightness of ideas which had eral culture of our time, and how far control of the economy (‘socialism’). been, politically speaking, the prop- is it specifically Liberal? There is lit- What we did not take on board was erty of the Green Party for years, and tle doubt that at the level of green that, while the great majority of the were not afraid to advocate them. At ideas we are in the lead; we are in public agreed with us, Labour was the local level, many Lib Dem coun- step with many of the green pres- already seen as ‘the middle way’ by cils have now taken up such ideas as sure groups and have been praised the majority. What is more, our ‘non- recycling or integrated local traffic by many of the leading green com- economic’ radicalism had limited and transport schemes; but there mentators. But when it comes to the voter appeal and Labour was a far seems to be a prevalent idea that adoption of a truly Green philoso- more plausible non-Tory alternative. that’s as far as we need to go. But at phy, I regret that for many of us our The environment was not perceived least the terms of the debate within Liberalism prevents us from seeing by the party as an economic issue – some council groups (and, I believe, the wood for the trees. We are so as it was not by the public itself – in the higher echelons of the party) locked into the idea that freedom is and, what was worse, we did not link have shifted. It is now a matter of what matters that we regard any sug- the need for green policies with our pride that we are the only effective gestion that things will have to be other non-economic principles such green party. different from now on as a gross in- as localism, freedom of speech and But just how Green are we? As terference with individual liberties, information, or civil liberties. one of the original Greens I can see and a denial of our long-standing In fact, public opinion during the some signs of movement, but note faith in technological progress. s and s has shifted very sub- that there are many in the party who This is not just a matter of rural stantially. It was the European elec- argue, in effect, that we have gone MPs objecting to an increase in pet- tions in which made the party quite far enough towards an envi- rol duty, or gut resistance to the idea really take notice of this shift; only ronmental stance, and some of my of any kind of protectionism; it is in Cornwall did the Social & Lib- attempts to recruit more members much more fundamental. The indus- eral Democrats attract more votes for the Green Liberal Democrats trial ethos has developed into a frame than the Green Party. The first-past- have been quite rudely rebuffed. of mind which puts immediate grati- the-post electoral system hit both the Tim Beaumont said at the fication before long-term stability;
18 journal of liberal democrat history 21: winter 1998–99 and politicians are notoriously prone tant to come out in the open and To ny Beamish joined the Liberal Party to think in terms of one, perhaps argue that, if we as a species are to in hoping, as a committed Green, two, parliaments. What is more, we survive, the peoples of the advanced that it would become the main vehicle are conditioned to believing in the countries are going to have to learn for change in the economic thinking of ‘technical fix’. C. S. Lewis, in , to make themselves happy while us- the UK. In he co-founded the Lib- asked: ‘How has it come about that ing fewer of the world’s resources, eral Ecology Group (now the Green Lib- we use the highly emotive word stag- instead of always seeking to use eral Democrats). In he helped to nation, with all its malodorous and more. Since I am here on the edge get the famous Margate motion on con- malarial overtones, for what other of a completely different article (a ventional economic growth passed. He has ages would have called permanence? piece about the economics of the written several short papers on ecological Our assumption that everything is future rather than the Greening of economics, and the booklet No Free provisional and soon to be super- the Liberals) I will end by suggest- Lunch. seded, that the attainment of goods ing that the politics of the future will Notes: we have never yet had, rather than be about the end of the industrial J. S. Mill, Principles of Economics, Bk IV, the defence and conservation of age one way or another: will it be chap. VI. those we have already, is the cardi- possible to achieve a ‘soft landing’ or J. Ruskin, ‘Letters on Political Economy’: nal business of life, would most shock is catastrophe inevitable? To argue The Arrows of the Chase, Vol. . and bewilder [our ancestors].’ that the existing industrial-growth Lecture given at University College At this time of new changes in ethos must be retained, with its in- Dublin, April – my italics. See Ian Bradley’s book, The Strange Re- attitudes, when we are beginning to ordinate demands on the natural birth of Liberal Britain, p. . question the ‘assumption’ just world and on society, is to argue for quoted, the party seems to be reluc- a crash.
Research in Progress This column aims to assist research projects in progress. If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other helpful information – or if you know anyone who can – please pass on details to them. If you know of any other research project in progress for inclusion in this column, please send details to the Editor at the address on page 2.
The Unservile State Group, 1953–1970s. Dr Peter election campaigns during this period, and the changing Barberis, 24 Lime Avenue, Flixton, Manchester M41 5DE. nature of elections, as increased use was made of the press and the platform. Kathryn Rix, Christ's College, Defections of northeast Liberals to the Cambridge, CB2 2BU; [email protected]. Conservatives, c.1906–1914. Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an The political and electoral strategy of the Liberal understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources Party 1970–79. Individual constituency papers from this include personal papers and newspapers; suggestions period, and contact with individuals who were members of about how to get hold of the papers of more obscure the Party’s policy committees and/or the Party Council, Liberal defectors welcome. Nick Cott, 1a Henry Street, particularly welcome. Ruth Fox, 7 Mulberry Court, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; Bishop’s Stortford, Herts CM23 3JW. [email protected]. The Liberal Party 1945–56. Contact with members Liberals and the local government of London (or opponents) of the Radical Reform Group during the 1919–39. Chris Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guidlford 1950s, and anyone with recollections of the leadership of GU2 6XD; [email protected]. Clement Davies, sought. Graham Lippiatt, 24 Balmoral Road, South Harrow, HA2 8TD. The grassroots organisation of the Liberal Party 1945–64; the role of local activists in the late 1950s The Liberal Party and foreign and defence revival of the Liberal Party. Mark Egan, First Floor Flat, 16 policy, 1922–88. Book and articles; of particular Oldfields Circus, Northolt, Middlesex UB5 4RR. interest is the 1920s and ’30s, and also the possibility of interviewing anyone involved in formulating the foreign The party agent and English electoral culture, and defence policies of the party. Dr R. S. Grayson, 8 c.1880 – c.1906. The development of political agency Cheltenham Avenue, Twickenham TW1 3HD. as a profession, the role of the election agent in managing
journal of liberal democrat history 21: winter 1998–99 19