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INTERNAL and EXTERNAL INFLUENCES on the DISINTEGRATION and COLLAPSE of the MAHDIST STATE in SUDAN (1885 - 1899) Reference: Abdelgader, A.O.A

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SOCIAL MENTALITY AND RESEARCHER THINKERS JOURNAL Doı: http://dx.doi.org/10.31576/smryj.513 RESEARCH ARTICLE SmartJournal 2020; 6(31):696-719 Arrival : 11/03/2020 Published : 29/05/2020 INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL INFLUENCES ON THE DISINTEGRATION AND COLLAPSE OF THE MAHDIST STATE IN SUDAN (1885 - 1899) Reference: Abdelgader, A.O.A. (2020). “Internal And External Influences On The Disintegration And Collapse Of The Mahdist State In Sudan (1885-1899)”, International Social Mentality and Researcher Thinkers Journal, (Issn:2630-631X) 6(31): 696-719. Abdelbagi Omer Ahmad ABDELGADER University of Sakarya, Department of History Graduate Student, Sakarya/Turkey ABSTRACT This article examines the internal and external influences and their role in the disintegration and collapse of the Mahdist state during the period 1885-189. The researcher concluded that there are internal and external factors that played a major role in weakening the power of the Mahdia state and then led to its downfall. The article includes entry and two main sections. In the entrance to the article, the researcher discusses the emergence of the Mahdia state, the stages of its development, and then the emergence of the idea of Mahdia in the Muslim community. The researcher also discusses the internal effects that led to the disintegration and the fall of the Mahdia state, which he summarizes in five topics. First: the absence of the spiritual factor represented by the personality of the Mahdi, who is considered the founder of the first Mahdia state and the pretender of the prospect of the Mahdi. Second: The political revolutions that broke out in some provinces of the country Anzac to reach power. Third: Tribal revolutions, which were not aimed at obtaining absolute power, but arose as a result of the state interfering in its lifestyle and forcing it to laws and regulations that contradict the traditional systems of life in which it lives. Fourth: The weakness of the state, which is represented in the economic and technical aspects, as this factor had a profound impact on the fall of the state. Whereas, the state did not have enough economic power to enable it to cover its expenditures at the civil and military levels. Also, the state did not have any recent industrial advancement that would enable it to manufacture advanced weapons for the defense itself. Fifth: Foreign intelligence, as foreign agents and intelligence agents spied on the state's secrets, which led to exposing its weaknesses and knowledge of its economic and military capabilities. Accordingly, she began to wait in wait for the Mahdia state and search hard for the appropriate opportunity to eliminate it. The second section of this article includes two main topics. In the first topic, the researcher discusses the failure of the foreign policy of the Mahdia state and its impact on the fall of the state. As for the second topic, the researcher deals with the European colonial expansion that invaded the property of the Mahdia state and its territories, which led to its fall and the fall of the country under the rule of British colonialism that spanned from 1898 - 1956. Keywords: The internal influences on the disintegration and collapse of the Mahdia state - Sudan - the Mahdia state. 1. INTRODUTION The Mahdia state is attributed to its founder, Mohammed Ahmed bin Abdullah bin Fahl, whose accounts differed in the place of his birth. Mohammed Ahmed belongs to an honourable Arab family whose lineage is related to the honourable house of the descendants of Ali bin Abi Talib, the honour of God, the face (Dabakh 2012-2013). Mohammed Ahmed grew up in a poor family and his father used to make small boats used for transportation and fishing. Since his childhood, Mohamed Ahmed had no desire to work in the family (making boats), as he always tended to know and meditate(Rossi 1994). Due to the scarcity and scarcity of wood on the island of Labab, his family was forced to leave the island of Labab in search of a better way to live, and after a long journey, his family settled in the village of Karry, north of Omdurman (S. M. Hassan 1953). After his family settled, Mohammed Ahmed joined one of Khartoum's cells, and the Khlalawy are religious schools famous in Sudan with this name in the past for memorizing the Holy Quran and its sciences. In the Khalwa Mohammed Ahmed learned to read, write, calculate, and memorize the Holy Quran, and he did not exceed twelve years of age. After that, he joined Khlalawy or Ommarhay in the Al-Jazeera region, where he was a student at the hands of Sheikh Mohammed Sharif Noor Al-Permanent, and while he was on the island, he heard about Khalwa's ghosting in the region of Berber. Mohammed Ahmed then decided to join one of the Sufi orders to obtain the scientific license at the hands of a famous sheik, and he was impressed with the obesity method that was led by Sheikh Mohammed Sharif Noor Al-Diem. During this period, Mohammed Ahmed became famous for his diligence, perseverance, and piety, which earned him respect and appreciation from his teachers and colleagues. One of the situations that I mentioned about him was that he was refusing school food ©Copyright 2020 by Social Mentality And Researcher Thinkers Journal Social, Mentality and Researcher Thinkers Journal 2020 MAY (Vol 6 - Issue:31) (Al-Khlalawy) on the pretext that it was money from the government that took it from the poor and vulnerable people without the right. His Sheikh Mohammed Sharif admired him and gave him a piece of his private land to take care of him for an agreed fee. In addition to the foregoing, Mohammed Ahmed was rejecting all customs and traditions that contradict Islamic norms such as music, dance, mixing between men and women, finery, and other manifestations of immorality, degradation, and distance from all suspected (Abdeljalil 1955). This is evident in his disagreement with his spiritual teacher, Mohammed Sharif Noor Al-Daim, who was said to have held a ceremony marking the circumcision of his children. In this ceremony, musical instruments and music were used, and Mohammed Ahmed started strongly opposing this behaviour. He was said to have entered into an intense debate between him and his sheik, who immediately expelled him from the obese way (Shabikka 1991). It was reported that Sheikh Mohammed Sharif Nur al-Daim said that the reason for his expulsion of Mohammed Ahmed was that he had speculated that he was the expected Mahdi. He forbade him from leaving these ideas on the pretext that no one had advocated them before him in these countries, and when he insisted on sticking to them, he had to expel him from the method, which is what we find in his famous poem he organized in defamation of Mohammed Ahmed. After his Sheikh Mohammed Sharif expelled him from the obese way, he joined Sheikh Al-Qurashy wad Al-Zain, the Sheikh of the obese method in the island, so he improved his hospitality, and it did not take a few years until he granted him the honour of a sheik, "he obtained the method" as is common knowledge of the Sufis. Then he returned to the island, Aba, where his brothers settled after the death of their father, married his cousin, Ahmed Sharif, and became the leader of the obesity method on the island, Aba. It was not long before people began to flock to him as groups and individuals to take blessing and knowledge for what he knew of righteousness and met (Holt 1970). During his stay on the island, Aba, and he received news of the death of his Sheikh Al- Qurashy wad Al-Zain, who took the obesity method, and Mohammed Ahmed wanted to return the beautiful to his Sheikh, so he decided to travel to the island and decided to build a dome over the shrine of his Sheikh as usual in the Sufi culture. This explains the difference between the position of Mohammed Ahmed “Al-Mahdi" regarding some of the Sufi customs, and the position of Mohammed bin Abdul-Wahhab, the leader of the Wahhabi movement, who considered building domes on the shrines as an explicit polytheism that should be fought against anyone who insists on doing it. Especially that some writers believe that Mohammed Ahmed was influenced by Wahhabi thought, while Mohammed Ahmed was building the dome of his teacher Al-Qurashy wad Al-Zain. A man from West Sudan called Abdullah bin Mohammed called him Taishy, and when Abdullah saw coexistence, this is what Mohammed Ahmed characterized from righteousness. The pious had told him that he was the awaited Mahdi and he saw in his dream that he would be among his supporters (Bayoumy 1995). The prophecy of the expected Mahdi exit was rooted in Sudanese society at the same time as other societies, both Islamic and non-Islamic, because of that era of oppression, injustice, and tyranny. Some of the clerics even predicted that the Mahdi would leave his disciples. Also, Abdullah Al-Taishy was among the enthusiasts and believers of the imminent appearance of the Mahdi. It was reported that he called Al-Zubair Pasha and to Darfur by the Egyptian government the expected Mahdi, but Al-Zubair rejected this idea and expelled Abdullah Al-Taishy from the Darfur region (Imail 1998,p. 96). The idea of the awaited Mahdi or Mahdia is based on the belief that a man at the end of time will come to fill the land justly after it is filled with injustice and oppression. In the Noble Qur’an, the name of the awaited Mahdi did not include the loyalty of his appearance, loyalty to his moral or ethical qualities.
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