276 the Dramatization of Determinism: a Lexander of Aphrodisias

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

276 the Dramatization of Determinism: a Lexander of Aphrodisias The Dramatization of Determinism: A lexander of Aphrodisias' De Fato DOROTHEA FREDE 'Determinism has many meanings, but there are, mainly and for the most part, four different kinds of problems connected with this notion', Aristotle might have said had he employed the concept of determinism. In his philosophical writings we can distinguish the following questions. (a) There is logical determinism, i.e. the necessity of the conclusions following from their premises (under this title I also want to subsume the problem of the Sea Battle)', (b) there is physical determinism, the necessity of the connection of cause and effect, (c) there is ethical determinism concerning the dependence of human action on internal ('character') and external conditions, and (d) there is teleological determinism, i.e. that everything has an end or serves some purpose. Aristotle does not always distinguish between these kinds of determinateness nor is he always con- sistent in his own position but it seems clear to me that he was aware of the 2 determinist's dilemma.2 But since no radical deterministic theory comprising all these notions of determinism seems to have been proposed by any of the rival schools (pace Megaricorum) Aristotle did not have to maintain an all encompassing position. The need for a clarification of the Peripatetic position with respect to the problem of determinism and the concept of fate must have existed long before Alexander of Aphrodisias, the most important commentator on Aristotle's writings, produced the little treatise On Fate which he dedicated to the emperors Septimius Severus and Caracalla (terminus ante quem 2111 AD). As we know from other sources,3 there raged a never ending battle about the notion of fate among the schools, a battle in which the various opponents seem to have relied on the same kind of arguments, counter- arguments and examples time and again. Alexander himself does not claim originality; he professes to give only an account of the Aristotelian position (cf. 164, 13; 212,5) which he compares with and defends against the more rigid determinism of a rival school. All commentators agree that the target of Alexander's criticism must be the Stoa. Opinions differ on the question why Alexander does not mention the Stoa or any of its members. The 276 ancient habit of not citing the name of a living person in criticism would suggest that Alexander is dealing with the position of a contemporary, a contemporary as it seems who maintained a stronger determinism than, e.g., Chrysippus himself as witnessed in Cicero's De fato, and who does not always understand the refinements of the earlier Stoic compatibilism. There is, of course, the problem of our sources' historical accuracy and fairness. The openly polemical tone and arguments in Alexander make it difficult to assess what, precisely, the Stoic position was and whether Alexander in his reductio arguments (his favourite method of criticism) does not distort the Peripatetic position sometimes too. I will try to present a 'reasonable' Stoic position and work out what the main points of 4 disagreement are.4 ( 1 )Fate as the 'efficient ' cause (aitia poietike) Since Aristotle himself does not employ the notion of fate or 'heimarmen%', the traditional Greek term for fate, Alexander has to give an account of how this concept fits into the Aristotelian system. In the opening chapters he simply identifies fate with nature (169, 18ff) such that whatever is or happens by nature is or happens by fate. This identification allows him to give a definite limit to the scope of fate: since not everything in nature happens in accordance with nature but some things take a course against nature the same holds true for fate; there are things which go against fate (170,5). This seems, at first sight, to be a simple and harmless enough device. Upon a closer look, however, it turns out not to be quite so simple. For Alexander assigns only one of the four causes in nature to fate, namely the aitia poiëtikë, viz. the efficient cause. This is remarkable because one would have expected that form and telos would be regarded as natural determining factors as important as the efficient cause, if not more so. For Aristotle often treats the efficient cause as if it were of minor importance; it usually figures as the source from which a change or motion originates, but it does not bring about the effect by itself (artefacts excluded, of course - here the artist is the efficient cause). As I will further explain later it is, in fact, quite misleading to translate Aristotle's poiëtikë aitia (even when he uses that term, which he often does not) by 'efficient cause'. For the notion of a cause (or the cause) which brings about an effect with necessity bears rather un-Aristotelian conno- tations. It seems to originate from the debate over the Stoic conception of fate and determinism and to have gradually seeped into the general 5 understanding of causality in later antiquity.5 277 .
Recommended publications
  • Ennius Or Cicero? the Disreputable Diviners at Cic
    ACTA CLASSICAXLIV(200/) 153-166 ISSN 0065-1141 ENNIUS OR CICERO? THE DISREPUTABLE DIVINERS AT CIC. DE DIV. 1.132 A.T. Nice University of the Witwatersrand ABSTRACT At the end of the first book of Cicero's De Divir1atior1e, Quintus remarks that, even though he believes in divination, there are some diviners whom he would not trust to give accurate predictions. These comments are followed by a quotation from Ennius' Telamo. Most modem scholars have assumed, therefore, that the previous lines also contain an echo, if not a paraphrase of Ennius' work. This supposition does not seem to be supported by the language or style employed by Cicero. The lines should rather be understood as embodying the parochial view that elite Romans had towards forms of divination that were foreign, rustic or mercenary and not practised by the Roman state. I At the end of the first book of De Divinatione ( 1.132), Quintus completes his argument in favour of divination by denying the respectability of certain kinds ofdiviners: Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini. 1 The lines that follow, '(sed)2 superstitiosi vates inpudentes harioli ... de his di vitiis sibi deducant drachmam, reddant cetera,' are normally attributed to Ennius. Some previous commentators considered that the Ennius quotation should begin earlier, specifically from 'non habeo denique nauci.' 3 In favour 1 I use here the Teubner edition of R.
    [Show full text]
  • 582 in Altman's Two Books on Plato, Plato the Teacher
    582 Book Reviews William H. F. Altman, (2016) The Revival of Platonism in Cicero’s Late Philosophy: Platonis aemulus and the invention of Cicero. Lanham, MD; London: Lexington Books. xxxii + 351 pp. $100.00. ISBN 9781498527118 (hbk). In Altman’s two books on Plato, Plato the Teacher (2012) and The Guardians in Action (2016), we find the traditional reading of Plato, i.e., the philosopher of ‘unchanging, eternal, and transcendent Ideas’ (p. xviii), combined with a rather unique interpretation of Plato as a pedagogue, whose main goal is not to instantiate the ideal state in reality but rather to spread an enlightened form of democracy through an ennobling education program of philosophy. Altman’s interpretation of Cicero as reader of Plato naturally progresses from these two books. Cicero is not the Academic Skeptic, as recent scholarship has argued, but rather an advocate for Platonic transcendence – and one no less relevant to our own historical moment than to the crisis for which Cicero’s philosophy was immediately intended: the fallen Republic. Central to Altman’s argument on Cicero is the main theme of his earlier work on Plato: the return to the cave. According to Altman, although Plato’s belief in transcendent Ideas of the world of intelligibility is genuine, the goal of Plato as philosophical pedagogue is not transcendence but rather a return to the chaotic world of becoming, in which politics take place. Cicero then, in his emulation and rivalry of Plato, is picking up where Plato left off. He is not merely indulging in Platonic transcendence but relying on his philosophical rhetoric at its most subtle level to win over an ideologically fraught and often incredulous Roman readership to political enlightenment and devotion to the Ideas.
    [Show full text]
  • Steel, C. (2017) Re Publica Nihil Desperatius: Salvaging the State in Cicero’S Pre-Civil War Philosophical Works
    Steel, C. (2017) Re publica nihil desperatius: salvaging the state in Cicero’s pre-civil war philosophical works. In: Müller, G. M. and Zini, F. M. (eds.) Philosophie in Rom - Römische Philosophie? Kultur-, literatur- und philosophiegeschichtliche Perspektiven. Series: Beiträge zur Altertumskunde (358). De Gruyter, pp. 269-282. ISBN 9783110493108. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/153358/ Deposited on: 12 December 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Re publica nihil desperatius: salvaging the state in Cicero’s pre-civil war philosophical works CATHERINE STEEL When Cicero summarised his philosophical output in the second book of De divinatione (div. 2,1–4) written in 44 B.C., he treated all the prose treatises that he had written since his consulship (with the single puzzling exception of de legibus) as a single oeuvre. No distinction is drawn between ‘philo- sophy’ and ‘rhetoric’ or between works written before and after the water- shed of the Civil War and the period of Cicero’s active participation in that conflict. De re publica – which he describes as written when he held gubernacula rei publicae – is included in the list after the trio of De natura deorum, De divinatione itself and the prospective De fato; and, invoking the practice of Aristotle and Theophrastus, his oratorii libri, including De oratore alongside Orator and Brutus, are given at the end of the catalogue.
    [Show full text]
  • M. Tullii Ciceronis Laelius De Amicitia
    This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project to make the world’s books discoverable online. It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that’s often difficult to discover. Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book’s long journey from the publisher to a library and finally to you. Usage guidelines Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. We also ask that you: + Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for personal, non-commercial purposes. + Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google’s system: If you are conducting research on machine translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion
    CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by John Patrick Frederick Wynne January 2008 CICERO ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION: DE NATURA DEORUM AND DE DIVINATIONE. John Patrick Frederick Wynne, Ph. D. Cornell University, 2008 Cicero wrote de Natura Deorum (dND), de Divinatione (Div.) and de Fato (Fat.) in succession and describes the latter two as continuations of the first. I argue that the three dialogues form a trilogy, in which Cicero as author indicates a stance on the material he presents (but that too little of the fragmentary Fat. remains to be useful for my purposes). There are much-debated attributions of preferences to Cicero’s propriae personae at the conclusions of dND and Div.; I take these preferences to express Cicero’s authorial stance. I examine relevant parts of the speeches to which they react and, first, make philosophical interpretations of each (often comparing other sources for Hellenistic thought) and, second, pay attention to the interaction of Cicero’s characterization of each speaker with the arguments the speaker gives. I find that Balbus in dND advocates the avoidance of superstition and the reform of religious beliefs in line with Stoic physics and that Cotta has a strong commitment to traditional Roman religious views consistent with his sceptical epistemology. Cotta’s scepticism is elusive in its details but perhaps yields a kind of fideism. I find that Quintus Cicero’s advocacy in Div.
    [Show full text]
  • Fate, Chance, and Fortune in Ancient Thought
    FATE, CHANCE, AND FORTUNE IN ANCIENT THOUGHT LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY Adolf Hakkert Publishing - Amsterdam Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors 1. Antiaristotelismo, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 1999 2. Plato Physicus, Cosmologia e antropologia nel ‘Timeo’, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2003 (out of print) 3. Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al ‘De caelo’ di Aristotele, Frammenti del primo libro, a cura di A. Rescigno, 2005 (out of print) 4. La catena delle cause. Determinismo e antideterminismo nel pensiero antico e con- temporaneo, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2005 5. Cicerone ‘De fato’, Seminario Internazionale, Venezia 10-12 Luglio 2006, a cura di S. Maso, ex “Lexis” 25/2007, pp. 1-162 6. Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al ‘De caelo’ di Aristotele, Frammenti del secon- do, terzo e quarto libro, a cura di A. Rescigno, 2008 7. Studi sulle Categorie di Aristotele, a cura di M. Bonelli e F.G. Masi, 2011 8. Ch. Vassallo, Filosofia e ‘sonosfera’ nei libri II e III della Repubblica di Platone, 2011 9. Fate, Chance, and Fortune in Ancient Thought, F.G. Masi - S. Maso (eds.), 2013 LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY (ed. minor) Libreria Cafoscarina Editrice s.r.l. - Venezia Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors 1. Plato Physicus, Cosmologia e antropologia nel ‘Timeo’, a cura di C. Natali e S. Maso, 2011 2. Cicerone ‘De fato’, Seminario Internazionale, Venezia 10-12 Luglio 2006, a cura di S. Maso, 2012 LEXIS ANCIENT PHILOSOPHY Adolf Hakkert Publishing - Amsterdam Carlos Lévy and Stefano Maso editors IX ADOLF M. HAKKERT – PUBLISHING Amsterdam 2013 Volume pubblicato con il parziale contributo PRIN 2009 responsabile prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Natali, Determinism Tr. 30.3.2020
    1 C. Natali Determinism and deliberation in Alexander of Aphrodisias [traduzione rivista 31.3.2020] I In this paper I defend a minority position in contemporary scholarship on Alexander of Aphrodisias with regard to the theme of determinism and his theory of what is up to us. Many modern scholars agree about the following basic points. The first point is that Aristotle did not develop a specific stance on the problem of determinism, given the fact that at the time this problem was not considered a central theme in the philosophical debate. Second, Alexander’s position on indeterminism was influenced by the debate in the imperial period rather than that he offers an exact account as to what Aristotle had maintained. In the third place, indeterminism is a slightly embarrassing position to hold; therefore, it is better to liberate the ancient philosophers from it, in so far as possible. What is more, a strong tendency can be discerned to attribute some form of compatibilism to most of the ancient philosophical schools – which cannot be easily reconciled with the polemics that existed between the schools. As for me, I think that already in Plato’s Academy philosophers began to reflect on the problem of determinism, freedom and human responsibility, starting out from certain statements in Plato’s Republic and in book 10 of the Laws.1 As far as Alexander is concerned, I think that his position can be characterised as a kind of ‘creative orthodoxy’, which consists in trying to show the vitality of the Aristotelian view point in the debate in imperial times.
    [Show full text]
  • Heeaclitus of Ephesus
    THE FRAGMENTS OP THE WOKK OF HEEACLITUS OF EPHESUS ON NATURE TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK TEXT OF BYWATER, WITH AN INTRODUCTION HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL G. T. W. PATRICK, PH.D. PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA BALTIMOKE N. MURKAY 1889 5 JUG FB P3 [Reprinted from the AMEKICAN JOUKNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY, 1888.] A THESIS ACCEPTED FOR THE DEGREE OP DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY, 1888. OF ISAAC FRIEDENWALD, BALTIMORE. I. All thoughts, all creeds, all dreams are true, All visions wild and strange ; Man is the measure of all truth Unto himself. All truth is change, All men do walk in sleep, and all Have faith in that they dream : For all things are as they seem to all, And all things flow like a stream. II. There is no rest, no calm, 110 pause, Nor good nor ill, nor light nor shade, Nor essence nor eternal laws : For nothing is, but all is made. But if I dream that all these are, for that I dream They are to me ; For all things are as they seem to all, And all things flow like a stream. Argal this very opinion is only true relatively to the flowing philosophers. TENNYSON. PREFACE. The latest writers on Heraclitus, namely, Gustav Teichmiiller and Edmund Pfleiderer, have thought it necessary to preface their works with an apology for adding other monographs to the Heraclitic literature, already enriched by treatises from such distinguished men as Schleiermacher, Lassalle, Zeller, and Schuster. That still other study of Heraclitus, however, needs no apology, will be admitted when it is seen that these scholarly critics, instead of determining the place of Heraclitus in the history of philosophy, have so far disagreed, that while Schuster makes him out to be a sensationalist and empiricist, Lassalle finds that he is a rationalist and idealist.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero's Style
    MNS-245-albrecht.qxd 03/04/2003 12:13 Page i CICERO’S STYLE MNS-245-albrecht.qxd 03/04/2003 12:13 Page ii MNEMOSYNE BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA BATAVA COLLEGERUNT H. PINKSTER • H. S. VERSNEL D.M. SCHENKEVELD • P. H. SCHRIJVERS S.R. SLINGS BIBLIOTHECAE FASCICULOS EDENDOS CURAVIT H. PINKSTER, KLASSIEK SEMINARIUM, OUDE TURFMARKT 129, AMSTERDAM SUPPLEMENTUM DUCENTESIMUM QUADRAGESIMUM QUINTUM MICHAEL VON ALBRECHT CICERO’S STYLE MNS-245-albrecht.qxd 03/04/2003 12:13 Page iii CICERO’S STYLE A SYNOPSIS FOLLOWED BY SELECTED ANALYTIC STUDIES BY MICHAEL VON ALBRECHT BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2003 MNS-245-albrecht.qxd 03/04/2003 12:13 Page iv This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Albrecht, Michael von. Cicero’s Style: a synopsis / by Michael von Albrecht. p. cm. – (Mnemosyne, bibliotheca classica Batava. Supplementum ; 245) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 90-04-12961-8 1. Cicero, Marcus Tullius–Literary style. 2. Speeches, addresses, etc., Latin–History and criticism. 3. Latin language–Style. 4. Rhetoric, Ancient. 5. Oratory, Ancient. I. Title. II. Series. PA6357.A54 2003 875’.01–dc21 2003045375 ISSN 0169-8958 ISBN 90 04 12961 8 © Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
    [Show full text]
  • The Idle Argument in Cicero's De Fato
    SMITH “IDLE ARGUMENT IN CICERO’S DE FATO” The Idle Argument in Cicero’s De Fato Kevin Smith Indiana University Purdue University Fort Wayne Abstract Throughout the course of this paper I examine Cicero’s analysis of the Idle Argument for fatalism and the two possible refutations of the argument that he mentions in his work entitled De Fato. Between the two refutations, one of which was originally given by the Stoic Chrysippus and the other by the Academic Skeptic Carneades, Cicero clearly expresses preference for the one given by Carneades. Cicero claims to prefer Carneades’s refutation for two reasons: because it is simpler than Chrysippus’s refutation and because it allows for praise and blame to be justly applied while Chrysippus’s refutation does not. I argue that this was a mistake, due to the fact that both refutations are equally complicated and they both allow for praise and blame to be justly applied. Upon showing that both of Cicero’s reasons for preferring Carneades’s refutation were false, I conclude that Cicero had no good reason for preferring one refutation over the other and that he therefore made a mistake when he claimed that Carneades’s refutation was better than the one given by Chrysippus. Are we as human beings in control of our own lives, and if so to what extent? This is one of the most frequently asked questions in the history of Western philosophy, and many philosophers have tried to answer it from their own unique philosophical perspective. One of the most interesting treatments of this issue was written by the philosopher and statesman Marcus Tullius Cicero back in the first century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Discovery of the Freewill Problem Author(S): Pamela Huby Source: Philosophy, Vol
    Royal Institute of Philosophy The First Discovery of the Freewill Problem Author(s): Pamela Huby Source: Philosophy, Vol. 42, No. 162 (Oct., 1967), pp. 353-362 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of Royal Institute of Philosophy Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3748497 Accessed: 06-06-2019 19:40 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3748497?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Royal Institute of Philosophy, Cambridge University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Philosophy This content downloaded from 198.137.18.103 on Thu, 06 Jun 2019 19:40:59 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF TE FREEWILL PROBLEM' PAMELA HUBY HISTORICALLY there have been two main freewill problems, the problem of freedom versus predestination, which is mainly theo- logical, and the problem of freedom versus determinism, which has exercised the minds of many of the great modern philosophers. The latter problem is seldom stated in full detail, for its elements are taken as so obvious that they do not need to be stated.
    [Show full text]
  • 582 in Altman's Two Books on Plato, Plato the Teacher
    582 Book Reviews William H. F. Altman, (2016) The Revival of Platonism in Cicero’s Late Philosophy: Platonis aemulus and the invention of Cicero. Lanham, MD; London: Lexington Books. xxxii + 351 pp. $100.00. ISBN 9781498527118 (hbk). In Altman’s two books on Plato, Plato the Teacher (2012) and The Guardians in Action (2016), we find the traditional reading of Plato, i.e., the philosopher of ‘unchanging, eternal, and transcendent Ideas’ (p. xviii), combined with a rather unique interpretation of Plato as a pedagogue, whose main goal is not to instantiate the ideal state in reality but rather to spread an enlightened form of democracy through an ennobling education program of philosophy. Altman’s interpretation of Cicero as reader of Plato naturally progresses from these two books. Cicero is not the Academic Skeptic, as recent scholarship has argued, but rather an advocate for Platonic transcendence – and one no less relevant to our own historical moment than to the crisis for which Cicero’s philosophy was immediately intended: the fallen Republic. Central to Altman’s argument on Cicero is the main theme of his earlier work on Plato: the return to the cave. According to Altman, although Plato’s belief in transcendent Ideas of the world of intelligibility is genuine, the goal of Plato as philosophical pedagogue is not transcendence but rather a return to the chaotic world of becoming, in which politics take place. Cicero then, in his emulation and rivalry of Plato, is picking up where Plato left off. He is not merely indulging in Platonic transcendence but relying on his philosophical rhetoric at its most subtle level to win over an ideologically fraught and often incredulous Roman readership to political enlightenment and devotion to the Ideas.
    [Show full text]