Afghan Presidential Election: Potential Candidates and Powerbrokers
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Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD by Brian Glyn Williams
VOLUME VI, ISSUE 8 APRIL 17, 2008 IN THIS ISSUE: DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD By Brian Glyn Williams....................................................................................1 SINO-PAKISTANI DEFENSE RELATIONS AND THE WAR ON TERRORISM By Tariq Mahmud Ashraf................................................................................4 CAPABILITIES AND RESTRAINTS IN TURKEY’S COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICY By Gareth Jenkins...........................................................................................7 AL-QAEDA’S PALESTINIAN INROADS Abdul Rashid Dostum By Fadhil Ali....................................................................................................10 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. Dostum: Afghanistan’s Embattled Warlord The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- By Brian Glyn Williams makers and other specialists yet be accessible to the general While the resurgence of the Taliban is the focus of interest in the Pashtun south public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the of Afghanistan, the year started with a different story in the north that many are authors and do not necessarily depicting as one of the greatest challenges to the Karzai government. Namely the reflect those of The Jamestown surreal confrontation between General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the larger-than- Foundation. life Uzbek jang salar (warlord)—who was once described as “one of the best equipped and armed warlords ever”—and one of his former aides [1]. In a move that many critics of the situation in Afghanistan saw as epitomizing Unauthorized reproduction or the Karzai government’s cravenness in dealing with brutal warlords, the Afghan redistribution of this or any government backed away from arresting Dostum after he beat up and kidnapped Jamestown publication is strictly a former election manager and spokesman in Kabul on February 3 (IHT, February prohibited by law. -
Fighting, and This Was How They Consolidated Control . 1 ~ L
• MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD Interviewee: Afghan Vice President Karim Khalili Location: Presidential Palace, Kabul, Afghanistan Date: Thursday, October 23, 2Q03 Participants: Philip Zelikow, Kevin Scheid, Mike Hurley; David Sedney (Charge, U.S. Embassy Kabul) Drafted by: Mike Hurley Reviewed by: Philip Zelikow Additional Info: None Background Karim Khalili is one of four Vice Presidents of the Afghan Transitional Administration headed by President Hamid Karzai. Khalili is a Hazara Shi'a and was a military commander and leader of Bamian Province, which has a substantial Shi'ite population. A large number of Shi'ites were murdered and inhabitants of Bamian suffered enormously • under the'Taliban regime. 9/11 Classified Information 9/11 Personal Privacy Khalili pescribes Pre-9/ll The Government of Pakistan, in particular ISID, supported the Talbian he said. The Taliban used"the lawlessness prevailing in Afghanistan in the mid-1990's to offer. an alternative to a people fed up with chaos ·and factional • fighting, and this was how they consolidated control . 1 ~ l The Taliban hated the Hazaras and killed more than 10,000 in Bamian. Their oppression and cruelty broke the dignity and pride of people, he said, and Bamian inhabitants lost • their fighting spirit for a time. The last six months of Taliban rule were the worst. Khalili said Taliban forces were better trained than they have been given credit for. They had good communications and were effective in fighting the Northern Alliance. Al-Qaida-Taliban Ties' AI-Qaida trained the Taliban. Usama bin Ladin provided money to Mullah Ornar and the Taliban in general. -
“TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
“TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan ....................................................................... -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
Afghanistan: an Overview
Afghanistan: An Overview by Iraj Bashiri copyright 2002 General information Location and Terrain Afghanistan is a mountainous country centered primarily around the Hindu Kush range of mountains. Nearly three quarters of the country is covered by mountains that range in height anywhere between 3,000 to 4,000 feet. Afghanistan is bound to the north by the three republics of Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan; to the east by Tajikistan and China; to the south by Pakistan; and to the west by Iran. The inhabitants of the kingdom live in the river valleys created by the Kabul, Harirud, Andarab, and Hirmand rivers. The economy of Afghanistan is based on wet and dry farming as well as on herding. Afghanistan Overview Topography and Climate The weather in Afghanistan is varied depending on climatic zones. Generally, the winters are cold to mild (32 to 45 F.) and the summers (75 to 90 F.) are hot with no precipitation. No doubt Afghan topography and climate greatly impact transportation and social mobility and hampers the country's progress towards independence and nationhood. Ethnic Mix In 1893, when the Duran line was drawn and modern Afghanistan was created, the region of present-day Islamic Republic of Afghanistan was populated by two main ethnic groups: Indo-European and Turkish. Some pockets of Arab nomads, Hindus, and Jews also lived in the region mostly close to the Panj River valley. The Indo-European population was a continuation of the dominant Indo-Iranian branch in the north and west centered in the cities of Bukhara and Tehran, respectively. The Hindu Kush mountain divided this Indo-Iranian population into four ethnic zones: Pushtuns to the south and southeast; Tajiks to the northeast of the Hindu Kush range; Parsiwans to the west; and Baluch to the southwest The Pushtuns, who later (1950's) made an unsuccessful attempt at creating a Pushtunistan, numbered about 13,000,000. -
Taliban Now Masters of Afghanistan, a Victory for Pakistan
KABUL Taliban now masters of Afghanistan, a victory for Pakistan WORLD 18-08-2021 Gianandrea Gaiani "They won, and now the Taliban will protect Afghans," the former president of Afghanistan, Ashraf Ghani, explained in a message on Facebook. Ghani added that he had fled "to avoid a massacre" that will start with the capital Kabul. He and his wife, his chief of staff and national security adviser have all arrived in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan. Meanwhile, the Taliban flag now flies over the Afghan presidential palace. It is white with the “shahada,” embroidered words in Arabic witnessing God: "I declare that there is no deity other than God. And I declare that Mohammed is the prophet of God". Afghanistan will revert to the name it had before the Americans arrived in 2001 , the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. In the meantime, the US military will work to guarantee air traffic at Kabul airport to facilitate evacuations, but only for a few more days until the airlift is completed. In a joint statement, the United States Pentagon and State Department announced measures to secure the Afghan airport in order to "enable the safe exit of US personnel and their allies from Afghanistan, both civilian and military, by air. Over the next 48 hours, we will have expanded our security presence to nearly 6,000 troops, with a mission focused exclusively on facilitating these efforts, and will be in charge of air traffic control" at the airport, the statement said. Future developments in Afghanistan will, however, depend above all on the decisions that will be made in Pakistan, the long-standing sponsor of the Taliban movement and the real political and military architect of the Taliban 'blitzkrieg' that swept across Afghanistan in a week. -
April & May 2009
PARLIAMENTARY BULLETIN Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. AFGHANISTAN ABDUL SAMAD DR. BABAK KHALATBARI No. 04 & 05/2009 APRIL & MAY 2009 www.kas.de/afghanistan www.kas.de Review: The people of Afghanistan Lower House MPs called Minister will succeed!" the 91-year-old Khoram for further interpellation Zahir Shah told the assembly to on the 20th of April 2009, and from applause. The parliamentary and the 123 MPs present in the Lower provincial council elections were House on that day, majority MPs held on 18 September 2005. voted in favour of Minister Khoram Afterwards, the first results were to continue his work as the Minister declared on 9 October. Final results of Information and Culture. were delayed by accusations of fraud, and were announced on 12 Majority of the MPs was absent on November. Former warlords and the 22nd of April 2009, therefore, their followers gained majority of the Lower House could not the seats in both the Lower House continue with its general session and provincial councils. Women on that day. Those MPs who were won around 28% of the seats in present in the house said that a the Lower House, six seats more large number of MPs are on regular than the 25% guaranteed in the visits to foreign countries. MPs Afghan Constitution which was asked that when MPs return from launched in 2004. Approximately their visits, they should present twelve million voters were eligible their reports about the visit to the to vote for the 249 seats of the house. Wolesi Jirga, the Lower House of Parliament, and the 34 provincial Lower House MPs demanded from councils. -
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan
The Network Politics of International Statebuilding: Intervention and Statehood in Post-2001 Afghanistan Submitted by Timor Sharan to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In October 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post- 2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. -
Afghanistan's Parliament in the Making
The involvement of women in Afghanistan’s public life is decreasing. Attacks, vigilantism, and legal processes that contradict the basic principles of human and women’s rights are the order of the day. The security situation is worsening in step with the disenchantment E MAKING H arising from the lack of results and functional shortcomings of existing democratic structures. In the face of such difficulties, we often forget who should create the legal underpinnings for the power in Afghanistan: the women and men in parliament who are working to build a state in these turbulent times of transition. To what extent will these elected representatives succeed in creating alternatives to established traditional power structures? What are the obstacles they face? What kinds of networks or caucuses are they establishing? This book, which is based on interviews of male and female members of parliament held in Kabul in 2007 and 2008, examines the reali- IN T pARLIAMENT ANISTan’s H ties of parliamentary work in Afghanistan. It shows how varied and G coercive the patterns of identification prevalent in Afghanistan can AF be, and it provides a rare opportunity to gain insights into the self- images and roles of women in parliament. ISBN 978-3-86928-006-6 Andrea Fleschenberg Afghanistan’s parliament in the making Andrea Fleschenberg Gendered understandings and practices of politics in a transitional country .) ED BÖLL FOUNDATION ( BÖLL FOUNDATION H The Green Political Foundation Schumannstraße 8 10117 Berlin www.boell.de HEINRIC Afghanistan’s parliament in the making Andrea Fleschenberg, PhD, currently works as research associate and lecturer at the Institute of Social Science at the University of Hildesheim, Germany. -
The Road to Afghanistan
Introduction Hundreds of books—memoirs, histories, fiction, poetry, chronicles of military units, and journalistic essays—have been written about the Soviet war in Afghanistan. If the topic has not yet been entirely exhausted, it certainly has been very well documented. But what led up to the invasion? How was the decision to bring troops into Afghanistan made? What was the basis for the decision? Who opposed the intervention and who had the final word? And what kind of mystical country is this that lures, with an almost maniacal insistence, the most powerful world states into its snares? In the nineteenth and early twentieth century it was the British, in the 1980s it was the Soviet Union, and now America and its allies continue the legacy. Impoverished and incredibly backward Afghanistan, strange as it may seem, is not just a normal country. Due to its strategically important location in the center of Asia, the mountainous country has long been in the sights of more than its immediate neighbors. But woe to anyone who arrives there with weapon in hand, hoping for an easy gain—the barefoot and illiterate Afghans consistently bury the hopes of the strange foreign soldiers who arrive along with battalions of tanks and strategic bombers. To understand Afghanistan is to see into your own future. To comprehend what happened there, what happens there continually, is to avoid great tragedy. One of the critical moments in the modern history of Afghanistan is the period from April 27, 1978, when the “April Revolution” took place in Kabul and the leftist People’s Democratic Party seized control of the country, until December 27, 1979, when Soviet special forces, obeying their “international duty,” eliminated the ruling leader and installed 1 another leader of the same party in his place. -
LAND RELATIONS in BAMYAN PROVINCE Findings from a 15 Village Case Study
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics Case Studies Series LAND RELATIONS IN BAMYAN PROVINCE Findings from a 15 village case study Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit By Liz Alden Wily February 2004 Funding for this study was provided by the European Commission, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan and the governments of Sweden and Switzerland. © 2004 The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). All rights reserved. This case study report was prepared by an independent consultant. The views and opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of AREU. About the Author Liz Alden Wily is an independent political economist specialising in rural property issues and in the promotion of common property rights and devolved systems for land administration in particular. She gained her PhD in the political economy of land tenure in 1988 from the University of East Anglia, United Kingdom. Since the 1970s, she has worked for ten third world governments, variously providing research, project design, implementation and policy guidance. Dr. Alden Wily has been closely involved in recent years in the strategic and legal reform of land and forest administration in a number of African states. In 2002 the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit invited Dr. Alden Wily to examine land ownership problems in Afghanistan, and she continues to return to follow up on particular concerns. About the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) is an independent research organisation that conducts and facilitates action-oriented research and learning that informs and influences policy and practice.