Adaptive Capacity for Endogenous Development of Kuna Yala, an Indigenous Biocultural System
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Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical Information
Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical Information Updated August 5, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46225 SUMMARY R46225 Indigenous Peoples in Latin America: Statistical August 5, 2021 Information Carla Y. Davis-Castro This report provides statistical information on Indigenous peoples in Latin America. Data and Research Librarian findings vary, sometimes greatly, on all topics covered in this report, including populations and languages, socioeconomic data, land and natural resources, human rights and international legal conventions. For example the figure below shows four estimates for the Indigenous population of Latin America ranging from 41.8 million to 53.4 million. The statistics vary depending on the source methodology, changes in national censuses, the number of countries covered, and the years examined. Indigenous Population and Percentage of General Population of Latin America Sources: Graphic created by CRS using the World Bank’s LAC Equity Lab with webpage last updated in July 2021; ECLAC and FILAC’s 2020 Los pueblos indígenas de América Latina - Abya Yala y la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible: tensiones y desafíos desde una perspectiva territorial; the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and World Bank’s (WB) 2015 Indigenous Latin America in the twenty-first century: the first decade; and ECLAC’s 2014 Guaranteeing Indigenous people’s rights in Latin America: Progress in the past decade and remaining challenges. Notes: The World Bank’s LAC Equity Lab -
Panama's Dollarized Economy Mainly Depends on a Well-Developed Services Sector That Accounts for 80 Percent of GDP
LATIN AMERICAN SOCIO-RELIGIOUS STUDIES PROGRAM - PROGRAMA LATINOAMERICANO DE ESTUDIOS SOCIORRELIGIOSOS (PROLADES) ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN: RELIGION IN PANAMA SECOND EDITION By Clifton L. Holland, Director of PROLADES Last revised on 3 November 2020 PROLADES Apartado 86-5000, Liberia, Guanacaste, Costa Rica Telephone (506) 8820-7023; E-Mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.prolades.com/ ©2020 Clifton L. Holland, PROLADES 2 CONTENTS Country Summary 5 Status of Religious Affiliation 6 Overview of Panama’s Social and Political Development 7 The Roman Catholic Church 12 The Protestant Movement 17 Other Religions 67 Non-Religious Population 79 Sources 81 3 4 Religion in Panama Country Summary Although the Republic of Panama, which is about the size of South Carolina, is now considered part of the Central American region, until 1903 the territory was a province of Colombia. The Republic of Panama forms the narrowest part of the isthmus and is located between Costa Rica to the west and Colombia to the east. The Caribbean Sea borders the northern coast of Panama, and the Pacific Ocean borders the southern coast. Panama City is the nation’s capital and its largest city with an urban population of 880,691 in 2010, with over 1.5 million in the metropolitan area. The city is located at the Pacific entrance of the Panama Canal , and is the political and administrative center of the country, as well as a hub for banking and commerce. The country has an area of 30,193 square miles (75,417 sq km) and a population of 3,661,868 (2013 census) distributed among 10 provinces (see map below). -
Â•Š the Tule Upheaval in Eastern Panama, 1727-1728
Bryn Mawr College Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College History Faculty Research and Scholarship History 2001 “Haven’t We Come To Kill the Spaniards?” The Tule Upheaval in Eastern Panama, 1727-1728 Ignacio Gallup-Diaz Bryn Mawr College, [email protected] Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.brynmawr.edu/history_pubs Part of the History Commons Custom Citation Gallup-Diaz, Ignacio. "'Haven't We Come to Kill the Spaniards?' The uleT Upheaval in Eastern Panama, 1727-1728." Colonial Latin American Review 10, no. 2 (2001): 251-271. This paper is posted at Scholarship, Research, and Creative Work at Bryn Mawr College. http://repository.brynmawr.edu/history_pubs/15 For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 “Haven’t We Come To Kill the Spaniards?” The Tule1 Upheaval in Eastern Panamá, 1727-8 Ignacio Gallup-Diaz Bryn Mawr College This paper investigates a Tule Indian uprising that took place in eastern Panamá in 1727. It aims to throw new light upon that little-studied event by making use of previously unconsulted documentary evidence drawn from Spanish archives. Previous discussions of the uprising, provided by anthropologists and historians who have not examined the full range of relevant source material, have embedded it firmly within a putative narrative of Tule history that is characterized by the group’s staunch, single-minded opposition to outside domination. Eastern Panamá’s Indians, it is assumed, did nothing for three hundred years but oppose the Spanish, carrying out the series of rebellions, uprisings, and oppositions that are thought to comprise an impressive and durable rejection of imperial domination. -
Master Document Template
Copyright by Kayla Marie Price 2011 The Dissertation Committee for Kayla Marie Price certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: In school but not of it: the making of Kuna-language education Committee: Joel Sherzer, Co-Supervisor Pauline Strong, Co-Supervisor Elizabeth Keating Douglas Foley Anthony Woodbury In school but not of it: the making of Kuna-language education by Kayla Marie Price, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2011 Dedication To my son, Eduardo Jr. Acknowledgements I thank the Kuna community for aiding me in this project and permitting me to linguistic anthropological research in their homes and schools. I owe many thanks to the people of Koskuna, and my host family in particular, for all of their hospitality. To the Grimaldo and Pérez families in particular, who looked after my small family and let us in to their home and their hearts. Many thanks to my supportive professors, who encouraged me throughout the entire process and a directed me in helpful ways. Thank you to Joel Sherzer and his wife Dina, who always found a way to bring excitement and enthusiasm to any project, especially ones that dealt with the Kuna. Thank you to Polly Strong, whose guidance has kept me focused on the project at hand. Thank you to the rest of my committee and other influential professors in graduate school: Tony Woodbury, Elizabeth Keating, Douglas Foley, Nora England, Charles Hale, Richard Flores, John Hartigan. -
Stop the Illicit Traffic of Cultural Property
STOP THE ILLICIT TRAFFIC OF CULTURAL PROPERTY №10 2013 « (…) the theft, pillage and illicit trade in artefacts are the outright negation of peoples. They reduce history to the level of merchandise. They are seriously detrimental, and often irreversibly so, to the collective memory, social cohesion and mutual enrichment.” (…) Address by Irina Bokova, Director-General of UNESCO, on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the 1970 Convention, 15 March 2011. Cuzco, site inscribed on the World Heritage List in © UNESCO/F. Brugman, 1983 2013 C&D•№ 10•2013 C&D•№ 10•2013 3 INDEX EDITORIAL 3 EDITORIAL 4 THE UNESCO CONVENTIONS AND THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 7 1st INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR ON POLICIES 41 ON THE TRAIL OF STOLEN WORKS OF ART AND STRATEGIES FOR THE RECOVERY OF GOODS OF PUBLIC USE AND CULTURAL 42 LESSONS LEARNED IN THE ANDEAN REGION HERITAGE AND CENTRAL AMERICA 44 WORKING TOGETHER. 8 THE VALUE OF WORKS OF ART THE ANDEAN COMMUNITY PROTECTS ITS CULTURAL HERITAGE he media recently echoed the return to Peru of Herman van Hooff Multiple experiences in various countries of the 12 IDENTITY IN KUNA SOCIETY several archaeological pieces from the Chancay Director of the UNESCO region enrich this conceptual framework. Interpol’s 47 THE PRE-INCA MUMMY culture, which had been seized by the Egyptian Regional Office for Culture work in Argentina, the measures taken by the 14 THE UNESCO CONVENTIONS ON THE authorities in their territory. This is certainly a good in Latin America and the Andean Community to combat illicit trafficking in PROTECTION OF CULTURAL PROPERTY 48 PERU IN EGYPT Texample of international cooperation in the fight against Caribbean cultural property, and the latest Dominican Red illicit trafficking in cultural property between two countries UNESCO representative List of Cultural Property at Risk are just some of the 20 THE 1970 CONVENTION 50 FROM FIGHTING TO PREVENTING: that have unfortunately suffered from this scourge for many for Cuba, the Dominican topics covered in this issue. -
The Impact of COVID-19 on Indigenous Peoples in Latin America (Abya Yala)
PROJECT DOCUMENTS The impact of COVID-19 on indigenous peoples in Latin America (Abya Yala) Between invisibility and collective resistance Thank you for your interest in this ECLAC publication ECLAC Publications Please register if you would like to receive information on our editorial products and activities. When you register, you may specify your particular areas of interest and you will gain access to our products in other formats. www.cepal.org/en/publications ublicaciones www.cepal.org/apps Project Documents The impact of COVID-19 on indigenous peoples in Latin America (Abya Yala) Between invisibility and collective resistance This document was prepared by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), jointly with the regional offices of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO); the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women); the International Labour Organization (ILO); the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA); the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF); the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO); the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Fund for the Development of the Indigenous Peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean (FILAC), within the framework of the activities of the Regional Interagency Group on Indigenous Peoples in Latin America and the Caribbean (GIRPI). This document was prepared thanks to contributions from Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) of Germany. The boundaries and names shown -
Arturo Arias University of California, Merced
Indigenous Knowledges and Sites of Indigenous Memory ______________________________________________________ ARTURO ARIAS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, MERCED Introduction This special issue of Transmodernity emphasizes Indigenous knowledges that may be represented in literary texts, or else be manifestations present in “multi-dimensional sites of indigenous knowledges,” to use Michelle Wibbelsman’s phrase in her article on this same issue, as webs of signification in the symbolic production of heterodox cultural forms in the United States, Canada, and in Latin America. Literatures and other representational forms explain beliefs, relationships of kinship, relations with nature, and ways of living within contexts of flux, paradox, or tension, articulating their perspectives, while also reconciling opposing forces disaggregating their communities. Their claims are rooted in a sophisticated worldview anchored in complex ontological and epistemological articulations, oftentimes grounded in turn on a comprehensive elucidation of cosmologies. In short, Indigenous peoples’ worldviews deviate from those that have been hegemonic in the West. Noted Brazilian anthropologist Eduardo Viveiros de Castro has stated that “the classic distinction between nature and culture cannot be used to describe domains internal to non-Western cosmologies” (45). In the last of the same series of lectures published in Cosmological Perspectivism in Amazonia and Elsewhere (2012), Viveiros de Castro defined what he labels Amerindian knowledge, primarily Amazonian, as “multinaturalism” -
Searching for and Affirming Our Christian and Indigenous Identity Jocabed Solano
The Meeting of Two Worlds: Searching for and Affirming Our Christian and Indigenous Identity Jocabed Solano ho are we, the Guna people? The question is complex and Wcannot be answered with a precise definition. We are the sum of many experiences, stories, relationships, cultures, languages, geographies, encounters with other people groups, and encounters with ourselves. The Guna are one of many people groups in Abya Yala1 whose way of life is built upon our spirituality, worldview, and story of origin; who have been transformed step by step in 1. Abya Yala is the term utilized by the Guna people and which has been adopted by many indigenous peoples to refer to the American continents. It means “fully mature land” or “the land of life’s blood.” Jocabed Reina Solano Miselis, from the Guna Yala region in Panama, is a psychology and theology student active in the Comunidad de Estudiantes Cristianos (IFES in Panama) and the FTL. She works among indigenous young people with the intersections of identity, faith, and culture. 9 Vol. 10, No. 2 BOLETIN_TEOLOGICO_JLAT_10.2.indd 9 10/11/15 2:45 p.m. Jocabed Solano coming to know other peoples and ourselves. The bridge between internal and external dialogue allows us to create new ways of see- ing life and recognize that the answer to who we are will never be static but rather dynamic. Among the Canoes: Passing through Strange Lands, the Guna Experience If the sea could speak, it would tell our story; if canoes could record memories, they would reveal the secret of the people who have lived surrounded by the sea; they would tell a story that has never been heard of a people who found their freedom through struggling and always meeting themselves and others rowing on the high seas. -
Indigenous Peoples and Climate Change
Website: www.ilo.org Website: Email: [email protected] +41227996730 Tel: Switzerland CH-1211 Geneva22 4, routedesMorillons International LabourOrganization(ILO) andEqualityDepartment Conditions ofWork EqualityandDiversity &ILOAIDSBranch Gender, 9 ISBN 978-92-2-132935-0 78 9221 329350 ILO Indigenous peoples and climate change - Emerging Research on Traditional Knowledge and Livelihoods In collaborationwith: Knowledge andLivelihoods Emerging ResearchonTraditional and climatechange Indigenous peoples Convention 169 Convention 30 years Indigenous Peoples and Climate Change: Emerging Research on Traditional Knowledge and Livelihoods Gender, Equality and Diversity & ILOAIDS Branch Copyright © International Labour Organization 2019 First published (2019) Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condi- tion that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publications (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. Indigenous Peoples and Climate Change: Emerging Research on Traditional Knowledge and Livelihoods ISBN: 978-92-2-132935-0 (print) ISBN: 978-92-2-132936-7 (web pdf) 4.08 ILO Cataloguing in Publication Data The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. -
Enlaced and Interwoven Clothing from Southern Abya Yala
ENLACED AND INTERWOVEN CLOTHING FROM SOUTHERN ABYA YALA 1 VERNETZT VERSTRICKT VERWOBEN ANZIEHENDES AUS DEM SÜDLICHEN ABYA YALA © Museum Fünf Kontinente 2020 Enlaced and Interwoven. Clothing from Southern Abya Yala Clothing and adornment from various The origins of Latin American textile Guatemala and the Guna of Panama and resources. However, advancements times and regions are presented in traditions predate the European invasi- represent the visualisation of changing in human rights that were achieved in this exhibition room, illustrating the on by millennia, and are closely related identities in woven and embroidered the past decades are at stake today, aesthetics and artistic diversity of indi- to Latin America’s chequered history patterns. Clothing and jewellery of the and the increasing pressure on indige- genous creativity in Latin America. At and vibrant present. A small selection Mapuche tell of lasting resistance from nous communities has assumed a level the same time they represent ways to of pre-Columbian weaving products the time of Inca expansion to the colo- that once again threatens their exis- master the challenges posed by the en- gives an impression of their import- nial era and into the present. tence. vironment and by communal life. Clot- ance in long-ago times. The fusion hing can protect from cold and heat, of indigenous and colonial-European Many indigenous philosophers and This exhibition is intended to present it has the ability to either conceal its fashions, which at times has a tongue- activists have come to oppose the term examples allowing an impression of wearer from view or to attract glances, in-cheek undertone, is represented by “America”, which is criticized for being the diversity of “getting dressed”, and it can be either exclusive or inclusi- creations from the Andes of Bolivia and ethnocentric, with Abya Yala, “Land in of topics associated with dressing. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting Template
INDIGENOUS MOBILIZATION, INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND RESISTANCE: THE NGOBE MOVEMENT FOR POLITICAL AUTONOMY IN WESTERN PANAMA By OSVALDO JORDAN-RAMOS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010 1 © 2010 Osvaldo Jordan Ramos 2 A mi madre Cristina por todos sus sacrificios y su dedicacion para que yo pudiera terminar este doctorado A todos los abuelos y abuelas del pueblo de La Chorrera, Que me perdonen por todo el tiempo que no pude pasar con ustedes. Quiero que sepan que siempre los tuve muy presentes en mi corazón, Y que fueron sus enseñanzas las que me llevaron a viajar a tierras tan lejanas, Teniendo la dignidad y el coraje para luchar por los más necesitados. Y por eso siempre seguiré cantando con ustedes, Aje Vicente, toca la caja y llama a la gente, Aje Vicente, toca la caja y llama a la gente, Aje Vicente, toca la caja y llama la gente. Toca el tambor, llama a la gente, Toca la caja, llama a la gente, Toca el acordeón, llama a la gente... 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to recognize the great dedication and guidance of my advisor, Philip Williams, since the first moment that I communicated to him my decision to pursue doctoral studies at the University of Florida. Without his encouragement, I would have never been able to complete this dissertation. I also want to recognize the four members of my dissertation committee: Ido Oren, Margareth Kohn, Katrina Schwartz, and Anthony Oliver-Smith. -
Joel Sherzer: Sketch of the Kuna Language (2003)
Joel Sherzer: Sketch of the Kuna language (2003) I. Introduction The Kuna Indians are probably best known for their molas, colorful appliqué and reverse-appliqué blouses made and worn by Kuna women and sold all over the world. They are one of the largest indigenous groups in the South American tropics, numbering about 70,000 individuals, the majority of whom inhabit Kuna Yala (formerly known as San Blas), a string of island villages stretching from near the Canal Zone to the Panama- Colombia border, quite close to the jungle mainland, where they farm. Living on the edge of modern, urban civilization, the Kuna have managed to maintain their cultural uniqueness through a creative integration of old and new, constantly adapting and manipulating traditional patterns to make them fit new situations. About 24,000 Kuna now live in Panama City, a rapidly growing population. The Kuna language is a member of the Chibchan family, a very broad grouping which extends from the southern end of the Mayan region in Central America into northern South America, that is, from Nicaragua to Colombia. It is not closely related genetically to any other Amerindian language. With regard to social and cultural organization, the Kuna are also unique, remarkably different from the other indigenous populations of Panama and neighboring regions. On the other hand, close and deep analysis of Kuna language, culture, and society, and especially their interaction and intersection, reveals certain similarities with other native groups in Central and South America, including some as far away as Brazil. The Kuna have a rich and dynamic verbal life.