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Joel Sherzer: Sketch of the Kuna Language (2003)

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Joel Sherzer: Sketch of the Kuna Language (2003) Joel Sherzer: Sketch of the Kuna language (2003) I. Introduction The Kuna Indians are probably best known for their molas, colorful appliqué and reverse-appliqué blouses made and worn by Kuna women and sold all over the world. They are one of the largest indigenous groups in the South American tropics, numbering about 70,000 individuals, the majority of whom inhabit Kuna Yala (formerly known as San Blas), a string of island villages stretching from near the Canal Zone to the Panama- Colombia border, quite close to the jungle mainland, where they farm. Living on the edge of modern, urban civilization, the Kuna have managed to maintain their cultural uniqueness through a creative integration of old and new, constantly adapting and manipulating traditional patterns to make them fit new situations. About 24,000 Kuna now live in Panama City, a rapidly growing population. The Kuna language is a member of the Chibchan family, a very broad grouping which extends from the southern end of the Mayan region in Central America into northern South America, that is, from Nicaragua to Colombia. It is not closely related genetically to any other Amerindian language. With regard to social and cultural organization, the Kuna are also unique, remarkably different from the other indigenous populations of Panama and neighboring regions. On the other hand, close and deep analysis of Kuna language, culture, and society, and especially their interaction and intersection, reveals certain similarities with other native groups in Central and South America, including some as far away as Brazil. The Kuna have a rich and dynamic verbal life. Like most tropical forest and lowland South American Indian societies, the Kuna’s world is permeated by and in fact organized 1 by means of their discourse – the mythical chants of chiefs; the histories, legends, and stories of traditional leaders; the magical chants and secret charms of curing specialists; the speeches and reports of personal experience of all men and women; and the greetings, leave-takings, conversations, and joking of everyday life. All of this is oral – spoken, chanted, sung, shouted, and listened to. The Kuna are a fourth world people, a minority in a third world country, and this has implications for their linguistic situation. While one of the most robust of tropical, lowland languages in Latin America, Kuna is nonetheless a minor, minority, local, and oral, and therefore, for all these reasons, an endangered language. While Kuna might be considered to be a vibrant language, in that it has a large number of speakers, and serves as an important, perhaps the most important, identity marker for the Kuna, it must be placed alongside other minority and regional languages, especially in the third world, which are always in danger. In the Kuna case, what is changing and in danger, in addition to the constant possibility of the language just not being used by a new generation, is particular areas of vocabulary, semantic organizations, styles, and discourse forms, genres, processes, and patterns. II. Pronunciation and orthography There are five vowels in Kuna, a, e, i, o, u. These can be pronounced either short or long. The consonant sounds of Kuna are p, b, t, d, k, g, kw, gw, s, ch, m, n, l, r, w, and y. l, m, n, and y can be pronounced either short or long. The voiceless consonants, p, t, k, kw, occur only between vowels in the middle of words. The voiced consonants, b, d, g, gw, when they occur at the beginnings or ends of words, sound at times almost like their 2 voiceless counterparts and in fact in these positions b is pronounced somewhere between p and b, d somewhere between t and d, g somewhere between k and g, and gw somewhere between kw and gw. There is no official Kuna writing system and the language has been written in different ways by different individuals. There are mainly two orthographies in use today, and other orthographies are variants of these two. The main difference between the two is the level of abstraction they represent, especially with regard to intervocalic voiced and voiceless stops. In the more abstract orthography, the distinction between voiced and voiceless stops is represented with single versus double letters. Thus p is voiced; pp, voiceless; t is voiced; tt, voiceless; k is voiced, kk, voiceless; kw is voiced; kkw, voiceless. In the more concrete (and easier for readers to follow) orthography, letters which in Spanish and English are used to represent voiced and voiceless stops are used for Kuna. Thus b is voiced, p, voiceless; d is voiced; t, voiceless; g is voiced; k, voiceless; gw is voiced, kw, voiceless. In both systems the vowels and the sounds l, m, n, and y, when long, are written as double letters: aa, ee, ii, oo, uu, ll, mm, nn, and yy. The two orthographies are easily transferable from one to the other. In ailla, the deposits by Sherzer are transcribed in the more abstract orthography; the deposit by Velarde, in a version of the more concrete one. A complicated issue for the representation of Kuna is the determination of word boundaries. This issue is discussed in the section on grammar below. Here are some examples, which also constitute a glossary for some basic elements and concepts of Kuna life. When the transcription of a Kuna word is the same in the two orthographies discussed here, it is written only once. When the two transcriptions differ, both are provided, with the more abtract one first and the more concrete one second. Notice that k, when followed by a consonant, changes to y (see phonology discussion below). In the various transcriptions of Kuna, this is sometimes represented as y, sometimes as i. Notice also that there is a difference between w (a semivowel) and u (a 3 vowel). Thus wa “smoke;” ua “fish.” Similarly there is a difference between y and i: ye “optative suffix;” ie “forget.” Kuna English nuu dove tii, dii water pookwa, boogwa quiet kae, gae grab, catch sui husband koe, goe deer, baby ua fish waa smoke takke, dake see take, dage come opa oba corn yappa, yapa don’t feel like nate, nade he/she left satte, sate no, none, nothing ome woman, wife mimmi child korokwa, gorogwa yellow, ripe sina pig sinna kingfisher kwalu, gwalu sweet potato kwallu, gwallu oil, light 4 ari iguana asu nose achu dog wisi know wakwa, wagwa grandchild saila chief arkar, argar chief’s spokesman nele seer, shaman suar ipet, suar ibed “owner of stick” (native policeman) ina tulet, ina duled “medicine man” (medicinal specialist) kantule, gandule ritual specialist at girl’s puberty rites sappur, sapur jungle tanikki, daniki is coming warpo, warbo two oblong objects warkwen, wargwen one oblong object ikar, igar path, way soysa he/she said pe, be you neka, nega house neyse to the house tummat, dummad big pane, bane tomorrow kinnit, ginnid red tiwar, diwar river kati, gadi much 5 pinye, binye transform uysa he/she gave kwaysa, gwaysa he/she/it changed okop, ogob coconut wara tobacco wala pole ina medicine inna chicha mola woman’s blouse or cloth panel from blouse ommakket neka, ommaked nega gathering house tule, dule person, Kuna person waka, waga Panamanian merki, mergi North American ulu canoe temar, demar sea tiwar, diwar river purpa, burba spirit kurkin, gurgin hat, brain sunmakke, sunmake speak namakke, namake chant, sing kormakke, gormake shout poe, boe cry, lament totoe, dodoe dance naipe, naybe snake kabur, gabur hot pepper 6 nia devil suar nuchu stick doll karpa, garba basket III. Grammatical structure Kuna is a polysynthetic and agglutinative language, in which many morphemes combine into single words, and in this is typical of and in some ways paradigmatic of native American languages, north and south. The question of what constitutes a word and where word boundaries lie in this as in other unwritten languages is a complicated one. Phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics do not necessarily provide the same definitions of word boundaries. In addition, Kuna seems quite clearly to be undergoing processes of grammaticalization, the development of grammatical forms out of lexical items, a process which we can observe both diachronically and synchronically. With regard to the latter, I would argue that the process of grammaticalization must be central to an adequate description of Kuna grammar. This process is most notably observable in the verbal complex. It also becomes clear when the Kuna language is analyzed in relation to discourse. A. Phonology Typical Kuna morphemes have the structure CV or CVCV, of one or two syllable length. The basic characteristic of Kuna morphemes is that most occur in long or short form, the long form having a final vowel which is deleted in certain linguistic and discourse contexts. When morphemes come together in a single word, as they often do in 7 this polysynthetic language, consonantal changes among neighboring consonants, following the vowel deletion, also occur. The basic rules are as follows: 1. Vowel deletion: the deletion of he final vowel of stems and affixes. 2. consonant deletion rules: when more than two consonants cluster intervocalically, the cluster is reduced to two. a. when a double-stop consonant clusters with another consonant, the double-stop consonant is reduced to a single-stop consonant. b. when more than two consonants cluser intervocalically, all but the last two in the cluster are deleted. 3. consonantal assimilation rules a. l changes to r before another consonant and at the end of a word before a pause. b. k changes to y (pronounced y or i) before another consonant other than k. c.
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