Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation

Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Traditional Knowledge & Use Study

Edson Mainline Expansion Project TC-Energy/NOVA Gas Transmission Ltd.

Dermot O’Connor Oak Road Concepts Inc. December 2019

Acknowledgements

This traditional knowledge & use study was made possible by the efforts of Richard Righthand and Scotty Manyguns of Siksika Nation and Mike Oka, J.J. Shade and Mike Tailfeathers of Blood Tribe/Káínai.

The traditional knowledge presented in this report was generously provided by Marvin Maguire, Larry Leather, Scotty Manyguns and Richard Righthand of Siksika Nation and David Striped Wolf, Ray Black Plume and Mike Oka of Blood Tribe/Káínai.

The traditional knowledge described in this report is the intellectual property of the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation and is used with permission.

Report text by Dermot O’Connor, Oak Road Concepts Inc.

Acronyms

BT/K Blood Tribe/Káínai

CEAA Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency

CER Canadian Energy Regulator

ESA Environmental and Socio-Economic Assessment

KP Kilometer Point

NEB National Energy Board

NGTL Nova Gas Transmission Ltd.

LAA Local Assessment Area

PDA Project Development Area

Project Edson Mainline Expansion Project

Proponent TC Energy/Nova Gas Transmission Ltd.

RAA Regional Assessment Area

SN Siksika Nation

TK Traditional Knowledge

TLRU Traditional Land and Resource Use

TR Treaty Rights

TU Traditional Use (including traditional land and resource use)

Table of Contents Introduction & Rationale ...... 1 Edson Mainline Expansion Project – Traditional Knowledge Technical Data Report .. 2 Proponent’s Literature Review in Regard to Blood Tribe ...... 2 Proponent’s Literature Review in Regard to Siksika Nation ...... 3 Blood Tribe & Siksika Traditional Knowledge Study Methodology ...... 5 Definitions ...... 5 Data Collection Methods ...... 8 Spatial Parameters ...... 9 Results - Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation - Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use Study – Alford Creek ...... 9 Historical Context, Use, and Occupancy of Project Area by Blackfoot ...... 9 Current Use of Project Area for Traditional Purposes ...... 10 Hunting ...... 11 Trapping ...... 11 Fishing ...... 12 Gathering Food & Medicinal Plants & Other Traditional Resources ...... 12 Access to Project PDA, LAA and RAA ...... 13 Identification of Project Impacts by Blood Tribe and Siksika Nation ...... 15 Concerns over Project’s Environmental Impacts ...... 15 Project Impacts and Effects on Traditional Use ...... 17 Project Impacts to Treaty Rights ...... 18 Concerns over Cultural Impacts ...... 18 Mitigation Plans & Priority Issues ...... 20 References ...... 21

Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019

Introduction & Rationale This is a study of the potential impacts of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project on traditional land use, culture, Treaty rights, and the environment based on the input of traditional knowledge holders from the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation of the Blackfoot Confederacy. The traditional Blackfoot territory “extends from the Rocky Mountains to the West; to the Sand Hills to the East; to the North Saskatchewan River in the North, and the Yellowstone in the South” (Blood Tribe, 2018; Crop Eared Wolf, 2007, 1). The Blackfoot Confederacy consists of three tribes of Niitsítapi: the Bloods, the Piikani and the Siksika (Dempsey, 1997, 10; Blackfoot Gallery Committee, 2013, 10-11). The Blood Tribe/Káínai is based in Southern Alberta on 557.2 square miles of reserve land bordered by the Old Man River, the St. Mary River, and the Belly River. The population at present is approximately 12,800 (Blood Tribe, 2019). The Siksika Nation is based east of Calgary and has a population of about 7,500 people (Siksika Nation, 2019). The traditional concepts of Blackfoot governance still recognized by the Siksika Nation include: • “Ultimate authority of the Creator. • Leadership was non-hierarchical (united, mixed). • Consensus was used in the decision making and choosing leaders (specific skills). • Nomadic lifestyle (central governing unit). • Religious beliefs and values established, maintained social order and behavior. • Families ties enhanced; extended family systems nurtured a shared responsibility. • Leaders recognized by their special deeds and/or special talents/gifts. • Prerequisites of leadership role: individual’s capacity to share and care for all people especially the very young and the aged. • Individual freedom was safeguarded and encouraged to mature” (Siksika Nation, 2019). In the protection of their shared titles, rights and interests based on ties of family, culture and history, the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation cooperate from time to time in studies of the potential impacts of industrial Projects. In this case, Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation agreed to mutually fund and participate in a study of the potential impacts of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project on their traditional land use, culture, treaty rights and the environment. In April 2019, NOVA Gas Transmission Ltd (NGTL) (the Proponent), a wholly owned subsidiary of TransCanada Pipelines Ltd (now TC Energy) submitted an application for approval to the National Energy Board (NEB) (now the Canadian Energy Regulator CER), for its Edson Mainline Expansion Project (the Project) (NOVA Gas Transmission Ltd., 2019). The Project consists of a proposal to build 85 km of 1,219 mm pipe in order to expand the capacity of the existing NGTL system to transport natural gas between the Peace River area and markets in central and southern Alberta (NOVA Gas Transmission Ltd, 2019, Section 1, p.1-1). The Edson Mainline Loop No. 4 facilities would include the 45 km Alford Creek Section and the 40 km Elk River Section. This study focuses on the Alford Creek Section only.

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Edson Mainline Expansion Project – Traditional Knowledge Technical Data Report According to the Project application and its appendices, including the Traditional Knowledge Technical Data Report - Appendix I, Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation were included in the Proponent’s Aboriginal Engagement Program (Stantec, 2019a; 2019b). According to the Proponent, “Issues and concerns raised through the Aboriginal Engagement Program up to March 1, 2019 have been included in this TK report and incorporated throughout the ESA, as appropriate” (Stantec, 2019b, p.3.2). The Proponent indicated that it included the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation in its Aboriginal Engagement Program only in relation to the Alford Creek Section (ibid).

Proponent’s Literature Review in Regard to Blood Tribe Included in the Traditional Knowledge Technical Data Report was a literature review that provided a brief “Community Profile” of the Blood Tribe which indicated that the Alford Creek Section of the Project was approximately 309 km northwest of the Blood 148 Reserve (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.9). The Literature Review also contained a section entitled “Availability of Traditional Resources for Current Use.” In the subsection on Wildlife, the Proponent stated: “Blood Tribe is historically reliant on numerous wildlife species for food and clothing, including bison, elk, pronghorn antelope, white-tailed and mule deer, moose, mountain sheep, and mountain goats… Blood Tribe reported that trapping is an important cultural activity, which involves harvesting wolf, red fox, and coyote for hides, as well as muskrat, beaver, mink, and for ceremonial purposes, golden eagles. Other harvested animals include rabbit, squirrel, duck, goose, partridge, and swan. Blood Tribe historically supplemented diets by making pemmican from bison meat and dried berries, and currently hunt bighorn sheep in the winter months” (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.10). The Proponent did not provide any information on current hunting of particular species by Blood Tribe members in the Project areas. In the subsection of the Literature Review regarding Vegetation, the Proponent stated: “Blood Tribe gathered berries and plants to supplement their diets and utilized lodgepole pine for making tipis and travois… Other plants gathered included alpine fir, juniper, fireweed, bearberry, and spike moss… Berries gathered include saskatoon berries, chokecherries, and silverberries. Wild turnips and camas were also a food source for Blood Tribe, and a number of plants, including sage, cactus and old man’s whiskers are currently gathered and used for food, ceremony, and medicinal purposes…” (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.10). The Proponent’s shifting use of past and present verb tenses makes it difficult to understand how the Blood Tribe members currently use the Project areas. The Literature Review also indicated that Blood Tribe members “historically fished for trout using traditional tools such as wire and sticks” (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.10). No information was provided on the current use of the Project area for fishing by Blood Tribe members nor on the methods used. Further, the Proponent stated that “no trails and travelways associated with Blood Tribe were identified within the RAAs of the Project” and that “no current use sites or areas

2 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 associated with Blood Tribe were identified within the RAAs of the Project” (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.10). The Proponent’s Literature Review therefore did not identify any Project- specific sites, areas, resources or information of interest or relevance to the current use of the Blood Tribe. In short, the Literature Review presented by the Proponent contained little substantive information on the current use of the Project areas for traditional purposes by Blood Tribe members. As the Proponent notes, “On February 28, 2019 Blood Tribe provided NGTL an interim letter requesting a more fulsome TK study. NGTL responded to confirm receipt of the interim letter and requested that Blood Tribe share any concerns or recommendations regarding the Project. No Project concerns or recommendations were made” (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.11). Considering that Blood Tribe had requested a more comprehensive study at the end of February, it is unrealistic to assume that study findings including Project concerns and recommendations would have been made and submitted to the Proponent prior to the April 2019 submission of the Application and publication of the Environmental and Socioeconomic Assessment (ESA). Instead, the Blood Tribe performed its own Traditional Knowledge Study of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project over the summer of 2019 involving site visits with Elders. The findings of this study are presented in this report.

Proponent’s Literature Review in Regard to Siksika Nation The Literature Review presented by the Proponent in regard to Siksika Nation, like the one on Blood Tribe, was lacking information on Siksika’s use of resources, lands, or sites for traditional purposes in relation to the Project (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.38). While the Review did list some traditionally harvested species (such as bison, elk, deer, antelope and mountain sheep along with duck, geese, swans and grouse) and it did suggest that Siksika members harvest wild turnip, sage, sweetgrass, bear berries, chokecherry and saskatoon berries, it did not provide any indication of how the Project would impact Siksika’s rights, current use or sites of historical, cultural or archaeological interest. Furthermore, in the “Community Profile” of Siksika Nation, the Proponent erroneously provides information on the “Samson Cree Nation” (Stantec, 2019b, p.6.38). The Screenshot of the erroneous paragraph is provided below for reference. In response to the gaps in the Proponent’s information record as it pertained to Siskika Nation, in the summer of 2019 Siksika Nation collaborated with the Blood Tribe/Káínai to conduct a traditional knowledge study. The purpose of the study was to identify the impacts of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project on Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation’s current use of lands and resources for traditional purposes, culture, treaty rights and the environment. The study was intended to provide an opportunity for traditional knowledge holders from these two Nations to visit the Project areas so that they could provide input on current traditional use of the Project are and identify the Project’s impacts to the environment and to Blood Tribe/Kainai and Siksika Nation.

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Blood Tribe & Siksika Traditional Knowledge Study Methodology Consistent with CEAA guidelines, the methodology for this traditional knowledge and use study draws on CEAA’s “Technical Guidance for Assessing Current Use of Lands and Resources for Traditional Purposes” (CEAA, 2015). CEAA 2012 stipulates that environmental effects include the “effects of any changes to the environment on Aboriginal peoples related to health and socio-economic conditions; physical and cultural heritage; current use of lands and resources for traditional purposes; or any structure, site, or thing that is of historical, archaeological, paleontological or architectural significance” (CEAA, 2015, 2). Technical guidance is provided by CEAA for the purpose of assessment of effects of any changes to the environment on the current use of lands and resources for traditional purposes by Aboriginal peoples as per subparagraph 5(1)(c)(iii) of CEAA 2012 (CEAA, 2015, 3). The methodology deployed in this study follows CEAA guidance for scoping, identification of valued components, determination of study spatial and temporal boundaries, description of baseline or current traditional use patterns, and the identification of potential adverse Project effects (CEAA, 2015, 7-15). Note that the term ‘Aboriginal’ is used insofar as this is the term used by CEAA. The term Indigenous is however preferred. Where definitions and concepts related to CEAA are discussed, Aboriginal is employed.

Definitions This Study is concerned with Blood Tribe/Káínai’s and Siksika Nation’s current use of the Project area for traditional purposes. ‘Traditional’ has a specific meaning and is to be differentiated from ‘historical.’ According to Annabel Crop Eared Wolf, “while the term ‘traditional’ does not necessarily refer to the past, it is often understood as such. In this study ‘traditional’ refers to those practices and processes of Káínai that arise from its worldview and culture developed over the span of its existence as a society” (Crop Eared Wolf, 2007, v). Taking Crop Eared Wolf’s lead, traditional is considered here as a manifestation of Blackfoot culture and worldview developed over time. In this study, the traditions considered are those of the Blackfoot which are mutually identified by and valued by both Blood Tribe/Káína and Siksika Nation Elders in respect of their shared ancestral and kinship connections and political association with the Blackfoot Confederacy (Crop Eared Wolf, 2007, 9). According to CEAA guidelines, the current use of lands and resources for traditional purposes is associated with a particular Aboriginal group’s practices (common, habitual or expected ways of doing things); customs (established ways of behaving in particular situations that are culturally appropriate and may follow certain protocols); and traditions which include customs and practices as well as beliefs and opinions that are transmitted orally or through practice. CEAA states, “an Aboriginal group’s practices, traditions or customs … are part of an Aboriginal group’s distinctive culture and fundamental to their social organization and the sustainment of present and future generations” (CEAA, 2015, 4). Use of land for traditional purposes therefore describes activities (or practices) that are

5 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 fundamental to the customs and traditions that constitute the distinctive culture of a particular group of people. Current use of lands for traditional purposes is considered in the context of CEAA insofar as it pertains to assessment of “how the use of lands and resources may be affected throughout the proposed Project’s lifecycle (pre-construction, construction, operation, decommissioning and abandonment)” (CEAA, 2015, 4). Current use refers to “uses by Aboriginal peoples that are actively being carried out at the time of the assessment and uses that are likely to occur in a reasonably foreseeable future provided that they have continuity with traditional practices, traditions or customs” (CEAA, 2015, 4). Current use may be expanded somewhat to include in the assessment the use of lands that occur over long time periods, at low frequency or that have ceased due to external circumstances but that may be reasonably expected to resume should conditions change in the future (CEAA, 2015, 4). Current use may be determined or characterized in part by the frequency, duration, spatial and seasonal aspects of use, the timing of use compared to biophysical cycles or components related to resources, cultural or spiritual considerations, external factors that alter patterns of land use, or residence (either temporary or permanent) of the lands (CEAA, 2015, 4). Use refers to activities involved in the harvest of traditional resources such as “hunting, trapping, fishing, gathering of medicinal plants, berry picking, and travelling to engage in these or other kinds of activities” but it may also refer to “uses of lands and resources related to ceremonies, customs, cultural practices, traditional governance, trade or stories” (CEAA, 2015, 4). Other aspects of use include tangible values in an area such as species of animals or plants or intangible values such as enjoyment of the landscape or the importance of a site for teaching or learning as well as aesthetic, spiritual or educational purposes (CEAA, 2015, 4). Occupancy is another aspect of use and refers to a sense of ownership that an Aboriginal group may endow upon a place by virtue of use, habitation, control, knowledge and use of names as indicated by the presence of the place in stories, legends, oral history or traditional knowledge. Lands and resources refer to terrestrial, and aquatic ecosystems while resources refer to the usable components of the environment. Together, use of land and resources refers to subsistence harvesting (hunting, fishing, gathering); places where cultural transmission occurs; sites for events, feasts or gatherings; traditional routes consisting of trails, portages, waterways and landmarks; sacred sites such as burial grounds; and habitation sites (CEAA, 2015, 5). Traditional purposes “typically relates to activities that are integral to a community’s way of life and culture, and have continuity with historic practices, customs and traditions of the community” (CEAA, 2015, 5). While traditional practices imply historic continuity or connections, traditions can change over time “to reflect contemporary views, knowledge and practices” (CEAA, 2015, 5). While “pre-contact or post-contact” are often used to contextualize traditional practices in temporal terms, EAs may assess practices that have been interrupted and “practices, traditions or customs do not have to be connected to a

6 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 potential or established Aboriginal right, or to an area of historic occupancy, for them to be considered in an EA” (CEAA, 2015, 5). Traditional Knowledge pervades culturally important customs and practices and informs how and when particular use activities occur. In this document, CEAA guidelines on the incorporation of Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge (ATK) are followed. According to CEAA, while no precise definition is chosen, “Generally, ATK is considered as a body of knowledge built up by a group of people through generations of living in close contact with nature. ATK is cumulative and dynamic. It builds upon the historic experiences of a people and adapts to social, economic, environmental, spiritual and political change” (CEAA, 2013). Another take on traditional knowledge as it is informed by Blackfoot Metaphysics is provided by Leroy Little Bear: “Traditional knowledge is about the spiritual and livingness of the natural world and the role of humans in it” (Little Bear, 2018). A particular view of nature that Crop Eared Wolf describes gives additional insight into Blackfoot traditional knowledge: “The land, minerals, water and plant life are regarded as having spirit and capable of entering into relationships with the people. It is observed that a change in any one of these life forms affects the spirit or balance of others, áakoohtohkimiaaw, kiai áaka’pohpatsskimiaaw. Thus, the relational network, comprised of all the life forms or inhabitants of the environment, perpetuates this constant change (2007, 118). For CEAA, Traditional Ecological Knowledge, or TEK, is a subset of ATK that is concerned with the environment and is used in Environmental Assessments to provide input on biophysical features of an area, historical features, identify potential Project effects, improve Project design, suggest mitigation and improve decision-making in collaboration with western scientific principles and methods (CEAA, 2013). The idea of interconnectedness and flux, that the aspects of the local environment influence one another reciprocally in a process of change that is unique to Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation’s TK is of particular interest for the assessment of Project effects. The principles that govern best practices in the incorporation of ATK and TEK in environmental assessment include collaboration with community, obtainment of prior informed consent for participation and to use information, respect for the intellectual property rights of the community, involvement of the community in the collection of ATK and bridging western knowledge and ATK (CEAA, 2013). With these principles in mind, the presentation of Blackfoot traditional knowledge and insights from the Elders is used here with permission and in some cases the name of the Elder who provided the insight is provided.

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Data Collection Methods The sources of information that informed this study included field research in the Project Areas (RAA and LAA), interviews with Elders from Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation, and a formal Project-specific impact identification focus group. The field research team consisted of a group of Elders from the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation who visited the Project Area on several occasions over 16 days from June to September 2019. On these visits, Elders identified traditional resources within the PDA and LAA and made observations about the potential impacts of the Project on the land, water, wildlife and vegetation, traditional use, Blackfoot cultural practices and treaty rights. During these visits, Blood Tribe/Káínai traditional use technician Mike Tail Feathers interviewed Elders in Blackfoot about what they saw in the Project areas. These interviews were later translated to English and transcribed by Louise Crop Eared Wolf. The text of these interviews has been incorporated into the corresponding section of this report. Ray Black Plume describes the sources of his oral historical knowledge: “what I have shared has been retrieved from my oral knowledge and stories shared through our oral traditions and language. I have acquired these stories from my parents and elders and extended relatives. I am so thankful for my mentors and all the knowledge that I gain through oral conversation, and plenty of storytelling involved” (Black Plume, 2019, p.3). Information shared during Elder interviews has been incorporated into the various report sections below. In September 2019, the author, a Traditional Knowledge researcher, spent a day interviewing the Elders, field data technicians and Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation consultation coordinators. These interviews provided additional information about the Project field verification routes, traditional resources of interest in the Project areas, and concerns over Project impacts to traditional use, treaty rights, culture and the environment. Finally, on September 4th 2019, Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika consultation coordinators hosted a Project-specific impact identification focus group with the author and several Traditional Knowledge-holders in Rocky Mountain House, Alberta. Present at this focus group were Marvin Maguire, Ray Black Plume, Richard RightHand, David Striped Wolf, Larry Leather, Mike Tailfeathers, Scotty Manyguns, Mike Oka, and J.J. Shade. Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation’s own traditional knowledge and impact assessment protocols typically involve a combination of site visits, discussion and interviews with Elders regarding their thoughts on the Project areas, environmental conditions, traditional resource and use potential, and potential Project impacts to traditional use, culture, treaty rights and the environment. The findings of this study are therefore presented below as a summary of the perspectives provided to the author by the traditional knowledge (TK) holders from Blood Tribe and Siksika Nation and are organized into the categories of current use of the Project area (for hunting, trapping, fishing, gathering and access), concerns over the Project’s cultural

8 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 impacts, the Project’s impacts to treaty rights and concerns over the Project’s environmental impacts. Also provided are input from TK holders on mitigation plans.

Spatial Parameters The spatial boundaries the field verification portion of this study were chosen by the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation. However, in order to communicate the study findings on maps, the spatial boundaries used by Stantec and the Proponent were adopted including the Project Development Area (PDA), a 1 km buffer of the Project Development Area (PDA) called the Local Assessment Area – LAA, and a 15 km buffer of the PDA called the Regional Assessment Area (RAA) (Stantec, 2019a, Section 11, p.11-6).

Results - Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation - Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use Study – Alford Creek Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation’s chosen methods of data collection for this study involved 16 days of field visits by a team of Elders and traditional knowledge holders, accompanied by TK field technicians from Blood Tribe and Siksika. Subsequently, Blood Tribe and Siksika jointly contracted the author to summarize the findings, as communicated directly by the Elders and TK holders during a series of individual interviews and a focus group on September 4th, 2019. The findings of the study are presented in this section.

Historical Context, Use, and Occupancy of Project Area by Blackfoot Elder Ray Black Plume provides an oral history account of Blackfoot ancestral use and occupancy of the Rocky Mountain House area. “The name of this site is called Rocky Mountain House, and the Niitsitaapii, have a name for this place, it is called “Kiistsikooyiisinni”. In the days of our buffalo ancestors, our people would come to Fort Rocky Mountain House. They came and traded for firearms, ammunition, cloth, pots, knifes, and other necessities of life” (Black Plume, 2019, p.1). David Striped Wolf confirmed that this was indeed a historic trading place for the Blackfoot: “This a beautiful place and our buffalo ancestors didn’t just come for trade they came to gather and harvest all the medicinal plants and different colored clay used for ceremonial purposes. These sacred items are only found in this special and sacred place. …This truly a beautiful and majestic landscape. Our ancestors left behind rock placements, rock arrangements, and Tipi rings, we found a large camp. This is where they frequented for the trading at the Fort and for renewing friendships and strengthening the political and trading alliance so import to the Niitsitapii, to be an important part in the trade, they were very important players”(Striped Wolf, 2019, p.5). Ray provided additional details on the traditional use, occupancy and cultural significance of the Rocky Mountain House trading post and the surrounding North Saskatchewan River valley during the fur trade period and the early days of Treaty 7: This was a gathering place, and the Treaty Niitsitapii, camped in clans and tribal affiliations, would come together to share stories from our oral history, and an opportune time to meet with relatives that live on other First Nations. All the tribal peoples camped alongside the river as each clan and families arrived, they would also set up their lodges and continue to visit and make preparation for the bartering to

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begin, and to be assured of fair market for the fur belts that they were bring to Rocky Mountain House Trading Post. Then, days were spent visiting and consulting with each other on a fair price for their furs. This negotiating went on for days, until all tribal people finished their purchases and then began their travel back to their respective homelands, till the next trading trips, once the need to come again. They were a good place to live and the close proximity of the river provided all that was needed for a long stay. Once they arrived back home, they hosted a social dance, “Aasimmihoottsii” (They offer each other tea), and they have several types of dancing and they continue this dance for several days, it is to celebrate friendship, and good sales and purchases, and a safe journey back home to those that remained at camp. This was a celebration dance, time to be entertained by the great storyteller from the buffalo ancestor’s past. This was a joyous occasion and it brought together, the people, and huge feasts, and the large pots of tea. The best singers and drummer came to share their talents and play the music for the “Tea Dance” (Black Plume, 2019, p.2). Black Plume noted that during the field visits conducted for the Edson Mainline Expansion Project in the Rocky Mountain House area, there was material evidence of historic Blackfoot occupancy on the land. “We located and identified the following on site; rock formations, burial mounds, or rock formations, praying alter, and placements that indicate that a significant event or heroic deed was performed by a Káínai warrior. On our walk about we were asked to look for the cultural properties of Káínai, this includes the Tipi Circles, and prayer alters” (Black Plume, 2019, p.1). Additional information was provided about the findings of the field research team and the significance of tipi rings as evidence of Blackfoot occupancy of the Project areas: “As we did our walkabout, we identified and documented the numerous Tipi Rings, that we found, this is an indication that stories told by our oral traditions and history are proven by the location of the Tipi Rings. This is evidence that the buffalo ancestors were here and camped along the river, came to acquire what natured provided for them in this particular location on the landscape, and also the importance of trade with the Forts, and with other First Nations, that were new to the concept of the Fur Trade”(Black Plume, 2019, p.3). The Blood Tribe/Káínai field research technicians indicated that the cultural properties of the Blackfoot people they discovered during the field research were not directly on the Project Development Area and were therefore unlikely to be disturbed. Therefore, they preferred to maintain confidential the locations of these sites. However, the presence of Blackfoot cultural properties in the local and regional study area therefore suggest the potential for additional discoveries of cultural properties and archaeological and heritage resources of importance to the Blackfoot during Project assessment, impact identification and construction.

Current Use of Project Area for Traditional Purposes Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation’s rights to hunt, fish and trap for food are guaranteed by Treaty 7 and the Constitution Act. These rights are still exercised on available lands within Blackfoot Traditional territory including within portions of the Project RAA, LAA and PDA. Aboriginal and Treaty rights and other traditional uses of

10 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 land and resource are exercised by Blackfoot people in areas that would be intersected by the Project.

Hunting While the Blackfoot people historically hunted bison, with the collapse of the bison in the late nineteenth century, other species supplemented the traditional diet including moose, white tailed deer, mule deer, elk, all of which are present within the Alford Creek Section RAA & LAA. During field verification, participants observed signs of moose, white tailed deer, mule deer and elk including tracks, scat, antler marks and visual sightings. In addition, there was a marked presence of black bears in the Project areas and various bear sightings. Blood Tribe and Siksika Nation Elders hunt bear to obtain hides for the sacred Bear Bundle. David Striped Wolf described how his son hunted and killed a bear in the Project RAA which was used in the Bear Bundle. During his time walking the PDA, David also saw many signs of animals: “I saw many animal tracks, those of foxes, deer and a mountain lion. This truly a beautiful and majestic landscape”(Striped Wolf, 2019, p.5). The construction of the Project in this foothills area of the Blackfoot traditional territory will create additional linear disturbance that will drive away wildlife and reduce opportunities for hunting. In addition to the Project effects on the availability of game, the expanded footprint will change the patterns of access and movement by hunters in the RAA and LAA by enabling greater access by recreational users, hunters with all-terrain vehicles and workers, thereby deterring enjoyment and use of the area by Blackfoot hunters. Furthermore, if the PDA is replanted with thick rye grass or other species of fescue that make walking and visibility difficult, then conditions will deteriorate along the PDA for Blackfoot hunters on foot. Furthermore, access points used by pipeline workers to enter portions of the Project PDA through private lease roads may be locked, particularly in winter, thus reducing access to the area for Blackfoot hunters.

Trapping Trapping for food is a protected Aboriginal right. Trapping for beaver is a particularly important cultural activity for the Blackfoot people, as described by Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation Elders and TK holders. The maintenance of the sacred Beaver Bundle requires access to beaver pelts on occasion and Blackfoot people are known to source components of the Beaver Bundle in particular places. Additional impacts to watercourses, beaver ponds and wetlands as a result of Project construction further reduce the number of places available to Blackfoot people to source traditional resources such as the Beaver pelt for the sacred Beaver Bundle. In addition to the potential impact of the Project on trapping for cultural/spiritual purposes, the Project could have negative impacts on beavers and their habitats which are important components of overall ecosystem health and biodiversity as beavers provide natural habitat for insects, wetland vegetation, fish, birds, other fur-bearers and moose. As providers of habitat and natural foresters, the beaver encourages the growth of life and biodiversity and contributes to the overall sustainability of the forest and wetlands.

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Fishing Various species of fish are found in the streams that could potentially interact with the Alford Creek Section including cutthroat trout, brook trout, bull trout, and rainbow trout as well as burbot, mountain whitefish, perch, northern pike and walleye. Blood Tribe and Siksika members have the right to fish these species for subsistence purposes and are concerned about the Project’s impact on fish in the streams that it will cross. These streams and rivers include Alford Creek, Cold Creek, Clearwater River, Prairie Creek, Matts Creek, North Prairie Creek, Swan Creek, Vetch Creek. Blood Tribe and Siksika TK holders are concerned about the impacts of the Pipeline on the creeks, streams and rivers, particularly due to the use of trenched crossings. Project construction will create disturbance to the streams and stir up mud and silt, interfering with fish habitat, movement and water quality. In addition to Project impacts on water and on fish habitat at watercourse crossings, Blood Tribe and Siksika TK holders also point out the risks posed by downstream effects of Project related contamination or disturbance in the North Saskatchewan River system and in adjacent wetlands, lakes and muskegs that are fed by streams interacting with the Project.

Gathering Food & Medicinal Plants & Other Traditional Resources The Blood Tribe and Siksika TK holders described in the September 4th focus group how the environment through which the Project passes (including the Alford Creek PDA, LAA and RAA) is part of Blackfoot traditional territory and an important source of traditional resources. According to Ray Black Plume, “I have been keeping an eye to the ground to search for plants, bearing fruit, and sacred cultural properties, and medicinal plants and roots. This is a specific tribal destination; it is here that our buffalo ancestors came to the exact space in another era of Káínai Oral History. This landscape provided our people with the cultural properties that are required for ceremonies, the stone for the pipe’s construction can be found in the mountain range, and the ochre and other colored clay is found in this specific location”(2019, pp. 1-2). As different environmental sub-regions favour different species of plants, different parts of the traditional territory are important as sources of particular species or traditional resources. The Project RAA is important to the Blackfoot as it is known to be a source of traditional resources such as lodgepole pine (tipi poles, spears, construction material), spruce, balsam fir and aspen/poplar trees for medicine and fuel. Other traditionally used plants encountered in the Project RAA, LAA and PDA by the field research team include: -Plantain used for ointment on joints was in the area -Aspen trees -Diamond willow -Five needle pine (tamarack) -Gooseberry -Horse Tail -Rabbit willow

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-Strawberry -Saskatoon berries -Two needle pine -Yarrow David Striped Wolf described how some of the plants he found in the pipeline Local Study Area are used. “I located and identified a medicinal plant used by Káínai, and it is ‘Ponokasooyii’ (Horse Tail). Our buffalo ancestors made a tonic out of this medicinal plant and used to cure the people. Kisoomoaa, a medicinal plant and other roots that are for healing and doctoring. We also used the Dandelion plant for medicinal purposes, and they grow in abundance on the landscape” (Striped Wolf, 2019, p.4). David continues: “I found, a medicinal plant called ‘ihtsimookinn’, and trees, lodgepole pine, spruce, and birch, willow, kii-Sookyiyinnama, … I also saw and identified a tree whose bark is used for medicinal purposes. So many other medicinal plants, roots and bark from trees, are and were used by our buffalo ancestors. The area in spite of the destruction to the land it is still a beautiful sight to behold. It is just splendid”(Striped Wolf, 2019, p.4). During the field verification exercises from June to September, Blood Tribe and Siksika TK holders observed that the Project would be built in parallel to existing disturbance. This would expand the size of existing linear disturbances into adjacent forests and wetlands and reduce the availability of trees and vegetation resources in the PDA. As David Striped Wolf pointed out, he observed the vegetation types on the previously disturbed right of ways adjacent to the proposed Project PDA and found that in previous phases of reclamation, the Proponent had planted the RoW with non-traditional vegetation. Rather than planting with sweetgrass and a variety of plants whose roots, medicines and berries that Blackfoot people use, the Proponent had planted grasses and clovers. The use in reclamation of non-native species or the use of other native grass species that are different from the existing vegetation types in the PDA will contribute to the local loss of biodiversity within the PDA and LAA on the new pipeline, even post-reclamation. David and Ray Black Plume raise the mitigation issue of the need to reclaim the PDA with traditionally used native plant species and/or seed mix.

Access to Project PDA, LAA and RAA Blood Tribe and Siksika accessed the Project by vehicle through the RAA, LAA and then walked along the PDA. Access to the northern portion of the PDA and LAA within the RAA is possible from Rocky Mountain House first via Highway 752 and then by turning north along a route that is named variously as: Range Road 91/Range Road 91A/Township Road 382B/Range Road 92A/Township Road 384A/391A and Range Road 100A and Township Road 393A. Access to portions of the PDA is also possible via Range Road 85 and then the South Fork Road. Access to other portions is possible from Highway 22 and Township Road 372 west of Chedderville followed by a series of lease roads that eventually intersect the PDA and LAA. From Highway 591 the the portion of the PDA north of Ricinus is accessible via Range Road 74. The access routes to the PDA and LAA are pictured on the map below.

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14 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019

Identification of Project Impacts by Blood Tribe and Siksika Nation Following the 16 days of field visits, the TK holders from Blood Tribe and Siksika Nation participated in a focus group on September 4th, 2019 to discuss the Project’s environmental impacts and related effects on Blood Tribe and Siksika traditional use, treaty rights and culture. The results of this discussion are summarized here as they provide a concise description of the Project’s potential environmental impacts and how these would affect Blackfoot (particularly Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation) traditional use, treaty rights and culture. In addition, the group proposed some impact mitigation measures which are also summarized here.

Concerns over Project’s Environmental Impacts One of the first set of concerns described by the TK holders in the focus group were the environmental impacts of the Project. The participants noted that the proposed pipeline would create additional impacts to those already visible from existing pipeline right of ways and previous industrial disturbance. “This is so sad that this beautiful landscape is scarred from the construction of underline gas pipeline. It is a real shame and at what cost to nature and the loss of the gifts from our creator? ”(Striped Wolf, 2019, p.5).According to the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation Elders and TK holders, the most obvious potential environmental impacts of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project are: • Impact of pipeline construction/ditch-line/trench at stream, creek and river crossings, particularly on aquatic resources, vegetation and fish. • Effects of downstream pipeline construction-related impacts to watercourses including erosion and contamination on adjacent muskeg, wetlands and lakes. • Potential disturbance to underground aquifers from pipeline-related digging, drilling and vibrations/ground disturbances. • Impacts to existing vegetation including forests and traditionally used plant species due to the use of cutlines and trails by Proponent and contractor’s vehicles and off-highway vehicles during field studies. • Project contribution to increased linear disturbance along existing pipeline corridor, increased surface area of disruption to vegetation and wetlands and related effects on wildlife including wildlife in the LAA and RAA. • Loss of viable wildlife habitat for moose, elk, deer, rabbits, beaver and other traditionally used species in the PDA and LAA. • Impact of deforestation along the PDA and related effects to remaining vegetation and tree communities at edge of PDA due to changing light conditions, moisture content in soil and wind. • Loss of species such as willow trees that serve as a filter for the water in the PDA, without which changes in soil quality, moisture content and erosion are more likely to occur with a resultant loss of nutrients, devegetation, impacts to water and wildlife that depend on the water.

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• Impact of human presence on wildlife habitat and effects on wildlife movement and activity patterns, including timing of game movement in and through the PDA, LAA and RAA. • Project construction and operation will add to noise in the PDA, LAA and RAA that drives animals away and sends them into agricultural or suburban areas where they are more likely to die in vehicle accidents or face other negative encounters with humans. • Project contributions to loss of local vegetation and biodiversity due to the use of homogenous seed mixes along existing areas of disturbance and the lack of traditional use species in the seed mix. • In the event of a release of gas from the pipeline there could be negative effects on vegetation and wildlife. • Project contribution to cumulative effects of linear disturbance on forest vegetation cover, soils, watercourses and wildlife in the LAA and RAA. • Regional socioeconomic and environmental effects of government and regulatory decision-making model that favours economic development in regional planning instead of environmental protection and sustainability. • The additional impact of the Project on water, soil, vegetation and wildlife in a regional context of oil and gas development, forestry and agricultural use is to contribute to cumulative footprint of human disturbance in wildlands. • The contribution of the Project to greenhouse gas production at end-use point and the contribution to climate change. While the Project Proponent and its agents used an assessment methodology that examines each of the potential Project effects separately and evaluates changes according to thresholds of tolerability or acceptability, the Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation TK holders evaluate the effects of the Project together, as an ensemble and as a whole. The Blackfoot believe that animate and inanimate components of nature are related – including the minerals, water, air, plants, animals and humans – and that all of these are related and all have the right to exist. For example, the bears and wildlife depend on the berries and on the rivers to survive. If these are not healthy then the whole ecosystem is not healthy and elements are out of order. The analysis of the Project effects provided by the Blackfoot Elders in the September 4th 2019 workshop invokes the Blackfoot Metaphysics of Balance between humans, animals, plants and inanimate elements of nature such as water, rocks, sunshine. Larry Leather provides the example of the Beaver Bundle to illustrate how there must be balance between the components of nature; if all of the elements of the Bundle are not present and cannot be harvested from nature then the natural world is out of order. If the natural order is disrupted, as indicated by the unavailability of the elements of the Beaver Bundle, then the environment and also Blackfoot traditions, culture and spirituality are threatened. The Blackfoot Elders – Marvin Maguire, Ray Black Plume, Richard RightHand, David Striped Wolf, Larry Leather, Scotty Manyguns, and Mike Oka – therefore provided their

16 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 analysis of the impacts of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project based on this Blackfoot assessment methodology that views humans and the environment as interconnected. After describing the effects listed above, they went on to suggest that the combined effects of the Project will be significant and irreversible. Since the Project will create changes to the land it will also affect the waters that give life to the animals, plants and humans of the Saskatchewan River system. Further, in the local sphere, the Project’s impacts on local vegetation, soils and wildlife will be significant and negative. The localized impacts have broader implications for wildlife throughout the RAA. In addition, any Project impacts to the watercourses could potentially be felt downstream beyond the RAA. Combine these effects with the result of burning fossil fuels transported in the pipeline and now the Project has implications for atmospheric conditions, greenhouse gas effects, and climate change. From the view of the Elders based on Blackfoot TK, these effects are all working simultaneously; this Project then, along with the contribution of other industrial activities in the region threaten the health and well-being of the regional ecosystem.

Project Impacts and Effects on Traditional Use Based on the simultaneous effects of the Project-related environmental changes described above by the Blackfoot Elders, the Project would have identifiable and negative effects on Blackfoot(Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation’s) traditional use of the PDA, LAA and RAA. • Project-related deforestation, clearing of the PDA and traffic will reduce the local availability of traditional plant species thereby reducing opportunities for Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika members to gather food and medicinal plants in the PDA and LAA. • Project-related reclamation in the PDA could encourage the regrowth of species that are not traditionally used by the Blackfoot and contribute to a loss of local plant biodiversity in the LAA, thus preventing reclamation that would favour a return to pre-disturbance traditional use patterns. • Project-related deforestation, noise and increased human presence during construction will reduce the presence of big game such as moose, elk and deer from the PDA, LAA and RAA thereby reducing opportunities for Blood Tribe and Siksika members to hunt and potentially infringing upon their Aboriginal and Treaty hunting rights. • Project-related disturbance to waterways within the Project PDA, LAA and RAA could change aquatic conditions and affect fish populations which could reduce opportunities for Blood Tribe and Siksika members to fish for food. • Project-related clearing and disturbance of wetlands could reduce habitat for beavers and therefore interfere with traditional trapping for cultural and spiritual purposes on the part of Blackfoot TK holders. • The Project could also interfere with Blood Tribe and Siksika Nation members’ access into hunting and gathering areas due to Project construction, noise and traffic and seasonal access restrictions.

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• The combined environmental effects of the Project on local wildlife, vegetation, water and even air in addition to the changing experience of visiting the PDA, LAA and RAA would reduce the viability of the area for traditional Blackfoot uses such as hunting, fishing, gathering, travel, occupancy and spiritual or ceremonial enjoyment.

Project Impacts to Treaty Rights The Project’s environmental impacts and the overall effect on traditional use raises the possibility that the Project will infringe upon the Treaty rights of the Blood Tribe/Káínai and the Siksika Nation. At the September 4th focus group, Elder David Striped Wolf raised the point that as Indigenous people, the Blackfoot enjoy inherent rights to harvest animals for food which are only guaranteed and effective if there is a clean environment including clean water, abundance of vegetation and an availability of diverse animal species. In the event that a Project proponent does not adequately assess the impacts to the environment and does not adequately consult with the Blackfoot in order to incorporate their views on the impacts, the significance of the impacts and potential mitigation, then the Project itself risks infringing upon Treaty and Aboriginal Rights. While Treaty rights are most often understood by regulators and Proponents as rights to hunt, fish and trap for food, as David Striped Wolf points out, for the Blackfoot an important component of their culture is the right to gather elements of the Beaver bundle including vegetation and animal components. Loss of access to lands due to industrial Projects and a declining availability of traditionally used plant and animal components of the sacred Beaver Bundle represents as much a violation or infringement upon Treaty right as the loss of opportunities to hunt, trap and fish. Further, overall cumulative environmental changes, to which this Project will contribute, are undermining the vitality of the Earth and the environment which entail a violation of the Treaty 7 and present threats to Blackfoot culture and way of life. Finally, the loss of available lands within the traditional territory of the Blackfoot upon which they may exercise their rights is another violation of the spirit of the Treaty as the Blackfoot themselves understand it. According to the Blackfoot Elders, the treaty itself is imperfect and has not been properly interpreted and it has been broken many times. It was meant to be a peace treaty and guarantee of rights. The Blackfoot have kept their side of the Treaty and maintained peaceful relations with the Crown and with Proponents. In this case, as in many other industrial Projects, the Elders are wary that their Treaty rights will be violated.

Concerns over Cultural Impacts Due to the environmental impacts of the Project and its potential effects to traditional uses and infringement of treaty rights, the Project will contribute to cultural impacts to the Blackfoot people as a whole, according to the Elders and TK holders at the September 4th, 2019 focus group. The Project would contribute to negative effects on Blackfoot culture in several ways. The first cultural effects pathway is due to the loss of access to traditional resources and loss of places to harvest culturally important plant and animal species such as those that compose

18 Blood Tribe/Káínai & Siksika Nation Edson Mainline Expansion Project Traditional Knowledge & Use November 2019 the sacred Beaver Bundle. Related to this pathway is the Project’s contribution to cumulative loss of biodiversity in the PDA and LAA. The loss of access, the loss of space and the loss of biodiversity together make it difficult for the Blackfoot people to obtain elements of the important cultural and spiritual practices involved in the maintenance and replenishment of the Beaver Bundle. This in turn represents a threat to this important cultural expression. The second pathway of cultural effects is due to the Project’s contribution to cumulative cultural effects of industrialization in the modern state. Since the signing of Treaty 7, the Blackfoot have faced attempts by the State, Religious institutions and industrial Proponents to systematically eradicate their sacred connection to Mother Earth. The eradication of the connections between Indigenous Blackfoot and their environment is designed to destroy the material sources of Blackfoot culture and identity. Each industrial Project with its additional environmental changes and reduced space and opportunities for Blackfoot people to harvest and enjoy the land contributes to the overall process designed to destroy the ties of Indigenous Blackfoot peoples to the earth. As described by the Elders in the workshop, it is the sacred ties of Indigenous peoples to the earth that have been systematically targeted by resource developers and the government. By barring access to land and resources and the resource developers undermine opportunities for the expression and practice of the traditional culture of the Indigenous peoples. Due to economic imperatives, the regulatory process is dominated by assessment methodologies that reduce the effects of each Project through a fragmented and isolated analytical lens, thereby downplaying the environmental impact of each successive Project. Through this fragmented assessment framework, the cultural impacts of Projects are ignored. The remedy for this sort of cumulative cultural erosion is to expand the scope of assessment. The TK holders and Elders at the September 4th focus group pointed out the need for a cumulative cultural impact assessment to describe and denounce the impacts of each successive industrial Project on Blackfoot culture from a perspective that recognizes the ongoing and cumulative effects of past industrialization, modernization, and the effects of cultural loss. Finally, since Project proponents and the assessment methodology they deploy is geared toward describing current use of lands and resources and puts the onus on the Indigenous groups to meet Proponent’s timelines with little capacity, the result is often an incomplete picture on the public record of the views of the Blood Tribe/Káínai or Siksika. As the TK holders and Elders in the focus group point out, the Blackfoot worldview recognizes the interconnections between the past, present and future. Their understanding of the Project area, its potential for traditional use and its importance to cultural sustainability are informed by experience with the area, traditional knowledge, cultural values and a respect for the future of the environment and the Blackfoot people. The Elders in the focus group reminded everyone that the Blackfoot people were in this area in the past and they will be here in the future.

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Mitigation Plans & Priority Issues The Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation TK holders provided input on priority areas for the development of mitigation plans. These are issue areas that Blood Tribe and Siksika would like to prioritize in ongoing discussion with the Proponent. However, they are not in themselves specific mitigation measures and would not necessarily fully reduce or control the Project effects. Rather these areas are priorities for Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation to further identify, mitigate and monitor Project effects should the Proponent indicate they are willing to collaborate further. • Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation request that the Proponent (NGTL/TC Energy) financially support Blood Tribe and Siksika’s Participation in a cumulative effects study of industrial activity in Blackfoot traditional territory. • The Proponent is asked to establish, in collaboration with Blood Tribe and Siksika, an Edson Mainline Expansion (Project-specific) and TK-based program to systematically monitor Project environmental impacts including measures to monitor the implementation and effectiveness of mitigation. • The Proponent and Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation will continue to negotiate over ways to compensate for ongoing Project impacts to treaty rights, environment and culture • Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation are interested in co-ownership and co- operation of pipelines but until now they have not been offered any significant socioeconomic benefits to their people by Proponents and operators.

In conclusion, the present study has presented the findings of a traditional knowledge and use baseline study of the Edson Mainline Expansion Project based on the input from Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation Elders and traditional knowledge holders. The study has identified a series of Project impacts to the local environment including air, water, vegetation, and wildlife, as well as Blackfoot use of traditional lands and resources; these effects will together create a risk of potential infringement of Blood Tribe/Káínai and Siksika Nation’s treaty and Aboriginal rights. Further, these impacts will contribute to the cumulative effects of industrialization and environmental change on Blackfoot culture.

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References Black Plume, Ray. 2019. Interview with Elder Ray Black Plume for the NGTL Edson Mainline Expansion Project, June 12, 2019. Interview by Mike Tail Feathers. Translated from Blackfoot to English and Transcribed by Louise Crop Eared Wolf. Blackfoot Gallery Committee. 2013. The Story of the Blackfoot People Niitsitapiisinni. Buffalo and Richmond Hill: Firefly Books. Blood Tribe/Káínai. 2019. Blood Tribe – Official website of the Káínai First Nation - About the Blood Tribe. Bloodtribe.org Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency (CEAA). 2015. “Technical Guidance forAssessing the Current Use of Lands and Resources for Traditional Purposes under CEAA 2012, December 2015. https://www.canada.ca/en/environmentalassessment- agency/services/policy- guidance/technical-guidance-assessingcurrent-use-lands-resources-traditional- purposes-under-ceaa-2012.html#_Toc007 Crop Eared Wolf, Annabel. 2007. MATSIYIPÁÍTAPIIYSSINI: Káínai Peacekeeping and Peacemaking. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of the University of Lethbridge in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Native American Studies University of Lethbridge Dempsey, Hugh. 1997. Indian Tribes of Alberta. Calgary: Glenbow Alberta Institute. NOVA Gas Transmission Ltd (NGTL). 2019. Edson Mainline Expansion Project Application. Submitted to the National Energy Board. https://apps.nebone. gc.ca/REGDOCS/File/Download/3767164

Siksika Nation. 2019. Siksika Nation History and Culture. Website. http://siksikanation.com/wp/history/

Stantec. 2019a. Edson Mainline Expansion Project. Environmental and Socio-Economic Assessment. Assessment of Effects on Traditional Land and Resource Use, Appendix D – Section 11. April, 2019. https://apps.cerrec.gc.ca/REGDOCS/File/Download/3762512

Stantec. 2019b. Edson Mainline Expansion Project. Environmental and Socio-Economic Assessment. Appendix I Traditional Knowledge Technical Data Report. April 2019. https://apps.cer-rec.gc.ca/REGDOCS/File/Download/3762430

Striped Wolf, David. 2019. Interview with Elder David Striped Wolf for the NGTL Edson Mainline Expansion Project, June 12, 2019. Interview by Mike Tail Feathers. Translated from Blackfoot to English and Transcribed by Louise Crop Eared Wolf.