DOCSLIB.ORG

عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا Why Is Deutschland Suddenly Interested ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا Why Is Deutschland Suddenly Interested ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع Germany's New Quest : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϡγ΍ Why is Deutschland suddenly interested : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϥ΍ϭϧϋ in the Libyan crisis 29/01/2020 : έηϧϟ΍ΦϳέΎΗ ΡϭΗϔϟ΍ϭΑ΍΍ΩϳΟ : ΏΗΎϛϟ΍ϡγ΍ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ On January, 19 2020, Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel hosted a summit in Berlin, hoping to bring an end to the on-going Libyan crisis. The Berlin Peace Conference, attended by international leaders, aimed to create a path for reconciliation, and aspiring to recommence the political dialogue between the Libyan factions: the µLibyan National Army¶(LNA) led by General Khalifa Haftar and the µGovernment of National Accord¶(GNA) under the leadership of Fayez al-Sarraj. The objective was ³to create the framework conditions for an intra-Libyan political process under the auspices of the UN,´[i] and to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table. The talks concluded with a joint statement of 55 points, where the attending states have come to the agreement to halt the military support given to the warring parties[ii] and the establishment of the µCommittee¶encompassing of five representatives for each Libyan party, Haftar's LNA and Al-Sarraj's GNA. [iii] While it is still unknown whether the Conference will in-deed cease the fighting in Libya, the question remains why has Germany decided to get involved in one of the most complex crises in the MENA region? Germany¶s marginalization In 2011, the uprising against Muammar al-Qaddafi caused a civil war and consequently an international military intervention, leading Libya to a failed state. Successive administrations have failed to control the country. However, in 2014 General Haftar launched ³Operation Dignity in Benghazi, ostensibly to eject Ansar al Sharia, a Salafist militia that emerged during the 2011 uprising.´>iv] Haftar was able to deploy forces and to develop a strong network with several parties to create a unity and strengthen his base. Yet, since 2016, the North African state has been split between the Tobruk government, led by General Haftar, the current ruler of eastern Libya and head of the LNA and the GNA, led by Fayez al Sarraj in Tripoli. Since the beginning of the Libyan crisis, a united European front was never attained. There has always been rifts in having a collective approach to address the convoluted Libyan crisis. Most notably are, Italy and France, who have placed themselves on opposite sides of the conflict. According to Giuseppe Dentice, Associate Research Fellow at Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI): ³Libya represent a battleground between Rome and Paris over the leading role in the country. Current tensions date back to 2011 when France and the United Kingdom led a military intervention in Libya against Muammar Gaddafi¶s regime. Italy was against the intervention.´>v] Germany, on the other hand, has marginalized itself since 2011 by abstaining in the voting on UN Security Council Resolution 1973 in March 2011 on the Libyan no fly zone and hence did not support France, Britain and USA in their decision. Such stance from Germany has deeply stained its relation with its allies. It is perceived that such subordination of relations with allies was not a strategic repositioning of German foreign policy, rather it is for the sake of political/ national interests: Mrs. Merkel is acting with serious political constraints, with her coalition partner, the Free Democrats, dropping in the polls and their leader, Guido Westerwelle, the foreign minister who came out so strongly against the Libyan operation, considered to be in danger of losing his party leadership. State elections are chipping away at her control of the upper house of Parliament. [vi] Germany, hence, chose not to deploy forces in Libya and decided that such intervention is risky and dangerous.[vii] Germany in 2011 prioritized domestic interests when asked to make difficult decisions at the international level. Eight years later, the world is witnessing Germany with a fresh bolder role towards the Libyan crisis, potentially a game-changer. In- fact since September 2019, several meetings have been held at the Federal Foreign office in Berlin between senior officials of the parties concerned. On January 11, 2019, Heiko Mass was given the power to mediate on behalf of the European Union with respect to Libya. Therefore, the Federal Chancellor had invited Heads of States and Governments on January 19, to a Berlin Conference on Libya. The five permanent members of the Security Council (the USA, Russia, the UK, France and China), Italy, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Egypt, Algeria and the Republic of the Congo have attended. The United Nations and the European Union were also invited, as well as the African Union and the Arab League. Both Fayez al-Sarraj and General Khalifa Haftar have also taken part in the Conference.[viii] This remarkable and momentous shift in Germany¶s strategic role, evident not just in rhetoric but also in its foreign policies, shows the Federal Government¶s quest to grow its leadership not just on a regional and yet even on a global level. The reasons behind this crucial change in Germany¶s strategies might be due to internal interests yet also to external forces. Domestic gains 1. The migrants¶predicamentFor the last eight years, the Libyan conflict was a source of migrants disturbing the European political dynamics. Libya has always been referred to as the µgateway to Europe¶where migrants aim to cross it to reach their final destination in one of the EU countries. The German Federal Government therefore decided to intervene in the Libyan crisis because the prolonging of the Libyan war could cause more migrants making their way to Europe. ³In 2019, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), almost 25,897 people tried to get to Europe via the central Mediterranean route. There have been 1,734 attempts since the beginning of ´>ix] Therefore, Libya poses a huge conundrum for the European policymakers, especially because the wave of migrants does not come from a single source, rather from many countries all over the continent. With the toppling of Gaddafi in 2011, who made a deal with the EU to keep migrants away and hence protect the maritime borders, Libya¶s long coastline has become nowadays an open border without effective government control. Smugglers, 10/2/2021 4:39:48 PM 1 / 3 hence, were able to fill a void, who ship migrants into poorly equipped and defective vessels and shuttle them to Italy.[x] Burkhard Lischka of the Social Democratic Party in Germany affirmed: experience shows that armed conflicts on our European doorstep can very quickly trigger large-scale refugee movements to Europe«Therefore, Europe has a significant interest in mediating between the warring parties and de-escalating the conflict. [xi] Germany, has decided that with the lack of Libyan border regulation leading to a refugee crisis, affecting Europe, action must be taken to find a solution for this prolonged war. 2. The oil conundrumThe Federal government¶s intervention in the Libyan crisis could be also due to the threat of the withdrawal of German oil and gas giant Wintershall Dea from Libya because of the country¶s troubled situation. The North African country has the largest oil reserves on the continent. Accordingly, oil is Libya's most important export good. Customers include European countries such as France, Italy as well as Germany. A published report in September 2019 of the German newspaper Handelsblatt, asserted that the company has been facing production losses in recent years due to the state¶s unstable circumstances.[xii] Since 1958, Wintershall Dea has been engaging in exploring and producing crude oil in Libya. It has a stake in the offshore field Al-Jurf and has been operating eight onshore fields, as well. Yet, Wintershall Dea production has been affected by the security conditions of Libya since 2011. ³Production from the onshore concessions had to be reduced and has even seen significant interruptions due to recurrent blockades of the export infrastructure. The continued tension in the country affects the company¶s operations´[xiii] Therefore, the country¶s volatile status and critical conditions has affected the production of such important oil and gas businesses. Because Libya is the third largest crude oil supplier for Germany, it is of vital interest for the Government to intervene in the Libyan crisis. 3. Diplomatic advantageAnother assumption of the reason behind the Germany¶s taking a prominent role in solving the Libyan crisis is the idea that such interference could actually be of great benefit for the current German government domestically. According to the Swiss news agency Watson, there are some recent polls indicating several unpopular opinions about the present government coalition, accompanied with intra-party disputes in the SPD and CDU. [xiv] Therefore, taking a more assertive and impactful role within the EU as mediator for this on-going crisis, could potentially alter the views about the government foreign performance. A foreign policy success could also consolidate its power domestically. There is also the belief that Heiko Maas, in particular, as foreign minister is surprisingly not very popular. Because, it is perceived that he has lacked any foreign policy success so far, doubting his performance as a capable politician. Hence, Libya could be the leeway for gaining diplomatic success. External pressures 1. The µperfect¶mediatorGermany has been welcomed by all parties and therefore was able to host such a Conference, because it has, since the beginning of the crisis, been perceived as a neutral player. Unlike Germany, France and Italy have presumably been taking sides in the conflict, shaking the EU unified stance. Therefore, the hope was for the German government to use its neutral reputation to be an assertive actor that might be able to stabilize the Libyan crisis.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
    SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1.
    [Show full text]
  • NO ESCAPE from HELL EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS NO ESCAPE FROM HELL EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya WATCH No Escape from Hell EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36994 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JANUARY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36994 “No Escape from Hell” EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya Map .................................................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 1 Key Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 8 Methodology
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Election Monitoring Mission Libya and Analysis Are Explained in Detail in This Report
    a Gender Election Monitoring Mission LIBYA General National Congress Election 7 July 2012 Final Report “Women’s empowerment achieved to date is a benchmark to beat and not a threshold to be maintained” Gender Election Monitoring (GEM) Mission Libya General National Congress Election 7 July 2012 Final Report Report Compiled by: Charlemagne Gomez Comments: Magda de Meyer and Sabra Bano Data collection by: Maryuma Tmalla and Narges Kraime Edited by: Melanie Hyde and Katharina Maier Cover picture: Alzawia Women’s Polling Station, Gender Concerns International Issued by: Gender Concerns International, October 2012 Table of Contents GLOSSARY............................................................................................................................VI PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................VII GENDER ELECTION MONITORING (GEM) MISSION TEAM LIBYA ........................................... X 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................. 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 1 1.2 MISSION OBJECTIVES ........................................................................................................ 1 1.3 CONTEXT ........................................................................................................................ 1 1.4 ELECTORAL SYSTEM .........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The North African-Middle East Uprisings from Tunisia to Libya
    HERBERT P. BIX The North African-Middle East Uprisings from Tunisia to Libya REVOLUTIONARY WAVE OF UPRISINGS has swept Over North A Africa and the Middle East, and the United States and its allies are struggHng to contain it. To place current US actions in Arab countries across the region in their proper context, a historical perspective, with events hned up chronologically, is useful. The US remains the global hegemon: it frames global debate and pos- sesses an unrivaled military machine. Few Arab rulers can remain unaf- fected by its policies. But far from being the sort of hegemon that can dominate through latent force, it must continually fight costly air and ground wars. The inconclusive character of these wars, and the decaying character of its domestic society and economy, reveals a weakened, over- extended power. Because of America's decade-long, unending wars and occupations massive numbers of MusHm civilians have died, while the productive sector of the US economy has steadily contracted. What foHows is a brief sketch, starting with how the European powers shaped the Middle East and North Africa until the United States displaced them, then jumping to the present in order to survey the authoritarian regimes in the non-Western societies of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, and Libya as they confront the rage of anti-regime forces. My central aim is to show that contemporary American-European interventions are best understood not as attempts to protect endangered civihans, as official US rhetoric holds, but as an extension of the logic of empire—continuous with the past and with the ethos of imperiahsm.
    [Show full text]
  • Tracking Conflict Worldwide
    CRISISWATCH Tracking Conflict Worldwide CrisisWatch is our global conict tracker, a tool designed to help decision-makers prevent deadly violence by keeping them up-to-date with developments in over 70 conicts and crises, identifying trends and alerting them to risks of escalation and opportunities to advance peace. Learn more about CrisisWatch July 2021 Global Overview JULY 2021 Trends for Last Month July 2021 Outlook for This Month DETERIORATED SITUATIONS August 2021 Ethiopia, South Africa, Zambia, CONFLICT RISK ALERTS Afghanistan, Bosnia And Herzegovina, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Ukraine, Ethiopia, Zambia, Armenia, Azerbaijan Cuba, Haiti, Syria, Tunisia RESOLUTION OPPORTUNITIES IMPROVED SITUATIONS None Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire CrisisWatch warns of three conict risks in August. Ethiopia’s spreading Tigray war is spiraling into a dangerous new phase, which will likely lead to more deadly violence and far greater instability countrywide. Fighting along the state border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the deadliest since the Autumn 2020 war, could escalate further. More violence could surge in Zambia as tensions between ruling party and opposition supporters are running high ahead of the 12 August general elections. Our monthly conict tracker highlights deteriorations in thirteen countries in July. The Taliban continued its major offensive in Afghanistan, seizing more international border crossings and launching its rst assault on Kandahar city since 2001. South Africa faced its most violent unrest since apartheid ended in 1991, leaving over 300 dead. The killing of President Jovenel Moïse in murky circumstances plunged Haiti into political turmoil. Tunisia’s months-long political crisis escalated when President Kaïs Saïed dismissed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi and suspended parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
    religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021.
    [Show full text]
  • Major Power Rivalry in the Middle East
    Center for Preventive Action Discussion Paper Series on Managing Global Disorder No. 2 March 2021 Major Power Rivalry in the Middle East Steven A. Cook Center for Preventive Action Discussion Paper Series on Managing Global Disorder No. 2 March 2021 Major Power Rivalry in the Middle East Steven A. Cook The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, busi- ness executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, including special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Wash- ington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal of international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to- date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Policing Belief: the Impact of Blasphemy Laws on Human Rights Was Re- Searched and Written by Jo-Anne Prud’Homme, a Human Rights Researcher and Advocate
    Policing Belief THE IMPACT OF BlAsphemy Laws On Human RIghts A FREEDOM HOUSE SPECIAL REPORT Policing Belief The Impact of BlAsphemy Laws On Human RIghts OCTOBER 2010 C O p y R i g h T i n f or m aT i O n All rights reserved. no part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the pub- lisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. TaBlE Of contenTs Introduction. 1 Algeria. 13 Egypt . 21 greece . 35 Indonesia. 43 Malaysia. 57 Pakistan. 69 Poland. 89 References. 95 abouT freedOm hOusE Freedom House is an independent watchdog organization that supports the expansion of freedom around the world. Freedom House supports democratic change, monitors freedom, and advocates for democracy and human rights. Since its founding in 1941 by prominent Americans concerned with the mount- ing threats to peace and democracy, Freedom House has been a vigorous proponent of democratic values and a steadfast opponent of dictatorships of the far left and the far right. Eleanor Roosevelt and Wendell Willkie served as Freedom House’s first honorary co-chairpersons. Today, the organization’s diverse Board of Trustees is composed of a bipartisan mix of business and labor leaders, former senior government officials, scholars, and journalists who agree that the promotion of de- mocracy and human rights abroad is vital to America’s interests. aCknOwlEdgEmEnTs and sTudy team Policing Belief: The Impact of Blasphemy Laws on Human Rights was re- searched and written by Jo-anne prud’homme, a human rights researcher and advocate.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: Military Actors and Militias
    Libya: military actors and militias By Francesco Finucci With special thanks to Lucia Polvanesi, for her editing work Photo: BRQ Network/Flickr The aftermath After Qaddafi's fall, about 200000 militiamen took to the streets. It was the end of a 40 years lasting regime. But it was also the first step towards the chaos: a country dominated by militias, fulfilled with weapons and characterized by harsh territories, where paratroops could hide themselves for months. Moreover, evidences suggest the use of this chaos in order to cover conflicts between rival tribes. Actions already blamed as war crimes. Hope is a fundamental element to be considered in new Libya, but fear is as well. What emerged from this study is a complicated scenario, much more than expected. On the other hand, requests are numerous and often genuine. The will to build a better place to live in came to light as well as the simple effort to gain power. Exploring this lively and intense underworld is not simple, even without being on the spot. Violence is part of this scenario as well as sense of the State. Sometimes they merge, sometimes they clash, but they never disappear. Probably, they won't do it for years, until Libya will be mature for military and political stability. After entering inside the last two years of Libyan history, we can't help hoping for this. Francesco Finucci Loyalty Name Flag/Symbol State-affiliated Libyan Army Force: 35000 soldiers1. القوات المسلحة الليبية Bodies The new army risen after Qaddafi's fall seems to be partially composed by former military staff, Allies: Libya Shield; and the detained equipment level is about the National Mobile Force; same as militias weaponry standard.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya and Tunisia
    CSS STUDY Islamist Actors: Libya and Tunisia Zurich, June 2018 Lisa Watanabe, Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich © 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich Contact: Center for Security Studies (CSS) ETH Zurich Haldeneggsteig 4, IFW CH - 8092 Zurich Switzerland Tel.: +41-44-632 40 25 [email protected] www.css.ethz.ch Author: Lisa Watanabe Supervision: Oliver Thränert, Head of Think Tank Research assistant: Anja Bodenmann Layout: Miriam Dahinden-Ganzoni Availability: This study can be accessed online at www.css.ethz.ch. Please cite as: Lisa Watanabe, Islamist Actors: Libya and Tunisia (Zurich: Center for Security Studies, 2018). Table of Contents Executive Summary 4 Introduction 5 1 Islamism in Libya 7 1.1 Mainstream Islamists (The Muslim Brotherhood) 7 1.2 Post-jihadis (LIFG/LIMC Veterans) 11 1.3 Salafi Parties (Al-Watan and Al-Umma Al-Wasat) 14 1.4 ‘Quiestist’ Salafis (Madkhalis) 16 1.5 The Importance of Libya’s Islamists 18 2 Islamism in Tunisia 19 2.1 Mainstream Islamists (Ennahda) 19 2.2 Salafi Parties (Hisb Ut-tahrir and Jabhat Al-Islah) 22 2.3 Quietist Salafis (Salafi Ilmiyya) 23 2.4 The Importance of Tunisia’s Islamists 25 Concluding Remarks 26 CSS STUDY Islamist Actors Executive Summary pears largely due to a failure to appeal either a more mod- erate Islamist audience or a large enough ultra-conserva- While much attention has thus far understandably been tive constituency. In particular, their message has been focused on jihadi actors in Libya and Tunisia, other Is- lost on ultra-conservative youth. lamist actors, who are not focused on armed jihad, de- Quietist Salafi actors, who usually shun political serve greater scrutiny.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Winter Approaches by Bruce Thornton Tuesday, November 22, 2011
    The Arab Winter Approaches by Bruce Thornton Tuesday, November 22, 2011 The revolutions against Arab autocracies—dubbed the “Arab Spring”—have been greeted in America with bipartisan celebration. To President Obama, the uprising in Egypt reflected the yearning of Egyptians for “the same things that we all want: a better life for ourselves and our children, and a government that is fair and just and responsive.” Visiting Libya after the fall of Gaddafi, Senator John McCain enthused, “[Libyans] have paid an enormous price for their freedom,” and have earned “a chance for all Libyans to know lasting peace, dignity, and justice.” And Senator Joseph Lieberman wrote in Foreign Affairs, “Throughout the Middle East, we see the narrative of violent Islamist extremism being rejected by tens of millions of Muslims who are rising up and peacefully demanding lives of democracy, dignity, economic opportunity, and involvement in the modern world.” This enthusiasm confirms the dominant narrative that explains both the causes of jihadist terror and the solutions to the problems that have given rise to it. President George W. Bush articulated that account in his second inaugural speech: “For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny—prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder—violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.” Photo credit: Erik, 'parked in Cairo thesis days' (via flickr) Once these tyrannies are removed, as seemingly has occurred in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt, and democratic institutions take their place, freedom and economic opportunity will flourish, the swamps of jihadist terror will be drained, and terrorist outfits like al Qaeda will be marginalized.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Islamists and Autocrats
    PROSPECTS FOR POLITICAL REFORM POST ARAB SPRING essays by HALA ALDOSARI LORI PLOTKIN BOGHARDT JAMES BOWKER MOHAMED ELJARH BEYOND JOHN P. ENTELIS SARAH FEUER SIMON HENDERSON ISLAMISTS HASSAN MNEIMNEH GHAITH AL-OMARI DAVID POLLOCK AND NATHANIEL RABKIN NADIA AL-SAKKAF VISH SAKTHIVEL AUTOCRATS DAVID SCHENKER ANDREW J. TABLER SARAH FEUER, SERIES EDITOR ERIC TRAGER essays by HALA ALDOSARI LORI PLOTKIN BOGHARDT JAMES BOWKER BEYOND MOHAMED ELJARH JOHN P. ENTELIS SARAH FEUER SIMON HENDERSON ISLAMISTS HASSAN MNEIMNEH GHAITH AL-OMARI DAVID POLLOCK AND NATHANIEL RABKIN NADIA AL-SAKKAF VISH SAKTHIVEL AUTOCRATS DAVID SCHENKER ANDREW J. TABLER ERIC TRAGER SARAH FEUER, series editor Prospects for Political Reform Post Arab Spring The opinions expressed in this book are those of the authors and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, includ- ing photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permis- sion in writing from the publisher. © 2017 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY 1111 19TH STREET NW, SUITE 500 WASHINGTON, DC 20036 www.washingtoninstitute.org DESIGN: 1000colors.org COVER PHOTO: Demonstrators chant slogans during a protest to support the transformation of the country into a federal state in Benghazi, Libya, 2012 (REUTERS/Asmaa Waguih). Introduction ... 1 CONTENTS DAVID SCHENKER, June 2015 By the first months of 2015, Post-Jasmine Tunisia ..
    [Show full text]