Turkey: Background and U.S
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Turkey Aerospace & Defense
TURKEY AEROSPACE & DEFENSE 2016 AEROSPACE TURKEY TURKEY AEROSPACE & DEFENSE 2016 Aerospace - Defense - Original Equipment Manufacturers Platforms - Clusters - Multinationals - Sub-Tier Suppliers Distinguished GBR Readers, Since the inception of the Undersecretariat for Defense Industries 30 years ago, significant steps have been taken to achieve the goals of having the Turkish armed forces equipped with modern systems and technologies and promoting the development of the Turkish defense industry. In the last decade alone, the aerospace and defense (A&D) sector's total turnover quadrupled, while exports have increased fivefold, reaching $5.1 billion and $1.65 billion in 2014, respectively. The industry's investment in research and development (R&D) reached almost $1 billion in 2014. The total workforce in the A&D industry reached 30,000 personnel, of which 30% are engineers. Even more remarkable, Turkey is now at the stage of offering its own platforms for both the local market and to international allies, and has commenced a series of follow up local programs. Although this progress has been achieved under the circumstances of a healthy and consistent political environment and in parallel with sustained growth in the Turkish economy, the proportion of expenditure for defense in the national budget and as a percentage of Turkey’s GDP has been stable. With the help of the national, multinational and joint defense industry projects that have been undertaken in Turkey by the undersecretariat, the defense industry has become a highly capable community comprising large-scale main contractors, numerous sub- system manufacturers, small- and medium-sized enterprises, R&D companies who are involved in high-tech, niche areas, research institutes, and universities. -
Turkey and Pakistan's Foreign Policy Congruence
DISCUSSION PAPER Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Ravale Mohydin DISCUSSION PAPER Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Ravale Mohydin Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY Ravale Mohydin PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE November 2020 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Introduction urkey and Pakistan have a The paper will first introduce the co-orientation longstanding relationship, model of communication and outline its evolu- dating back to even before tion that eventually explained how to measure 1947 when Turkey was the an individual’s or group’s congruence with an- second country to recognise other on a particular issue. Then, it will explain Pakistan’s sovereign status, its applicability in evaluating the relationship Tto when Muslims of the Indian Subcontinent between states and operationalise it by defining supported the Ottoman Empire as part of the the research methodology based on framing Khilafat Movement1. -
Save the Arms Embargo Peter Wallensteen 100 Hesburgh Center P.O
policy brief No. 14, January 2008 Save the Arms Embargo Peter Wallensteen 100 Hesburgh Center P.O. Box 639 One of the first measures contemplated by the United Nations when confronting a new University of Notre Dame security crisis is to institute an arms embargo. Since the end of the Cold War – which Notre Dame, IN 46556-0639 liberated international action from the constraints of major power confrontation – there have been 27 such embargoes. In addition to these UN embargoes, there are also Phone: (574) 631-6970 unilateral measures: The United States imposes its own arms sanctions on some Fax: (574) 631-6973 countries (including Cuba), as does the European Union, sometimes directed at the E-mail: [email protected] same targets, notably Burma/Myanmar and Zimbabwe. Are they used at the right Web: http://kroc.nd.edu moment, and do they have the effects the UN would want? The list of failures is, indeed, long. The most striking is the arms embargo on Somalia, which has been in place since 1992 without any settlement in sight. Is it time to forget about this meas- ure? Or is it time to save the embargo? If it is time to save the embargo, as this brief contends, what lessons can be drawn about the optimal use of embargoes, and under what conditions can they work? Gerard F. Powers The appeal of the arms embargo to the sender is obvious: It means that “we, the Director of Policy Studies initiators,” are not supplying means of warfare and repression to regimes we think should not have them. -
FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania
March 2017 FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania Liucija Verveckiene and Justinas Lingevicius, European Integration Studies Centre FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report: Lithuania 1. History of EU-Turkey Relations1 1.1. Turkish EU membership – no topic before Lithuania joined the EU Before evaluating Lithuania’s position on EU-Turkey relations historically, it is important to note two historical facts. Firstly, Lithuania accessed the EU in 2004. There was little debate on Turkey’s EU membership before Lithuania’s accession for all the attention was paid to Lithuania’s fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria and other integration issues. Secondly, Turkey was already a NATO member when Lithuania accessed the Alliance in 2004. Therefore, Lithuania considered Turkey as a strong partner in the security and defence area. 1.2. Building mutual partnership When we look at the public attitudes towards EU-Turkey relations after 2004, more positive than negative discourse is evident. Firstly, this could be explained by the fact that Turkey has supported Lithuania’s NATO membership and politicians have underlined a strategic partnership between the two countries. Thus, the security narrative played an important role and the Lithuanian government has also acknowledged Turkey’s geo-strategical position with regard to the whole continent. Secondly, economic relations between the EU and Turkey and the value of an already implemented free trade regime was acknowledged. Thirdly, via diplomatic channels a Turkish message has been transferred right after 2004: it is important for Turkey to be supported by Lithuania and all the attempts of support for the Turkish-EU dialogue are highly valued by the 2 Turkish people. -
Invest in Gaziantep Invest in Gaziantep Invest in Gaziantep Invest in Gaziantep
INVEST IN GAZIANTEP INVEST IN GAZIANTEP INVEST IN GAZIANTEP INVEST IN GAZIANTEP DEVELOPED INDUSTRIAL INFRASTRUCTURE LIFESTYLE AND EXPORT POTENTIAL 04 S 14 GEOGRAPHICAL CULTURE, TOURISM INDICATONS AND LIFESTYLE 06 T 18 of GAZIANTEP GOVERNMENT INCENTIVES GAZIANTEP CUISINE 08 N 21 EDUCATION 10 23 INDUSTRY TE ORGANISED AGRICULTURE 11 26 INDUSTRIAL ZONES N TOURISM FOREIGN TRADE 12 O 28 VISION PROJECTS HEALT 13 C 30 INVEST IN GAZIANTEP DEVELOPED INDUSTRIAL INFRASTRUCTURE AND EXPORT POTENTIAL Industries in Gaziantep are mainly located in over 5 or- ganized industrial zones (OIZ) and one Free Industrial Zone (FIZ) developed throughout the region. There are more than 5 organized industrial zones(OIZs) and and one Free Industrial Zone (FIZ) where most of Industries in Gaziantep are mainly lo- The city is also a good cated. Gaziantep OIZs host more than 900 big sized companies and SMEs in these industrial zones. In ad- place in terms of its dition to OIZs, small industrial sites consist an impor- export share in Turkey. tant portion of city’s economy. More than 4000 small Gaziantep’s export sized companies support the industrial manufacturing in terms of providing semi-finished goods and techni- reached nearly 6.5 cal support. Specialized parks have been developed in billion Dollars in 2017. Gaziantep to provide to the needs of specific industries. The city is also a good place in terms of its share of export in Turkey. Ga- ziantep’s export reached nearly 6.5 billion Dollars in 2017. 4 ika.org.tr INVEST IN GAZIANTEP LOCATIONLOCATION Only 2 hours distribution range by plane to all major cities in North Africa and Middle East cities and reaching more than 450 million people. -
Security & Defence European
a 7.90 D European & Security ES & Defence 4/2016 International Security and Defence Journal Protected Logistic Vehicles ISSN 1617-7983 • www.euro-sd.com • Naval Propulsion South Africa‘s Defence Exports Navies and shipbuilders are shifting to hybrid The South African defence industry has a remarkable breadth of capa- and integrated electric concepts. bilities and an even more remarkable depth in certain technologies. August 2016 Jamie Shea: NATO‘s Warsaw Summit Politics · Armed Forces · Procurement · Technology The backbone of every strong troop. Mercedes-Benz Defence Vehicles. When your mission is clear. When there’s no road for miles around. And when you need to give all you’ve got, your equipment needs to be the best. At times like these, we’re right by your side. Mercedes-Benz Defence Vehicles: armoured, highly capable off-road and logistics vehicles with payloads ranging from 0.5 to 110 t. Mobilising safety and efficiency: www.mercedes-benz.com/defence-vehicles Editorial EU Put to the Test What had long been regarded as inconceiv- The second main argument of the Brexit able became a reality on the morning of 23 campaigners was less about a “democratic June 2016. The British voted to leave the sense of citizenship” than of material self- European Union. The majority that voted for interest. Despite all the exception rulings "Brexit", at just over 52 percent, was slim, granted, the United Kingdom is among and a great deal smaller than the 67 percent the net contribution payers in the EU. This who voted to stay in the then EEC in 1975, money, it was suggested, could be put to but ignoring the majority vote is impossible. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
Security Council Press Statement on the Central African Republic
Code: SC/PR 1/1 Committee: Security Council Topic: The crisis in the Central African Republic Security Council Press Statement on the Central African Republic The members of the Security Council support the results of the presidential elections of 27th December 2020 in the Central African Republic and the officially elected president. They express their concern over the deteriorating military and political situation and the threat of government overthrow. Further, they confirm the importance of restoring state power throughout the entire territory of the country. The members of the Security Council express their deepest concern about the new outbreak of the Ebola disease in the Central African Republic. They urge the international community to provide vaccines and medical equipment to the people of CAR to combat the disease. The Security Council strongly opposes the violence and crimes committed by certain rebellious groups with the support of former President François Bozizé trying to undermine the electoral process, and condemns the violations of the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation, signed by the Government of the Central African Republic and armed groups in Bangui on 6th February 2019. The Security Council urges all signatory parties to fully honour their commitments and join the path of dialogue and peace. The Security Council recalls that individuals or entities who are threatening the stabilization of the country may be targeted under a Security Council sanctions regime. Violence fueled by disinformation campaigns is also strongly condemned. The Security Council stresses the urgent need to end impunity in the CAR and to let justice prevail over perpetrators of violations of international humanitarian law and of violations and abuses of human rights. -
Arms Embargoes Chapter
Sanctions Sans Commitment: An Assessment of UN Arms Embargoes By David Cortright, George A. Lopez, with Linda Gerber An impeccable logic makes arms embargoes a potentially powerful instrument in the array of United Nations (UN) peace- and security-building mechanisms. By denying aggressors and human rights abusers the implements of war and repression, arms embargoes contribute directly to preventing and reducing the level of armed conflict.1 There could hardly be a more appropriate tool for international peacemaking. Moreover, in constricting only selected weapons and military-related goods and services, and in denying these to ruling elites, their armies, and other violent combatants, arms embargoes constitute the quintessential example of a smart sanction. Not only do arms embargoes avoid doing harm to vulnerable and innocent civilian populations; the better the embargoes’ enforcement, the more innocent lives are likely to be saved. This powerful logic may explain why arms embargoes are the most frequently employed form of economic sanction. Since 1990, the UN Security Council has imposed mandatory arms embargoes in twelve of its fourteen sanctions cases. See the table “Selected Cases of Arms Embargoes, 1990-2001” for a complete listing of Security Council arms embargoes in the past decade. Only in the cases of Cambodia and Sudan did the Security Council choose not to apply a restriction on arms imports. In most cases arms embargoes were part of a broader package of sanctions measures. In some cases (Angola, Rwanda since 1995, and Sierra Leone since 1998) arms embargoes have been targeted against rebel movements fighting against an established government. In all other cases arms embargoes were applied against governments deemed to be violating human rights and posing a threat to international peace. -
The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey's EU Accession: a View from Lithuania
THE GEOPOLITICS OF SUPPORT FOR TURKEY’S EU ACCESSION: A VIEW FROM LITHUANIA The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey’s EU Accession: A View from Lithuania AZUOLAS BAGDONAS* ABSTRACT o join the European Union (EU), Why does Lithuania support Turkey in time needs to over- Turkey’s accession to the European Tcome two obstacles. First, it Union? The article analyzes some PGGFUVQEQPVKPWGHWNſNNKPIVJGTGSWKTG- of the key domestic factors and the OGPVUQHVJG%QRGPJCIGPETKVGTKCKG strategic thinking behind Lithuania’a continuous support. Domestically, the formal political, institutional, and the political culture of the foreign economic conditions for membership. policy elite and the permissiveness 9JKNG UWUVCKPKPI VJG EQOOKVOGPV VQ of public opinion allow treating OGGV VJGUG TGSWKTGOGPVU OC[ DG EJCN- Turkey’s accession as a foreign NGPIKPI VJG UGEQPF QDUVCENG Ō QDVCKP- policy issue, subject to cost-bene!t KPIVJGCITGGOGPVQHCNNCPFGCEJQHVJG calculations. Short-term calculations OGODGTUVCVGUVQ6WTMG[ŏUCEEGUUKQPŌ involve mutually advantageous deals between Turkey and Lithuania. may prove to be even harder to over- Long-term assessments focus on come. In the calculations of the political how Turkey’s membership would elites of certain European countries, a a"ect global, regional, and intra- number of perceived obstacles to Tur- European dynamics of power MG[ŏU CEEGUUKQP UGGO VQ QWVYGKIJ VJG relations. The article suggests that, in QDXKQWU DGPGſVU QH 6WTMG[ŏU OGODGT- the context of lasting foreign policy objectives and concerns, Turkey is ship. There are worries about the po- attractive to Lithuania primarily due NKVKECNCPFGEQPQOKEKORCEVQHCEEGRVKPI to its geopolitical roles: its traditional UWEJCNCTIGEQWPVT[CUYGNNCUEQPEGTPU transatlantic alignment, its function TGICTFKPIEJCPIGUKPVJGHQTOCNCPFKP- as a transit hub for energy supplies HQTOCN FGEKUKQP OCMKPI RTQEGFWTGU KP to Europe, and its potential to the EU. -
The Future of Turkish-Western Relations: Toward a Strategic Plan
The Future of Turkish-Western Relations Toward a Strategic Plan Zalmay Khalilzad Ian O. Lesser F. Stephen Larrabee R Center for Middle East Public Policy • National Security Research Division Prepared for the Smith Richardson Foundation The research described in this report was sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation and RAND’s Center for Middle East Public Policy (CMEPP). The research was conducted within the Inter- national Security and Defense Policy Center of RAND’s National Security Research Division. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Khalilzad, Zalmay. The future of Turkish-Western relations : toward a strategic plan / Zalmay Khalilzad, Ian Lesser, F. Stephen Larrabee. p. cm. “MR-1241-SRF.” ISBN 0-8330-2875-8 1. Turkey—Foreign relations—Europe. 2. Europe—Foreign relations—Turkey. 3. Turkey—Foreign relations—United States. 4. United States—Foreign relations—Turkey. I. Lesser, Ian O., 1957– II. Larrabee, F. Stephen. III. Title. DR479.E85 K47 2000 327.5610171'3—dc21 00-059051 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 2000 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2000 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Internet: [email protected] PREFACE At the dawn of a new century, Turkish-Western relations have also entered a new era. -
The Issue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union Volume 2011 2011 Article 4 April 2013 The sI sue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey Melike Baştürk Pitzer College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Baştürk, Melike (2011) "The sI sue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey," Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union: Vol. 2011, Article 4. DOI: 10.5642/urceu.201101.04 Available at: http://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu/vol2011/iss1/4 This Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Claremont at Scholarship @ Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union by an authorized administrator of Scholarship @ Claremont. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont–UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union 15 2 The Issue of Cyprus in the EU Accession of Turkey Melike Basturk A Divided Island: Cyprus It has always been hard to draw the map of Europe due to incomplete depictions of its geography. The borders of Europe include the states settled in Asia such as the Russian Federation, Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Council of Europe and even Israel in the song contest of Europe, Eurovision. However, the Europeanness of states like Turkey and Ukraine are always in question when it comes to the European Union (and the EC, its pre-1993 pre- decessor), even if both are in the Council of Europe simultaneously.