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The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
General License No. 8A
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY WASHINGTON, D.C. 20220 Office of Foreign Assets Control Libyan Sanctions Regulations 31 C.F.R. Part 570 Executive Order 13566 of February 25, 2011 Blocking Property and Prohibiting Certain Transactions Related to Libya GENERAL LICENSE NO. SA General License with Respect to the Government of Libya, its Agencies, Instrumentalities, and Controlled Entities, and the Central Bank of Libya (a) General License No.8, dated Septernber 19,2011, is replaced and superseded in its entirety by this General License No. 8A. (b) Effective September 19,2011, all transactions involving the Government ofLibya, its agencies, instrumentalities, and controlled entities, and the Central Bank of Libya are authorized, subject to the following limitations: (1) All funds, including cash, securities, bank accounts, and investment accounts, and precious metals blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13566 of February 25, 2011, or the Libyan Sanctions Regulations, 31 C.F .R. part 570, as of September 19, 2011, remain blocked, except as provided in General License No.7A; and (2) The transactions do not involve any persons listed on the Annex to this general license. (c) Effective September 19,2011, the authorization in paragraph (b) ofthis general license supersedes General License No. 1B. Note to General License No. SA: Subject to the limitations set forth in subparagraphs (1) and (2), paragraph (b) ofthis general license authorizes any transaction involving contracts that have been blocked pursuant to Executive Order 13566 because ofan interest by the Government of Libya. Director Office of Foreign Assets Control Annex to General License No. 8A 1. AL BAGHDADI, Ali AI-Mahmoudi (a.k.a. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
NO ESCAPE from HELL EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS NO ESCAPE FROM HELL EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya WATCH No Escape from Hell EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36994 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JANUARY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36994 “No Escape from Hell” EU Policies Contribute to Abuse of Migrants in Libya Map .................................................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 1 Key Recommendations ....................................................................................................... 8 Methodology -
Libya: the ICC and Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi Questions and Answers
Libya: The ICC and Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Questions and Answers January 2012 The International Criminal Court (ICC) judges granted arrest warrants on June 27, 2011, for Muammar Gaddafi, his son Saif al-Islam, and former intelligence chief Abdullah Sanussi in an investigation authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970. The three were wanted on charges of crimes against humanity for their roles in attacks on civilians, including peaceful demonstrators, in Tripoli, Benghazi, Misrata, and other locations in Libya. Consistent with Resolution 1970, the ICC warrants apply only to events in Libya beginning on February 15, 2011. While the ICC's proceeding against Muammar Gaddafi was terminated following his death on October 20, anti-Gaddafi forces apprehended Saif al-Islam Gaddafi on November 19 in southern Libya and are holding him in the town of Zintan. While initial reports suggested that a militia also had captured Sanussi, his whereabouts remain unknown. Libya’s general prosecutor told Human Rights Watch on December 10: “Officially we don’t have him.” Following Saif al-Islam Gaddafi's apprehension in November, some representatives of Libya's transitional government and National Transitional Council (NTC) declared that he would be tried in Libya. The chairman of the NTC, the justice minister, and the general prosecutor subsequently reiterated this stance to Human Rights Watch. In December the ICC judges requested further information from the Libyan authorities regarding Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s status, including whether and when Libya intends to surrender him to the court. Libya was supposed to provide that information by January 10, 2012, but it requested a three-week extension due to the security situation in Libya. -
Libya Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and Libya Conflict recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Libya achieved independence from United Nations (UN) trusteeship in 1951 Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) as an amalgamation of three former Ottoman provinces, Tripolitania, Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Cyrenaica and Fezzan under the rule of King Mohammed Idris. In 1969, King Idris was deposed in a coup staged by Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. He promptly abolished the monarchy, revoked the constitution, and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, established the Libya Arab Republic. By 1977, the Republic was transformed Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. into the leftist-leaning Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In the 1970s and 1980s, Libya pursued a “deviant foreign policy”, epitomized February 2018 | Vol. 1 by its radical belligerence towards the West and its endorsement of anti- imperialism. In the late 1990s, Libya began to re-normalize its relations with the West, a development that gradually led to its rehabilitation from the CONTENTS status of a pariah, or a “rogue state.” As part of its rapprochement with the Situation analysis 1 West, Libya abandoned its nuclear weapons programme in 2003, resulting Causes of the conflict 2 in the lifting of UN sanctions. -
Beyond Gaddafi: Libya's Governance Context
The Governance Network™ Beyond Gaddafi: Libya’s Governance Context Executive Summary August 2011 Over 6.4 million Libyans are living out a historic transition: emerging from 42 years of harsh authoritarianism towards a democratic state wherein the people are the source of authority. There is urgent need for the international community to understand the Governance assessment team interviewing NTC head country’s immediate governance issues in order to effectively support the people of Mustafa Abdul Jalil, July 18, 2011. Sanjay Gurung/Mercy Corps Libya. Since the uprising began February 17, 2011 ongoing fighting between forces loyal ABOUT THIS STUDY to Colonel Muammar Gaddafi and opposition forces connected with the National In July 2011 Mercy Corps and The Transitional Council (NTC) has created a chaotic governance context. NTC leadership Governance Network™ (TGN) teamed up to is focused first and foremost on resolving the military conflict, then on holding the carry out an assessment of the immediate opposition actors together and guiding the nation towards a transition that has been governance issues facing Libya. Combining indefinitely delayed; civil society is striving for a system that ensures trust and prevents Mercy Corps’ world-wide experience in a backslide towards old patterns. civil society capacity building and local governance with TGN’s expertise with The widely held notion that appointing “honest people” will address the corruption governments in transition and public sector rampant under Gaddafi and bring about profound change falls short of an effective development, the assessment aimed to strategy for improving governance. As Dr. Lamia Bousedra of the NTC’s Executive identify areas where international assistance Office of Cultural and Civil Society remarked,“Goodwill is running the country would be of use in Libya and to examine now, but soon we have to build real institutions with real participation by the greatest potential barriers to success of internationally supported interventions. -
DEATH of a DICTATOR Bloody Vengeance in Sirte WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS DEATH OF A DICTATOR Bloody Vengeance in Sirte WATCH Death of a Dictator Bloody Vengeance in Sirte Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-952-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2012 ISBN: 1-56432-952-6 Death of a Dictator Bloody Vengeance in Sirte Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .............................................................................................................14 I. Background .................................................................................................................. -
Gender Election Monitoring Mission Libya and Analysis Are Explained in Detail in This Report
a Gender Election Monitoring Mission LIBYA General National Congress Election 7 July 2012 Final Report “Women’s empowerment achieved to date is a benchmark to beat and not a threshold to be maintained” Gender Election Monitoring (GEM) Mission Libya General National Congress Election 7 July 2012 Final Report Report Compiled by: Charlemagne Gomez Comments: Magda de Meyer and Sabra Bano Data collection by: Maryuma Tmalla and Narges Kraime Edited by: Melanie Hyde and Katharina Maier Cover picture: Alzawia Women’s Polling Station, Gender Concerns International Issued by: Gender Concerns International, October 2012 Table of Contents GLOSSARY............................................................................................................................VI PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................VII GENDER ELECTION MONITORING (GEM) MISSION TEAM LIBYA ........................................... X 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................. 1 1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 1 1.2 MISSION OBJECTIVES ........................................................................................................ 1 1.3 CONTEXT ........................................................................................................................ 1 1.4 ELECTORAL SYSTEM ......................................................................................................... -
The North African-Middle East Uprisings from Tunisia to Libya
HERBERT P. BIX The North African-Middle East Uprisings from Tunisia to Libya REVOLUTIONARY WAVE OF UPRISINGS has swept Over North A Africa and the Middle East, and the United States and its allies are struggHng to contain it. To place current US actions in Arab countries across the region in their proper context, a historical perspective, with events hned up chronologically, is useful. The US remains the global hegemon: it frames global debate and pos- sesses an unrivaled military machine. Few Arab rulers can remain unaf- fected by its policies. But far from being the sort of hegemon that can dominate through latent force, it must continually fight costly air and ground wars. The inconclusive character of these wars, and the decaying character of its domestic society and economy, reveals a weakened, over- extended power. Because of America's decade-long, unending wars and occupations massive numbers of MusHm civilians have died, while the productive sector of the US economy has steadily contracted. What foHows is a brief sketch, starting with how the European powers shaped the Middle East and North Africa until the United States displaced them, then jumping to the present in order to survey the authoritarian regimes in the non-Western societies of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, and Libya as they confront the rage of anti-regime forces. My central aim is to show that contemporary American-European interventions are best understood not as attempts to protect endangered civihans, as official US rhetoric holds, but as an extension of the logic of empire—continuous with the past and with the ethos of imperiahsm. -
Crisis in Libya
Crisis in Libya More ICRtoP Resources on Libya... Security Council Resolutions on  Libya Referencing RtoP ICRtoP Blog:  Responsibility While Protecting: The Impact of a New Initiative on RtoP ICRtoP Blog: Debating the Responsibility to Protect in Libya, Syria ICRtoP Blog: Al-Senussi Arrest: Concerns About Justice System in Libya ICRtoP Blog: Three Years On, Libya Still Providing Lessons for RtoP Implementation The Crisis in Libya (For details on the Libyan Crisis post-Gaddafi, click here .) I. Background to the humanitarian crisis II. Initial response to the crisis in Libya a. Civil Society - Crisis warranted urgent response b. Regional response - early but disparate calls c. Government response d. UN: Special Advisers, Human Rights Commission, General Assembly and Security Council e. The International Criminal Court III. Violence escalates to civil war as NATO enforces no-fly zone a. NATO supports rebels, receives criticism b. Civilians at risk from mass atrocity crimes c. Call for NTC to be held accountable IV. Lessons learned and looking forward a. Military operation spurs debate b. Separating RtoP principles from implementation c. Continuing to uphold RtoP in Libya d. The International Commission of Inquiry I. Background to the humanitarian crisis The crisis in Libya seized the attention of the international community and has been labeled a clear case for when timely and decisive response to uphold RtoP in the face of an imminent threat of mass atrocities should occur. In February 2011, civilians began to undertak e political protests demanding an end to Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s 41-year reign, wherein protestors found themselves the target of mass atrocities at the hands of government armed forces. -
To Engage Or Not Engage? Libyan Salafis and State Institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum
To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum HYRES Research Note Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the author. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: PB 7024 St. Olavs Plass 0130 OSLO, NORWAY Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 2 To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum Published by the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum 3 Contents HYRES – Hybrid Pathways to Resistance in the Islamic World .............. 4 Introduction .......................................................................................... 5 2011 – old constraints, new opportunities ............................................ 5 2011-2013 political participation versus moral order ........................... 7 2013-2015 – different modalities of violence, fitna versus order .......... 9 2016-2019 - not so “apolitical” Salafis................................................ 12 What future for Libya’s quietist Salafis? .............................................