DOCSLIB.ORG

The Causes and Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Causes and Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles ‘George Washington Must Go’: The Causes and Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Dov Haim Levin 2014 © Copyright by Dov Haim Levin 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION ‘George Washington Must Go’: The Causes and Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions by Dov Haim Levin Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Arthur A. Stein, Chair This study assesses the causes and effects of partisan great power interventions in the elections of other countries. Such interventions have been a quite common phenomenon extending back to the beginnings of competitive elections and even including the 1796 U.S. Presidential elections (the source of this study’s title). Since World War II, such interventions have become quite common: a dataset I constructed of U.S. and Soviet/Russian electoral interventions between 1946 and 2000 finds that there were such interventions in approximately one of every nine competitive national level executive elections during this period. In today’s world, in which competitive national level elections are a significant feature of domestic politics in more than half of the states in the international system, partisan electoral interventions will likely become an even more prominent tool in the great powers’ arsenal. Nevertheless, there has been scant scholarly research on this topic. As for the causes of electoral interventions this study argues that electoral interventions usually occur when two concurrent conditions exist. The first is the consent and cooperation of a significant domestic actor within the target with a proposed intervention by the great power. The ii second is that the intervener sees its interests as being endangered by the very different and inflexible preferences held by another significant candidate/party within the target. As for the electoral consequences of electoral intervention, this study argues that they usually significantly increase the electoral chances of the aided candidate and that overt interventions are more effective than covert interventions. Likewise, electoral interventions will be less helpful to the aided party/candidate in founding elections than in later elections. These hypotheses are tested using multiple methods. The first argument concerning the causes of electoral interventions is tested largely through the in-depth analysis of four case studies (utilizing archival documents) in which such interventions were done or seriously considered by a great power chosen out of the abovenoted dataset of electoral interventions. The second set of hypotheses, about the electoral consequences of such interventions, is tested in two different ways. The first is a large N statistical study utilizing a new dataset of all U.S. and USSR/Russian partisan electoral interventions between 1946 and 2000 constructed by the author. The second is a single election level examination of the electoral consequences of such interventions (utilizing exit polls etc.) in four select intervention cases. Utilizing these methods, this study finds strong evidence in support of the arguments presented here as to both questions. iii The dissertation of Dov Haim Levin is approved Barbara Geddes Robert F. Trager Mark A. R. Kleiman Arthur A. Stein, Committee Chair University of California, Los Angeles 2014 iv Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter I: Theoretical Arguments and Methodology……………………………………………34 Chapter II: Overview of the Electoral Intervention dataset……………………………………...66 Chapter III: The Causes of Electoral Interventions (prt.1)- the cases of Greece 1967 and Germany 1953…………………………………………………………………………………....83 Chapter IV: The Causes of Electoral Interventions (prt.2)- the cases of Venezuela 1958 and Philippines 1965………………………………………………………………………………..140 Chapter V: The Effects of Electoral Interventions on Election Results – the Large N Statistical Analysis…………………………………………………………………………………………173 Chapter VI: Single election level analysis of the effects of electoral interventions (prt.1)…….215 Chapter VII: Single election level analysis of the effects of electoral interventions (prt.2)……252 Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………………..289 Appendix 1.1: Research on the Effectiveness of Electoral Interventions- An addition………..313 Appendix 1.2: Defining a partisan electoral intervention- further description…………………314 Appendix 1.3: Definition, Operationalization and description of Dataset Construction………321 Appendix 5.1: Description and operationalization of the control variables for chp.5………….334 v Appendix 5.2: Tables with additional results and robustness checks for chp.5………………..345 Appendix 5.3: Defining an interveneable/competitive election- further description…………..382 Appendix 6.1: Analysis of the 1992 Israeli election survey: regression models, description of variables, and robustness checks………………………………………………………………..384 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………396 vi List of Figures Figure 1.1: The case studies (possible targets) by selection criteria……………………………..56 Figure 2.1: Competitive vs. intervened elections by region- all interveners 1946-2000………...69 Figure 2.2: USSR/Russia electoral interventions by region- 1946-2000………………………..69 Figure 2.3: US electoral interventions by region- 1946-2000…………………………………..70 Figure 2.4: U.S. and USSR/Russia electoral interventions by decade 1946-2000………………75 Figure 3.1: The case studies (possible targets) by selection criteria……………………………..83 Figure 4.1: The case studies (possible targets) by selection criteria……………………………141 Figure 5.1: Electoral intervention dataset 1946-2000 summary description………………….181 Figure 5.2: Predicted mean effects of electoral interventions………………………………….190 Figure 6.1: 1992 Israeli elections Bloc Choice vote……………………………………………225 vii List of Tables Table 1.1: Examples of Activities Coded or Excluded as Partisan Electoral Interventions……..62 Table 2.1: Top five targets of electoral interventions- the U.S. and the USSR/Russia………….70 Table 5.1: Estimated effects of the electoral intervention on election results- selected real intervention cases……………………………………………………………………………….193 Table 5.2: Hypothesis 1: Electoral Interventions Effects in HS Model………………………...205 Table 5.3: Hypothesis 1: Electoral Interventions Effects- Various Controls (HS)……………..206 Table 5.4: Hypothesis 1: Electoral Interventions Effects (in KP)……………………………...207 Table 5.5: Hypothesis 2: Effects of Covert and Overt Electoral Interventions & Various Controls (HS)…………………………………………………………………………………………….208 Table 5.6: Hypothesis 2: Effects of Covert and Overt Electoral Interventions - Further Robustness Checks (HS & KP)………………………………………………………………...209 Table 5.7: Hypothesis 3: Effects of Electoral Interventions in Founding vs. Non-Founding Elections & Various Controls (HS)…………………………………………………………….210 Table 5.8: Hypothesis 3: Effects of Electoral Interventions in Founding vs. Non-Founding Elections & Further Robustness Checks (HS & KP)…………………………………………...211 Table 5.9: Hypotheses 4 & 5: Electoral Interventions for Challengers vs. Electoral Interventions for Incumbents- select models………………………………………………………………….213 viii Table 5.10: Effects of different subtypes of Electoral Interventions: Interventions Which Aid the Campaign vs. Those which Affect Overall Conditions- select models………………………...214 Table 8.1: Causes argument summary (H1-H3): theoretical predictions, case studies and results…………………………………………………………………………………………...293 ix Acknowledgements When I look back at the intellectual debts, as well as the debts of gratitude, accumulated during the long process of writing this Ph.D dissertation I become very thankful that such debts aren’t monetary in nature. Had that been the case, I would need at least a few additional lifetimes to pay them all back. My largest intellectual debt is to my Ph.D advisor Arthur Stein. Without Stein’s highly discerning and perceptive feedback and suggestions on the drafts of this argument and various draft chapters, the quality of the arguments made here in general, and of the dissertation in particular, would have been far poorer. Every time I left a meeting with Stein over one or another part of my dissertation I came out feeling that I better understood what I needed to correct, which ways I should go about correcting it and what I needed to do next- even when his comments called, as they sometimes did, to the heavy revision or even abandonment of much of the empirical research or theoretical argument that we had just discussed. I was quite fortunate to have an advisor who, besides being one of the smartest people I have ever known, was also open to letting his students to go into barely charted lands while giving them the tools they needed to survive the experience. My other committee members were also very helpful. Barbara Geddes’ feedback on the earliest versions of my arguments in her Research Design course saved me months of aimless wandering in blind methodological alleys. Her subsequent methodological and other feedback also helped make this work into a solid empirical house rather than a flimsy sandcastle. Likewise, Robert Trager’s trenchant comments and very helpful suggestions throughout the dissertation process were invaluable in improving its quality in all of its aspects. I am also x indebted to Etel Solingen for providing valuable comments during the orals. A special thanks
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Politics and Elections in Buenos Aires, 1890-1898: the Performance of the Radical Party Author(S): Paula Alonso Source: Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol
    Politics and Elections in Buenos Aires, 1890-1898: The Performance of the Radical Party Author(s): Paula Alonso Source: Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Oct., 1993), pp. 465-487 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/158264 Accessed: 01-04-2015 00:34 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Latin American Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 198.91.37.2 on Wed, 01 Apr 2015 00:34:12 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Politics and Elections in Buenos Aires, I890-1898: The Performance of the Radical Party* PAULA ALONSO Three main political parties regularly contested elections in Argentina in the late nineteenth century: the Partido Autonomista Nacional (PAN), the Uni6n Civica Nacional (UCN), and the Uni6n Civica Radical (UCR).1 However, little is known about the nature of party competition, the contesting parties' electoral performances or the characteristics of their electoral support. Discussion of the electoral politics prior to 9I 2, when the vote became secret and compulsory for all Argentine males over 18 years of age, has been dominated by notions of corruption, repression and lack of opportunity for popular participation.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004)
    Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004) Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. “WASHINGTON AS A PLACE FOR THE GERMAN CAMPAIGN”: THE U.S. GOVERNMENT AND THE CDU/CSU OPPOSITION, 1969–1972 Bernd Schaefer I. In October 1969, Bonn’s Christian Democrat-led “grand coalition” was replaced by an alliance of Social Democrats (SPD) and Free Democrats (FDP) led by Chancellor Willy Brandt that held a sixteen-seat majority in the West German parliament. Not only were the leaders of the CDU caught by surprise, but so, too, were many in the U.S. government. Presi- dent Richard Nixon had to take back the premature message of congratu- lations extended to Chancellor Kiesinger early on election night. “The worst tragedy,” Henry Kissinger concluded on June 16, 1971, in a con- versation with Nixon, “is that election in ’69. If this National Party, that extreme right wing party, had got three-tenths of one percent more, the Christian Democrats would be in office now.”1 American administrations and their embassy in Bonn had cultivated a close relationship with the leaders of the governing CDU/CSU for many years.
    [Show full text]
  • Figure A1 General Elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists Among Highest-Educated and Top-Income Voters In
    Chapter 15. "Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019" Oscar BARRERA, Ana LEIVA, Clara MARTÍNEZ-TOLEDANO, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO Appendix A - Argentina Main figures and tables Figure A1 General elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists among highest-educated and top-income voters in Argentina, after controls Table A1 The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Appendix Figures - Structure of the Vote for Peronists Figure AA1 Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina Figure AA2 Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina Figure AA3 Vote for Peronists by education level in Argentina Figure AA4 Vote for Peronists by age group in Argentina Figure AA5 Vote for Peronists by gender in Argentina Figure AA6 Vote for Peronists by marital status in Argentina Figure AA7 Vote for Peronists by employment status in Argentina Figure AA8 Vote for Peronists by employment sector in Argentina Figure AA9 Vote for Peronists by self-employment status in Argentina Figure AA10 Vote for Peronists by occupation in Argentina Figure AA11 Vote for Peronists by subjective social class in Argentina Figure AA12 Vote for Peronists by rural-urban location in Argentina Figure AA13 Vote for Peronists by region in Argentina Figure AA14 Vote for Peronists by ethnicity in Argentina Figure AA15 Vote for Peronists by religious affiliation in Argentina Figure AA16 Vote for Peronists by religiosity in Argentina Figure AA17 Vote for
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction
    Notes 1 Introduction 1. What belongs together will now grow together (JK). 2. The well-known statement from Brandt is often wrongly attributed to the speech he gave one day after the fall of the Berlin Wall at the West Berlin City Hall, Rathaus Schöneberg. This error is understandable since it was added later to the publicized version of the speech with the consent of Brandt himself (Rother, 2001, p. 43). By that time it was already a well known phrase since it featured prominently on a SPD poster with a picture of Brandt in front of the partying masses at the Berlin Wall. The original statement was made by Brandt during a radio interview on 10 November for SFP-Mittagecho where he stated: ‘Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört’ (‘Now we are in a situation in which again will grow together what belongs together’). 3. The Treaty of Prague with Czechoslovakia, signed 11 December 1973, finalized the Eastern Treaties. 4. By doing this, I aim to contribute to both theory formation concerning inter- national politics and foreign policy and add to the historiography of the German question and reunification policy. Not only is it important to com- pare theoretical assumptions against empirical data, by making the theoretical assumptions that guide the historical research explicit, other scholars are enabled to better judge the quality of the research. In the words of King et al. (1994, p. 8): ‘If the method and logic of a researcher’s observations and infer- ences are left implicit, the scholarly community has no way of judging the validity of what was done.’ This does not mean that the historical research itself only serves theory formation.
    [Show full text]
  • Stunde Null: the End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago." Their Contributions Are Presented in This Booklet
    STUNDE NULL: The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago Occasional Paper No. 20 Edited by Geoffrey J. Giles GERMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE WASHINGTON, D.C. STUNDE NULL The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago Edited by Geoffrey J. Giles Occasional Paper No. 20 Series editors: Detlef Junker Petra Marquardt-Bigman Janine S. Micunek © 1997. All rights reserved. GERMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE 1607 New Hampshire Ave., NW Washington, DC 20009 Tel. (202) 387–3355 Contents Introduction 5 Geoffrey J. Giles 1945 and the Continuities of German History: 9 Reflections on Memory, Historiography, and Politics Konrad H. Jarausch Stunde Null in German Politics? 25 Confessional Culture, Realpolitik, and the Organization of Christian Democracy Maria D. Mitchell American Sociology and German 39 Re-education after World War II Uta Gerhardt German Literature, Year Zero: 59 Writers and Politics, 1945–1953 Stephen Brockmann Stunde Null der Frauen? 75 Renegotiating Women‘s Place in Postwar Germany Maria Höhn The New City: German Urban 89 Planning and the Zero Hour Jeffry M. Diefendorf Stunde Null at the Ground Level: 105 1945 as a Social and Political Ausgangspunkt in Three Cities in the U.S. Zone of Occupation Rebecca Boehling Introduction Half a century after the collapse of National Socialism, many historians are now taking stock of the difficult transition that faced Germans in 1945. The Friends of the German Historical Institute in Washington chose that momentous year as the focus of their 1995 annual symposium, assembling a number of scholars to discuss the topic "Stunde Null: The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago." Their contributions are presented in this booklet.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Coverage of Establishment and Non-Establishment Candidates in Argentina’S 2003 Presidential Election
    MEDIA COVERAGE OF ESTABLISHMENT AND NON-ESTABLISHMENT CANDIDATES IN ARGENTINA’S 2003 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Karen J. Yang M.A. Political Science, M.A. Latin American Studies * * * * * The Ohio State University 2006 Dissertation Committee: Professor Anthony Mughan, Adviser Approved by Associate Professor Mark P. Jones Associate Professor Thomas E. Nelson Adviser Assistant Professor Sarah M. Brooks Political Science Graduate Program ABSTRACT In the aftermath of Argentina’s December 2001 financial meltdown, the political class was widely blamed for the crisis that transformed this once predominantly middle- class country into a poor one. However, when new presidential elections were held in April 2003, establishment candidates generally placed higher relative to non- establishment candidates. To account for this puzzling election outcome, I examine the role that Argentine centrist print media may have played through their coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates. The research design involves content analysis of front-page news articles from large, centrist newspapers, Clarín and La Nación, over an eleven-month period. To analyze the data, I rely on count data and multi-linear graphs as well as correlation coefficients and tests of significance. Testing two hypotheses, namely media attention and framing, I find that establishment candidates received more media attention, and perhaps more name recognition, than did non-establishment candidates. I also find that centrist print media framed candidate strengths and weaknesses in particular ways. Establishment candidates were portrayed as having competency and electability as their strengths and integrity as their weakness.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin of the Institute for Western Affairs, Ed. 25
    BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE FOR WESTERN AFFAIRS 75 years of the CDU Piotr Kubiak, Martin Wycisk The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) celebrated its 75th anniversary on June 26, 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the celebrations were subdued. Together with its sister party CSU, the CDU has become a fixture on the political landscape of the Federal Republic of Germany: from Adenauer to Merkel, no other German party has exerted bigger influence on the fates of its country. The most prominent achievements credited to the Christian democrats are to have strengthened democracy in Editorial Board: Germany and the country’s social market economy, and to have Radosław Grodzki contributed to cooperation with the West, the reunification of Karol Janoś (editor in chief) Germany and European integration. What is more, the CDU is Piotr Kubiak thought of as the party in power: for 51 out of 71 years of its Krzysztof Malinowski existence, the CDU was in the government. 5 out of 8 German chancellors came from among the ranks of the CDU as did 6 out of 12 of the country’s presidents. Christian Democratic parties have won 16 of the total of 19 Bundestag election. Is it there- fore fair to proclaim the success of the Christian Democrats as No. 25(445)/2020 being complete? Has the CDU not lost any of its appeal during 09.07.2020 its 75 years in existence? What are the challenges and problems ISSN 2450-5080 that the CDU is facing in 2020? What future looms ahead for the party as it faces the challenges of the modern world and the choice of new leadership? The Adenauer period The Bulletin is also available on: NEWSLETTER IZ The CDU emerged in the wake of the defeat of the Third Reich, FACEBOOK SCRIBD driven by the need to revive political life in occupied Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • A State of Peace in Europe
    Studies inContemporary European History Studies in Studies in Contemporary Contemporary A State of Peace in Europe A State of Peace in Europe European European West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 History History West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 Petri Hakkarainen In a balanced way the author blends German views with those from Britain, France and the United States, using these countries’ official documents as well. His book represents a very serious piece of scholarship and is interesting to read. It excels with a novel hypothesis, a very careful use of varied archival sources, and an ability not to lose his argument in the wealth of material. Helga Haftendorn, Free University, Berlin Petri Hakkarainen I don’t know of any other book that deals so thoroughly with German CSCE policy in the years described here…The author has done a vast amount of research, using documents from different archives and different countries…While he is of course not the first scholar to write about the origins of the CSCE, the author does contribute new elements and interpretations to the topic. Benedikt Schönborn, University of Tampere, Centre for Advanced Study From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s West German foreign policy underwent substantial transformations: from bilateral to multilateral, from reactive to proactive. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was an ideal setting for this evolution, enabling A StateofPeaceinEurope the Federal Republic to take the lead early on in Western preparations for the conference and to play a decisive role in the actual East–West negotiations leading to the Helsinki Final Act of 1975.
    [Show full text]
  • The Importance of Osthandel: West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991
    The Importance of Osthandel: West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Charles William Carter, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Professor Carole Fink, Advisor Professor Mansel Blackford Professor Peter Hahn Copyright by Charles William Carter 2012 Abstract Although the 1970s was the era of U.S.-Soviet détente, the decade also saw West Germany implement its own form of détente: Ostpolitik. Trade with the Soviet Union (Osthandel) was a major feature of Ostpolitik. Osthandel, whose main feature was the development of the Soviet energy-export infrastructure, was part of a broader West German effort aimed at promoting intimate interaction with the Soviets in order to reduce tension and resolve outstanding Cold War issues. Thanks to Osthandel, West Germany became the USSR’s most important capitalist trading partner, and several oil and natural gas pipelines came into existence because of the work of such firms as Mannesmann and Thyssen. At the same time, Moscow’s growing emphasis on developing energy for exports was not a prudent move. A lack of economic diversification resulted, a development that helped devastate the USSR’s economy after the oil price collapse of 1986 and, in the process, destabilize the communist bloc. Against this backdrop, the goals of some West German Ostpolitik advocates—especially German reunification and a peaceful resolution to the Cold War—occurred. ii Dedication Dedicated to my father, Charles William Carter iii Acknowledgements This project has been several years in the making, and many individuals have contributed to its completion.
    [Show full text]
  • Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations
    THE PROJECT OF RECONCILIATION: JOURNALISTS AND RELIGIOUS ACTIVISTS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS, 1956-1972 Annika Frieberg A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Karen Hagemann Dr. Madeline Levine ©2008 Annika Frieberg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT ANNIKA FRIEBERG: The Project of Reconciliation: Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations, 1956-1972 (under the direction of Konrad Jarausch) My dissertation, “The Project of Reconciliation,” analyzes the impact of a transnational network of journalists, intellectuals, and publishers on the postwar process of reconciliation between Germans and Poles. In their foreign relations work, these non-state actors preceded the Polish-West German political relations that were established in 1970. The dissertation has a twofold focus on private contacts between these activists, and on public discourse through radio, television and print media, primarily its effects on political and social change between the peoples. My sources include the activists’ private correspondences, interviews, and memoirs as well as radio and television manuscripts, articles and business correspondences. Earlier research on Polish-German relations is generally situated firmly in a nation-state framework in which the West German, East German or Polish context takes precedent. My work utilizes international relations theory and comparative reconciliation research to explore the long-term and short-term consequences of the discourse and the concrete measures which were taken during the 1960s to end official deadlock and nationalist antagonisms and to overcome the destructive memories of the Second World War dividing Poles and Germans.
    [Show full text]
  • La Alternancia Político-Electoral En Paraguay: La Elección De Fernando Lugo Y La Caída Del Partido Colorado (2008)
    Los artículos publicados en esta revista son arbitrados y avalados por el sistema de pares académicos, bajo la modalidad de doble ciego. Fecha de impresión: enero de 2018 Año XVII, número 58 enero-junio 2018, semestral Editora responsable: Isabel Núñez Garduño Núm. de Certificado de Reserva de Derechos de Uso Exclusivo de Título: 04-2008-051319002200-102 Núm. de Certificado de Licitud de Título: 11490 Núm. de Certificado de Licitud de Contenido: 8071 ISSN: 1665-0921 Domicilio de la publicación y del distribuidor: Instituto Electoral del Estado de México, Paseo Tollocan núm. 944, col. Santa Ana Tlapaltitlán, C. P. 50160. Toluca, Estado de México. Tel. (01 722) 275 73 00, ext. 4300. [email protected], [email protected] aelectorales.ieem.org.mx Los juicios y afirmaciones expresados en los artículos aquí publicados son responsabilidad de los autores, y el Instituto Electoral del Estado de México no los comparte necesariamente. Se prohíbe la reproducción parcial o total del contenido de la revista sin la autorización del editor. Impreso en México Publicación incluida en el directorio y en el catálogo de Latindex, así como en doaj, en Clase, en Biblat y en Redib. Consejo Científico Andrés Malamud Universidad de Lisboa, Portugal Andrés Mejía Acosta King’s College, Inglaterra Daniel Buquet Universidad de la República, Uruguay Diego Reynoso Universidad de San Andrés, Argentina Irma Méndez de Hoyos Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, sede México Iván Llamazares Valduvieco Universidad de Salamanca, España Leticia M. Ruiz Rodríguez Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España Manuel Alcántara Sáez Universidad de Salamanca, España María Laura Tagina Universidad Nacional de San Martín, Argentina Mariana Llanos German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Alemania Peter Birle Instituto Ibero-Americano, Alemania (Berlín) Peter M.
    [Show full text]
  • Die Protokolle Des CDU-Bundesvorstands 1969-1973
    13 Düsseldorf, Samstag 24. Januar 1971 Sprecher: Barzel, [Brauksiepe], Schröder. Vorbereitung des Bundesparteitags. Bericht Dr. Gerhard Schröders über seine Moskau-Rei- se. Bericht Dr. Rainer Barzels über seine Warschau-Reise. Beginn: 14.00 Uhr Ende: 16.00 Uhr Vorbereitung des Bundesparteitags Der Bundesvorstand nimmt die Vorschläge des Präsidiums für die personelle Be- setzung des Parteitagspräsidiums und der Antragskommission sowie den Vorschlag des Zeitplans für die Programmdiskussion einstimmig an. Auf Anregung von Frau Brauksiepe wird in das Parteitagspräsidium zusätzlich Frau Pieser aufgenommen. Vorschläge des Präsidiums (Sitzung am 20. Januar 1971) an den Bundesvorstand für den Ablauf des 18. Bundesparteitages 25.–27. Januar 1971 in Düsseldorf 1. Präsidium des Parteitages: Präsident: Heinrich Köppler; Stellvertreter: Frau Becker-Döring1; Mitglieder: Dr. Alfred Dregger, Dr. Georg Gölter2, Wilfried Hasselmann, Peter Lorenz, Adolf Müller (Remscheid), Heinrich Windelen, Dr. Manfred Wörner. 2. Mitglieder der Antragskommission: Vorsitzender: Dr. Bruno Heck; Stellvertreter: Dr. Rüdiger Göb; Mitglieder: Ernst Benda, Irma Blohm, Professor Dr. Walter Braun, Bernhard Brinkert3, Professor Dr. Fritz Burgbacher, Jürgen Echternach, Dr. Heinrich Geißler, Dr. Baptist Gradl, Frau Griesinger, Leisler Kiep, Dr. Konrad Kraske, Egon Lampersbach, Gerd Langguth4, 1 Dr. Ilse Becker-Döring (1912–2004), Rechtsanwältin und Notarin; 1966–1972 Erste Bürger- meisterin in Braunschweig (CDU), 1970–1978 MdL Niedersachsen. Vgl. Protokolle 5 S. 177 Anm. 7. 2 Dr. Georg Gölter (geb. 1938), Gymnasiallehrer; 1958 JU, 1965–1971 Landesvorsitzender der JU Rheinland Pfalz, 1967–1969 Referent für Grundsatzfragen im Büro von Kultusminister Bernhard Vogel, 1968–1977 Vorsitzender des KV Speyer, 1969–1977 MdB, 1975–1979 Vor- sitzender des BV Rheinhessen-Pfalz, 1977–1979 Minister für Soziales, Gesundheit und Sport, 1979–1981 für Soziales, Gesundheit und Umwelt, 1981–1991 für Kultus, 1979–2006 MdL Rheinland-Pfalz.
    [Show full text]