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The Pomo Kin Group and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California

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The Pomo Kin Group and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology Title The Pomo Kin Group and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5632v2b1 Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 1(1) Author Kunkel, P. H. Publication Date 1974-07-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Pomo Kin Group and the Political Unit In Aboriginal California p. H. KUNKEL MODELS AS MYTHS AND THEIR ALTERNATIVES T has now been over ten years since residential, economic, and kinship affairs. It I Elman Service introduced into the folk­ replaced the three rather tentative models lore of anthropology the myth of the patri­ which Steward (1936, 1955) had previously local band as the principal, logical form of proposed by telhng us that two of them were social organization for food-collecting soci­ merely acculturationally disoriented relics of eties (Service 1962, 1966). Those of us who the third—Steward's patrihneal band, which know California ethnology weh have always with some embellishments became Service's known that this model was a myth. Yet the patrilocal band. most effective rebuttals to Service's model The many anthropologists who con­ have come from workers in other areas (Lee tributed to the Lee and DeVore symposium and DeVore 1968). These were mostly an­ presented abundant recently observed evi­ thropologists who have been doing field re­ dence for the variability and flexibihty of search among recent or contemporary food- actual food-collecting societies. Thus they collecting societies. It is surprising how much destroyed the positive, universal character of opportunity there still is to carry out such Service's formulation, reducing it to its pres­ field work. It is also surprising, perhaps, that ent mythological status. Of course, it is clear there is still such interest in the food- that the patrilocal band, or something like it, collecting ways of hfe. can be one phase in the cycle of change and Of course, food-collecting societies of the regrouping which such societies act out. But Paleolithic period were ancestral, ultimately, the "logical inevitability" of the model is to all subsequent types of human social rather effectively refuted. It has been re­ organization. We have, therefore, some reason placed, for an interim, by a "trial formula­ to be curious about what such societies were tion" which Lee and DeVore label the "no­ hke and how they arranged their social madic style." This nomadic style, they sug­ interaction patterns. Service's quite positive gest, has the following characteristics: and rather male chauvinist myth certainly had the merit of telling us quite specifically, 1. Limited personal possessions. logically, and in some detail how those 2. Small group size, usually under 50 Paleolithic humans arranged their marital. persons. THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY 3. UsuaUy no exclusive claims to re­ mation. I maintain, however, that these peo­ sources. ples represent more closely the "normative" 4. Food surpluses not prominent. food-collecting situations of pre-agricultural 5. Frequent intergroup visiting and shifts times than do the peripheral badlands wan­ in residence. derers discussed by Service and by most of the participants in the Lee and DeVore The Lee and DeVore trial formulation symposium report. does perpetuate one imphed assumption that Why have Cahfornia scholars faUed to is also part of the Service myth—namely, that come forward with data relevant to the nature food-collecting societies have to be small and of food-coUecting people? There are probably mobile. Those of us who know the Cahfornia several main reasons. First, until recently data well have good reason to question this there were few recognized experts in Cali­ assumption also. Of course, it has always been fornia ethnology actively engaged in such recognized that the Indians of California and research. The few students who were inter­ of the northwest Pacific coast of North ested were struggling to get through the crisis America were "exceptions" to many general­ rites of our profession. We were definitely not izations concerning food-coUecting peoples. the sort of people who got invited to sym­ (It is interesting that populations whose total posia or came forward with manifestoes (to numbers may well have exceeded those of all which anyone would have listened). the "classical" food-collecting societies put A second reason for the relative silence together are characterized as "exceptions.") I from Cahfornia specialists is that Cahfornia would like to advance the counter-hypothesis ethnology is based mainly on "salvage ethnog­ that it is the nomadic food-collectors who raphy"—the mining of the memories of old were the exceptions, at least in Middle and people—not on contemporary, on-the-spot, Late Paleolithic times. participation-observation of on-going soci­ The "classical band-level" nomadic soci­ eties. Data obtained by salvage ethnography eties of hunters and gatherers are mostly methods are generally regarded as inferior in recent or modem occupants of peripheral or quality to data obtained by participant-obser­ "internally marginal" territories with inferior vation. The greater prestige of the latter is resources. As surviving examples of a once reflected in the Lee and DeVore symposium more widespread way of life they have gener­ report; most of the contributors were partici­ ally been pushed into these less favorable pant-observers during their field work. We areas by agricultural and "civilized" peoples. Califomia ethnologists have probably tended But there once were no civilizations and no to be overly inhibited about entering broad agriculture. In those days, food-collecting fields of controversy for both of the reasons I societies had available to them most of the cite. (Though we have muttered in our habitable parts of the earth. To get some idea beards-actual or figurative—or to each other.) of what food-collecting societies could ac­ Whatever the limitations of the California complish when fertile lands were available to data—or of those of us who have become the them we must turn to two major well- caretakers of the California ethnological tradi­ documented peoples—the Indians of the tion—there is pertinent information here, Northwest Coast of North America and the which should be brought to bear on general Indians of Cahfornia. For both there is a theoretical questions concerning hunting and considerable Hterature, albeit with tantalizing gathering peoples who live in favorable, rather gaps in the demographic and ecological infor­ than unfavorable environments. This paper THE POMO KIN GROUP presents some conclusions I have come to certain respects. In his monograph The Patwin conceming the nature of pohtical organiza­ and Their Neighbors, Kroeber (1932:258-259) tion among the tribes of northern California. I proposed the term "tribelet" as more appro­ concem myself mainly with the nature of the priate for the autonomous pohtical unit, since basic political units, ambilateral residential the "community" (i.e., the group of people kin groups. However, these units were in­ within a given territory) seemed more impor­ volved in several kinds of more complex tant and more permanent than the village, social, political, and religious systems, which which might in the long run be subdivided or reflected rather favorable ecological condi­ moved from one locale to another. As Kroeber tions and what may seem to be very "excep­ (1932:257) put it, each tribelet was a homo­ tional" demographic conditions. Most of geneous unit in matters of land ownership, these systems were characteristic of "tribe- trespass, war, major ceremonies, and the en­ lets" which were semi-sedentary, rather than tertainments entailed by the latter. He also nomadic; organized at the levels of tribes or considered the possibility that his original chiefdoms, rather than just at the "band estimate for average population might be low. level"; and which had population densities In this he was largely influenced by Gifford's mnning well above the one per square mile (1926b) census data from the Pomo vUlage of flgure so often cited as the upper hmit for Shigom, which appeared in a monograph hunting-gathering populations. Clear Lake Pomo Society. Gifford's (1926a) most significant theo­ HISTORY OF CONCEPTS retical contribution to the political organiza­ IN CALIFORNIA ETHNOLOGY tion of aboriginal Cahfornia is his paper "Miwok Lineages and the Pohtical Unit in Important theoretical generalizations con­ Aboriginal California." In his paper, Gifford cerning California Indian pohtical organiza­ suggested that the underlying basic unit of tion have been advanced by A. L. Kroeber Califomia political institutions was a unilineal (1925, 1932), E. W. Gifford (1926a), and (usually patrihneal) kin group, the "lineage." Walter Goldschmidt (1948). I wiU briefly By the term "underlying" Gifford implied review the essence of their generalizations. that, although evidence for the existence of In his Handbook of the Indians of Cali­ Hneages was not always clearly present in fornia (1925), Kroeber first advanced the ethnographic data from many California Indi­ concept of the "vUlage community" as the an tribes, it seemed reasonable to hypothesize basic, autonomous political unit within the their former presence. He cited definite evi­ non-political, ethnologically recorded "dia­ dence for the presence of lineages among the lect-tribes" of Cahfomia (e.g., Yuki, Pomo, Sierra Miwok and
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