DIET AND IDENTITY AMONG THE ANCESTRAL OHLONE:
INTEGRATING STABLE ISOTOPE ANALYSIS AND
MORTUARY CONTEXT AT THE YUKISMA
MOUND (CA-SCL-38)
______
A Thesis
Presented
to the Faculty of
California State University, Chico
______
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts
in
Anthropology
______
by
Karen Smith Gardner
Spring 2013 DIET AND IDENTITY AMONG THE ANCESTRAL OHLONE:
INTEGRATING STABLE ISOTOPE ANALYSIS AND
MORTUARY CONTEXT AT THE YUKISMA
MOUND (CA-SCL-38)
A Thesis
by
Karen Smith Gardner
Spring 2013
APPROVED BY THE DEAN OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND VICE PROVOST FOR RESEARCH:
______Eun K. Park, Ph.D.
APPROVED BY THE GRADUATE ADVISORY COMMITTEE:
______Guy Q. King, Ph.D. Eric Bartelink, Ph.D., Chair Graduate Coordinator
______Antoinette M. Martinez, Ph.D. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The process of completing this degree and writing this thesis has been a homecoming for me, returning me to the ideas and complexities of anthropology and to the rolling hills and valleys of Central California, where I grew up. First and foremost, I would like to thank Rosemary Cambra and the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe for your interest and support of this project. I am humbled by your trust in giving me this access to your past. It has been my honor to glimpse the lives of your ancestors.
My thesis committee has been tremendously supportive. To Dr. Eric Bartelink and Dr. Antoinette Martinez, thank you for your patience and encouragement. Between you, you have provided me with a wonderful breadth of knowledge. Eric, as a pioneer of stable isotope analysis in Central California you have introduced new potential to the interpretation of the prehistoric past here, and passed this enthusiasm along to your students. I’ll never forget the day when you gave me this project; it was a generous gesture and the best luck of my academic career. Nette, your ability to balance theory, archaeological interpretation, historical context, and ethnohistory to peel back layers of perspective about the lived experience of people in the past has inspired me to do the same. Thank you for being a voice of calm encouragement throughout this process. To both of you, your insights are clearly inscribed between the lines of these pages.
Thanks are also due to my professors at California State University, Chico, who gave me the tools to approach anthropological questions from a four-field
iii perspective. I have had the privilege of studying forensic anthropology with Dr. Turhon
Murad, learning the art of teaching from Dr. Beth Shook, squinting over faunal remains with Dr. Frank Bayham, and learning about linguistics from Dr. Sarah Trechter. I studied medical anthropology with Dr. David Eaton, who brings such careful concern to each topic and every student. Dr. Bill Loker challenged me to question my theoretical footing, and I am the better for it. To Dr. P. Willey, I will never be able to thank you enough for our grand Peruvian adventure and the weeks of osteological survey in the Chachapoyan cave. To Drs. Georgia Fox, Stacy Schaefer, Brian Brazeal, Colleen Milligan, and Jesse
Dizzard, thank you for the inspired conversations. It has been a wonderful experience to be a part of such a diverse and thoughtful department.
The completion of this thesis research required assistance from many people and many laboratories. At CSU Chico, thanks are due to Melanie Beasley for training me in stable isotope methods in the Stable Isotope Preparation Laboratory and for spending long and odd hours in the lab with me getting this project done. Melanie also showed me the art of pressing pellets for FT-IR analysis in the CSU Chico chemistry laboratory.
Thank you to Dr. Randy Miller for allowing us to use his lab’s materials and equipment for this research. I also appreciate the help of graduate students Amy MacKinnon and
Stefanie Kline, who prepared additional samples from CA-SCL-38 to supplement my research. Shannon Clinkinbeard manages the CSU Chico Human Identification
Laboratory, and I want to thank her for a million conversations while I was overtired, overstressed, and working in the lab.
iv Stable isotope analysis of bone collagen was completed under the supervision of Dr. David Harris at the UC Davis Stable Isotope Facility in the Department of Plant
Sciences. The bone apatite analysis was completed by Dr. David Winter and Dr. Howie
Spero at the UC Davis Stable Isotope Laboratory in the Department of Geology. Analysis of sulfur isotopes was provided by Dr. Olaf Nehlich in the Department of Human
Evolution at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig,
Germany. Much gratitude is due to these men and their assistants who provided the data for this analysis. Fourteen new radiocarbon dates were run at the Center for Accelerator
Mass Spectrometry at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. I am grateful for the friendship and guidance of Paula Zermeño and the support of Tom Guilderson.
I have had the benefit of advice from many experts in their fields. Thank you to Alan Leventhal at San Jose State University for access to the CA-SCL-38 collections, for all of the helpful and informative information about regional archaeology, and for your enthusiastic support throughout this process. Dwight Simons has given me wonderful advice about the early environment and available resources on the menu for the ancestral Ohlone. Ben Fuller provided access to unpublished comparative sulfur isotope data and answered questions about radiocarbon dating methods. Conversations with Mark Hylkema provided great insight about artifact significance and ritual practices.
Bev Ortiz gave me a special tour of the mounds at Coyote Hills, so I could get a sense of what mounded space in prehistoric California would have been like. Forensic odontologist, Leon Pappanastos, met with me to review photographs of dentition from
v CA-SCL-38 for refinement of age classifications. Kevin Dalton created the wonderful regional map, used in Chapter II.
The excavation of the Yukisma Mound was completed in 1993 and 1994. As such, my access to the information from this site is framed through the eyes of earlier interpreters. Thanks are due to Ohlone Families Consulting Services, particularly
Rosemary Cambra, Alan Leventhal, and Laura Jones, for documentation of the excavation and for granting me access to this information. Robert Jurmain and Susan
Morley’s analyses of the osteological material provided the demographic basis and data for bioarchaeological interpretation. Viviana Bellifemine documented the mortuary context and provided me with advice, access to unpublished data, and encouragement along the way. Tammy Buonasera shared her insights about groundstone form and function. Cara Monroe helped me with sample selection at the beginning of this project and shared insights about the Yukisma Mound population from her DNA research.
The study of diet and identity of the ancestral Ohlone was actually not the first thesis project I began at CSU Chico. Before embarking on this journey, I had planned to do a research project about diet, trade, and mobility patterns of individuals from the
Tiwanaku polity, buried between 800 and 1000 AD in the Chen Chen Cementario in
Moquegua, Peru. I traveled to Bolivia and Peru during the summer of 2008 and completed sample collection with all appropriate local permissions, but was unable to export the samples to complete the analysis. Nonetheless, I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the help of Dr. Bruce Owen in connecting me with this project and the wonderful people at Museo Contesuyo in Moquegua, Peru, including Paty
vi Palacios Filinich and Yamilex Tejada. I hope to one day finish what I started – perhaps completion of this master’s degree will help.
I was tremendously lucky to have been part of an amazing cohort at CSU
Chico, including Brenna Blanchard, Lance Blanchard, Carrie Brown, Melinda Button,
Kristin Chelotti, Deanna Commons, Leanna Flaherty, Kate Kolpan, Nicole Ramirez, and
Amanda van Woert. I have loved sharing this journey with you! Thank you for the laughs and the friendship. Thanks and acknowledgements are also due to Arran Bell, Lisa
Bright, James Brill, Maija Glasier, Kristina Crawford, Stephanie Meyers, Maura
Schapper, and Nikki Willits. Kristina and Lisa, thank you for being my home away from home and for the late night conversations about archaeology and bourbon and bones.
Thank you to Lauren Hasten, my friend and mentor, for showing me the power of anthropology education, inspiring me to return to school, and giving me a job when I was done with classes. I also want to acknowledge Dr. Margaret Richards and Dr.
Mike Ansell, my chemistry professors, and Kathleen Azevedo, my Physiology and
Anatomy professor at Las Positas College in Livermore, California. Together they made me believe that I could succeed in science. My students over the last three years at Las
Positas College have watched me balance teaching and research, and I appreciate their support and encouragement as well.
In the summer of 2012, I began work with Karin Beck and Annamarie
Guerrero of URS and Diane DiGuiseppe and Dave Grant of D&D Osteology. I would like to thank them for the opportunities they have given me, and also for being so flexible and supportive about time off to finish writing. My co-workers on the VMC project have
vii listened to me ramble about Santa Clara archaeology and have provided a valued sounding board for many ideas.
Much gratitude is due to my friends and family who have watched me slog through years of research, mounds of paper, and all the joys and stresses of graduate school. To my friends, thank you for being patient while I’ve been holed up working on my thesis. To my parents, Chuck and Ann Smith, you have always supported my dreams.
Thank you for your faith in me. To Sheryl, Danny, Nicole, Megan, Cami, Steve, Sharon,
Robert, and David, thank you for your encouragement all these years. Now I can finally make it to family gatherings! To my husband, Steven Gardner, we’ve known each other all our lives, but just reconnected at the beginning of this grad school journey. You knew what I was in for, and you joined me anyway. Thank you for your love and understanding.
My network of friendship, support, and academic inspiration has been a blessing to me. I am grateful to you all, and to those of you who weren’t named but have been along this path as well. Finally, gratitude is due to the people who were buried at the
Yukisma Mound, who have disrupted their sleep to tell us their stories.
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Acknowledgments ...... iii
List of Tables...... xii
List of Figures...... xvi
Abstract...... xx
CHAPTER
I. Approaching Diet and Identity at the Yukisma Mound Site (CA-SCL-38)...... 1 Introduction ...... 1 The Ohlone: Introduction and Terminology...... 3 Geographic and Archaeological Terminology ...... 5 Organization of this Thesis...... 5
II. Perspectives on the Archaeology of Central California ...... 11
Introduction ...... 11 Shellmounds, Chronologies, and the Development of Central California Archaeology...... 12 South San Francisco Bay Region Archaeology...... 34 Recent Perspectives on South Bay Archaeology and Shellmound Analysis ...... 64
III. The Yukisma Mound Site (CA-SCL-38) ...... 70
Introduction ...... 70 Historic Impacts and Early Archaeological Interpretations ...... 71 Demographic Data from CA-SCL-38 ...... 84 Mortuary Context at CA-SCL-38...... 88 Dating the Site ...... 136 Conclusion: The Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38) ...... 152
ix CHAPTER PAGE
IV. Food and Identity in Prehistory: Theoretical and Practical Approaches...... 154
Introduction ...... 154 Theoretical Considerations...... 154 Identity...... 158 Identity and Archaeology ...... 160 Identity and Food...... 177 Identity and Social Bioarchaeology at CA-SCL-38 ...... 182
V. Approaches to Paleodietary Reconstruction: Indirect Evidence ...... 186
Introduction ...... 186 A Brief History of Paleodietary Analysis...... 187 Evidence of Food Resources near CA-SCL-38: Indirect Sources 190 Discussion: What Was On the Menu?...... 257
VI. Approaches to Paleodietary Reconstruction: Direct Evidence...... 260
Introduction ...... 260 Bioarchaeological Evidence ...... 262 Stable Isotope Analysis ...... 269 Discussion: Refining Paleodietary Analysis in the Santa Clara Valley Using Direct Evidence...... 300 Conclusions: Potential Contributions of Stable Isotope Analysis to Paleodietary Reconstruction at CA-SCL-38...... 301
VII. Materials and Methods ...... 304
Introduction ...... 304 Sample Selection ...... 305 Stable Isotope Analysis Methods ...... 314 Tests of Sample Quality ...... 324 Summary of Materials and Methods ...... 334
VIII. Results of Stable Isotope Analysis ...... 336
Introduction ...... 336 Population Dietary Patterns...... 337 Dietary Patterns by Temporal Period ...... 344 Dietary Patterns by Age Category...... 348
x CHAPTER PAGE
Dietary Patterns by Biological Sex...... 353 Dietary Patterns by Mortuary Context ...... 354 Dietary Patterns by Artifact Associations ...... 363 Dietary Patterns by Artifact Abundance...... 374 Dietary Patterns by Artifact Diversity...... 377 Results of Sulfur Isotope Testing ...... 378 Conclusion...... 380
IX. Discussion: Diet and Identity at the Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38) ...... 385
Introduction ...... 385 Social Identities and Diet at SCL-38...... 386 Summary: Social Identity and Diet ...... 419
X. Conclusion: Foodways of the Ancestral Ohlone at CA-SCL-38...... 421
Introduction ...... 421 Nutrition, Menu, Diet, and Cuisine ...... 422 Final Comments...... 436
References Cited...... 437
Appendices
A. Determination of Unique Individuals and Reconciliation of Demographic Information ...... 484 B. Mortuary Practice and Burial-Associated Artifacts at CA-SCL-38 ...... 512 C. New Radiocarbon Date Calibration and Calculation of Dietary Percent Marine...... 535
xi LIST OF TABLES
TABLE PAGE
1. Central California County Trinomial Codes Used for Archaeological Site Identification...... 6
2. Characteristics of the Delta Sequence, the First Chronology for Central California, Based on Lower Sacramento Valley Sites...... 23
3. Characteristics of Patterns in Central California Archaeology...... 29
4. Demographic Summary of Unique Individuals from CA-SCL-38...... 86
5. Age Classification by Sex for Adults from CA-SCL-38 ...... 87
6. Interment Type Frequencies at CA-SCL-38...... 89
7. Associated Burials at CA-SCL-38...... 90
8. Burial Posture at CA-SCL-38...... 91
9. Burial Position at CA-SCL-38...... 93
10. Burial Orientation at CA-SCL-38...... 94
11. Special Mortuary Preparation Frequencies by Type at CA-SCL-38 ...... 96
12. Spatial Cluster Membership at CA-SCL-38 ...... 100
13. Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Materials at CA-SCL-38 ...... 103
14. Number of Artifact Types with Burials at CA-SCL-38...... 105
15. Unique Individuals with Burial-Associated Technomic Artifacts at CA-SCL-38...... 107
xii TABLE PAGE
16. Presence of Burial-Associated Sociotechnic Artifacts at CA-SCL-38...... 118
17. Burial-Associated Shell Beads by Bead Quantity at CA-SCL-38...... 119
18. Presence of Burial-Associated Ideotechnic Artifacts at CA-SCL-38 ...... 126
19. Radiocarbon Dates for CA-SCL-38 Listed by Burial or Feature Number...... 139
20. Radiocarbon Dates for CA-SCL-38 Listed by Temporal Period...... 142
21. Obsidian Hydration Rim Measurements by Sample ID ...... 145
22. Obsidian Hydration Dates for CA-SCL-38 Listed by Temporal Period...... 146
23. Estimated Historical Habitat Acreages in the Coyote Creek Watershed, Circa 1800 AD ...... 196
24. Important Economic Plant Resources in Southern Santa Clara Valley Habitats ...... 200
25. Important Economic Faunal Resources in Southern Santa Clara Valley Habitats ...... 202
26. Botanical Resources Identified at CA-SCL-38 and Nearby Sites ...... 212
27. Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Faunal Species Identified at CA-SCL-38...... 220
28. Identified Faunal Remains from Archaeological Sites in the Coyote Creek Catchment (Presence/Absence)...... 223
29. Identified Invertebrate Remains from Archaeological Sites in the Coyote Creek Catchment...... 228
30. Mean Carbon and Nitrogen Stable Isotope Values for Archaeological Human Bone Reported in Central California...... 297
xiii TABLE PAGE
31. Age and Sex Distribution Within Stable Isotope Analysis Sample...... 307
32. Interment Type Frequencies for Study Sample Individuals ...... 309
33. Associated Burials for Study Sample Individuals ...... 309
34. Burial Posture for Study Sample Individuals ...... 310
35. Burial Position for Study Sample Individuals ...... 310
36. Burial Orientation for Study Sample Individuals ...... 311
37. Special Mortuary Preparation Frequencies for Study Sample Individuals...... 312
38. Spatial Cluster Membership for Study Sample Individuals...... 313
39. Temporal Context for Study Sample Individuals ...... 314
40. Number of Artifact Types Associated with Study Sample Individuals...... 315
41. Burial-Associated Technomic Bone Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals...... 316
42. Burial-Associated Technomic Stone Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals...... 317
43. Burial-Associated Sociotechnic Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals...... 318
44. Burial-Associated Ideotechnic Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals...... 319
45. Burial-Associated Shell Quantities for Study Sample Individuals...... 320
46. Sample Quality and Stable Isotope Results ...... 325
47. Sample Quality and Stable Isotope Results – Faunal Samples...... 328
xiv TABLE PAGE
48. Comparison of Stable Isotope Values from Collagen Between CA-SCL-38 and Mean Regional Values for Central California...... 344
49. Stable Isotope Results by Temporal Period...... 346
50. Stable Isotope Results by Age Group for Individuals from CA-SCL-38...... 348
51. Stable Isotope Results by Sex for Adults from CA-SCL-38 ...... 354
52. Stable Isotope Values by Mortuary Context Variable...... 356
53. Stable Isotope Values by Burial Association with Technomic Artifacts...... 364
54. Stable Isotope Values by Burial Association with Sociotechnic Artifacts ...... 367
55. Stable Isotope Values by Burial Association with Ideotechnic Artifacts ...... 371
56. Stable Isotope Results by Shell Bead Class...... 375
57. Stable Isotope Results by Artifact Diversity...... 378
58. Artifact Associations by Disability Type...... 397
59. Stable Isotope Values for Individuals with Large Caches of Bird Bone Tubes and Whistles...... 400
xv LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
1. Map of California Indian Language Groups...... 4
2. Comparative Taxonomies for Central California Archaeology...... 27
3. Comparative Chronologies of Central California...... 32
4. San Francisco Bay Area Population Growth by County ...... 35
5. Regional Map Featuring Significant Archaeological Sites Mentioned in Text ...... 39
6. Chronology of Selected South Bay Region Sites, Based on Available Radiocarbon Dates...... 40
7. Map Detail of Milpitas Settlements in 1876...... 73
8. The O’Toole Mansion, Converted to the Santa Clara County Alms House in 1894 ...... 74
9. Auger Testing During The OFCS Archaeological Test Excavation Program at CA-SCL-38 in 1993...... 80
10. The 1993-1994 OFCS Excavation at CA-SCL-38...... 81
11. Repatriation of CA-SCL-38 Skeletal Material and Artifacts, October 1996 ...... 82
12. Repatriated Materials from CA-SCL-38, October 1996...... 83
13. Spatial Cluster Distribution ...... 99
14. Technomic Bone Implements from CA-SCL-38...... 108
15. Bone Strigil Found with B93, CA-SCL-38 ...... 109
xvi FIGURE PAGE
16. Bullroarer Found with B227...... 112
17. Bowl Mortar Associated with B45 and Pestle from B28, CA-SCL-38 ...... 115
18. Show Mortar with Shell Appliqué on Rim, Associated with B240, CA-SCL-38...... 115
19. Olivella Shell Beads from CA-SCL-38 ...... 120
20. Magnesite Stone Beads from CA-SCL-38 with B53...... 121
21. Haliotis and Margaritafera Shell Pendants from CA-SCL-38...... 122
22. Elk Bone Pendants from CA-SCL-38...... 125
23. Bird Bone Tubes and Whistles from CA-SCL-38 ...... 127
24. Ideotechnic Stone Artifacts: Stone Pipes Made of Serpentinite, Found with Burials 53 and 97 ...... 130
25. Charmstones from CA-SCL-38 ...... 131
26. Summary of Temporal Information for CA-SCL-38...... 150
27. Monthly Average Temperatures and Precipitation in Milpitas, California (Modern) ...... 193
28. Map of Tectonic Faults in the San Francisco Bay Area ...... 194
29. Typical δ13C Values for Terrestrial and Marine Plants ...... 276
30. Mean isotopic Values of Economically Important Plant and Animal Resources in Central California...... 295
31. Plot of Relationship Between the Infrared Splitting Factor (IR-SF) and Apatite δ13C Values for CA-SCL-38 Samples (Fit Line Excludes Fauna) ...... 332
32. Plot of Relationship Between C/P Ration and Apatite δ13C Values for CA-SCL-38 Samples (Fit Line Excludes Fauna) ...... 333
xvii FIGURE PAGE
33. Stable carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values of Human Bone Collagen from CA-SCL-38 ...... 338
34. Stable Carbon Isotope Values of Human Bone Collagen and Bone Apatite from CA-SCL-38...... 339
35. Apatite-collagen Spacing Values for Estimation of Marine Protein Contributions to Diet at CA-SCL-38...... 339
36. Model for Terrestrial and Marine Protein Consumption Based on Froehle, Kellner, and Schoeninger method (2010)...... 340
37. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values of Bone Collagen from CA-SCL-38 Compared to a Theoretical Isotopic Food Web for Central California...... 341
38. Comparison of Stable Isotope Values of Bone Collagen with Other Central California Sites ...... 345
39. Box Plots of Mean Isotopic Values by Temporal Period ...... 347
40. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen by Age Group...... 349
41. Stable Carbon Isotope Values from Bone Collagen and Apatite by Age Group ...... 350
42. Standardized Residual Values Showing the Difference Between Predicted and Observed δ15N Based on δ13C Values of Bone Collagen, by Estimated Age...... 351
43. Standardized Residual Values Showing the Difference Between Predicted and Observed δ15N Based on δ13C V alues of Bone Collagen, for Subadults under 10 Years...... 352
44. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen by Sex...... 355
45. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen by Burial Posture...... 358
xviii FIGURE PAGE
46. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen by Special Mortuary Treatment ...... 359
47. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen by Spatial Cluster...... 361
48. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen for Individuals with Burial-Associated Technomic Artifacts...... 365
49. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen for Individuals with Burial-Associated Sociotechnic Artifacts...... 368
50. Detail of Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen for Individuals with Burial-Associated Shell Beads and Haliotis Pendants ...... 368
51. Detail of Stable Carbon Isotope Values from Bone Collagen and Apatite for Individuals with Burial-Associated Haliotis Pendants...... 369
52. Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Values from Bone Collagen for Individuals with Burial-Associated Ideotechnic Artifacts, with Detail for Associations with Bird Bone Tubes and Whistles, Charmstones, Cinnabar, and Ideotechnic Faunal Remains ...... 372
53. Box Plots of Mean Isotopic Values by Shell Bead Class ...... 376
54. Stable Sulfur Isotope Values for Humans and Fauna from CA-SCL-38 ...... 379
55. Stable Isotope Values of Individuals with Disabilities...... 395
56. Relationship Between Technomic Artifact Presence and Bead Lot Size ...... 410
57. Excavation Photo of B141, B142, B143, and B144 from CA-SCL-38 ...... 416
xix ABSTRACT
DIET AND IDENTITY AMONG THE ANCESTRAL OHLONE:
INTEGRATING STABLE ISOTOPE ANALYSIS AND
MORTUARY CONTEXT AT THE YUKISMA
MOUND (CA-SCL-38)
by
Karen Smith Gardner
Master of Arts in Anthropology
California State University, Chico
Spring 2013
This thesis explores the relationship between dietary patterns and indicators of social identity among individuals buried at the Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38) during the Middle-Late Transition and Late Period (940-230 BP). The remains of 248 individuals and associated artifacts were recovered during excavations in 1993 and
1994 by Ohlone Families Consulting Services. This study begins by situating the
Yukisma Mound within the context of California archaeology. Variables of mortuary context and artifact associations are reconciled and correlated with demographic categories.
Prehistoric foodways are addressed through discussions of nutrition, menu, diet, and cuisine. Bioarchaeological evidence suggests that diets were nutritionally xx complete. The menu of food resources from the prehistoric Santa Clara Valley is reconstructed using paleoenvironmental data, faunal and botanical remains from archaeological contexts, artifactual evidence, and ethnohistoric reports.
Stable isotope δ13C and δ15N values from bone collagen (n = 127) and δ13C from bone apatite (n = 122) indicate a diet of terrestrial resources with some freshwater fish, waterfowl, and bay shellfish, and few marine resources. The pattern at CA-SCL-38 is distinct from all other measured populations in the Bay Area, and is intermediate to populations in the East and South Bay Regions.
To interpret cuisine at the Yukisma Mound site, dietary patterns are compared to mortuary context, artifact associations, and indicators of social identity including social age, sex and gender, disabilities, specializations, status, and population affinity. The assemblage from CA-SCL-38 supports an interpretation of ranked social organization, inherited wealth, and flexible identity construction, but few correlations are found with diet.
xxi
CHAPTER I
APPROACHING DIET AND IDENTITY
AT THE YUKISMA MOUND SITE
(CA-SCL-38)
Introduction
The prehistory of Central California has been revealed slowly, through lenses of the remembered past of descendent populations, the trowels of archaeologists, and the interpretations and imaginations of historians, anthropologists, and other storytellers.
Each of these contributors has shaped perception of the past, introducing their own values and priorities within the presentation of knowledge. The result is a changing field of opinion about the Central California past, and about the lifeways of the people who lived here. The past has been minimized, stigmatized, and romanticized, sometimes simultaneously.
The stories of the people who lived in the San Francisco Bay area prior to
European contact are particularly difficult to parse due to the combined effects of the
California Mission system, the early pueblos and presidios of San Jose, Santa Clara and
San Francisco, the growing populations that followed, and the rapid and continual transformation of the local landscape to accommodate all of these newcomers. The landscape around San Francisco Bay was once enhanced by over 425 shellmounds. These earthworks were cemeteries, ritual spaces, and some may have been habitation sites as
1 2 well. When first documented at the beginning of the 20th century (Nelson 1909), most had already been impacted to satisfy the demands of development and agriculture. The scarcity of mound sites on the modern landscape makes the records of previous excavations all the more valuable.
The Yukisma Mound site (CA-SCL-38), located in Santa Clara County,
California, was excavated as a salvage project between 1993 and 1994 by Ohlone
Families Consulting Services, the CRM arm of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe. The excavators identified 243 discrete graves while clearing the path of development for construction of new barracks on the grounds of a prison in Milpitas, California. Most of the human remains and some of the artifacts have since been reburied. However, the records which were kept during excavation, the analysis of skeletal remains (Jurmain
2000) and the work of previous scholars (Bellifemine 1997; Morley 1997; Wu 1999) as well as consultation with members of the original analytical team have informed the present work.
This thesis project was completed with the hope of situating the individuals buried at the Yukisma Mound within a cultural and physical landscape. My approach uses the theories and techniques of social bioarchaeology to go beyond population based studies, and examine patterns of individuality and identity within this community. Results from stable isotope analysis of human bone will be integrated with a review of archaeological documentation from the Yukisma Mound.
Food choices are cultural expressions of values, esteem, danger, and belonging. The consumption and distribution of food resources is deeply symbolic and patterned, reflecting the social organization and expression of recognized difference
3 within and between groups of people. Dietary patterns observed through stable isotope analysis will be compared with contextual evidence of social identities from the Yukisma
Mound assemblage to better understand social organization of the ancestral Ohlone.
The Ohlone: Introduction and Terminology
The native people who lived in the San Francisco Bay Area and the Central
Coast through Monterey were called Costaños (coastal people) by the Spanish. This term was later translated to English as Costanoans. The Costanoans spoke dialects of the Utian language, part of the Penutian language family (see Figure 1). Eight distinct Costanoan languages were identified by Levy (1978), coinciding with the seven California Mission sites in their territory, plus one for the people who lived to the northeast (the Karkin).
These linguistic designations would have been based on the native translators who were available at each Mission site, and are unlikely to represent the intricate diversity of languages or dialects spoken.
It is not clear where the name Ohlone came from, although it may have been borrowed from a native community called Oljon that lived due west of San Jose, near the modern town of San Gregorio. The earliest use of the word found in the literature comes from Frederick William Beechey’s journals from 1826 (Beechey 1832). In his account
Beechey spelled the name Olchone, and used it to refer to the coastal population between
San Francisco and Monterey (who may have actually been the Oljon) (Beechey 1832:78).
Forty years later, the name Ohlone (with the expected spelling) appears to have been in common use, and was used to refer to the indigenous people of the Santa Clara Valley in an early History of San Jose (Hall 1871:41). By the early 20th century, the name Ohlone
4
FIGURE 1. Map of California Indian language groups.
Source: Wissler, Clark, 1917, The American Indian: An Introduction to the Anthropology of the New World. New York: Douglas C. McMurtrie. (No copyright)
was adopted by the East and South Bay descendents of Mission San Jose Indians as their preferred term of affiliation (Field et al. 2007:64). For this reason, the term Ohlone will be used in preference to Costanoan in this work when referring to living descendents of
5
Bay Area Indians. The term Costanoan is occasionally used when referring to existing literature about prehistoric populations; however, these people will otherwise be called ancestral Ohlone in this work. Prehistoric in this case simply refers to events which occurred prior to documentation in written form. Most dates in the text are described in years BP (before present), where “present” is set at 1950 AD.
Geographic and Archaeological Terminology
This thesis will include frequent mention of geographic areas within Central
California and identified archaeological sites of the region. Following the Smithsonian
Trinomial system, archaeological sites in California are identified by a three-letter abbreviation for the county and a number for the site, such that CA-SCL-38 is the 38th site registered in Santa Clara County, California. Table 1 lists geographic areas within the
Central California region and the associated county trinomials. In the text, the prefix CA- may be omitted after each site is introduced (e.g., SCL-38). Likewise, the shortened versions of regional area names (e.g., South Bay) may be used to mean South San
Francisco Bay Area. The word Bay will always refer to the San Francisco Bay unless otherwise specified. The Bay Area includes the San Francisco Peninsula as well as the
North, East, and South Bay regions.
Organization of this Thesis
This topics covered in this thesis are organized into ten chapters, with three appendices. Following the introductory chapter, Chapter II presents an overview of
California archaeology, focusing on the personalities and perspectives that have shaped opinion about Bay Area prehistory. This chapter also includes a review of the
6
TABLE 1. Central California County Trinomial Codes Used for Archaeological Site Identification
Area County Trinomial
North San Francisco Bay Area (North Bay) Marin MRN Napa NAP Sonoma SON
Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta (Delta) Contra Costa CCO Solano SOL
East San Francisco Bay Area (East Bay) Alameda ALA Contra Costa CCO
San Francisco Peninsula (Peninsula) San Francisco SFR San Mateo SMA
South San Francisco Bay Area (South Bay) Santa Clara SCL
Santa Clara Valley San Benito SBN Santa Clara SCL
Central Coast Monterey MNT San Luis Obispo SLO Santa Barbara SBA Santa Cruz SCR
Sacramento and San Joaquin Valleys Sacramento SAC San Joaquin SJO
development of classification systems used to recognize cultural patterns and change through time in Central California. Important archaeological sites from the region will be
7 used to illustrate diachronic assemblage patterns. The chapter concludes with a review of current perspectives on Bay Area shellmounds.
Chapter III presents the Yukisma Mound site (CA-SCL-38), including the history of excavation and a review of available archaeological data. Information from the
1993 to 1994 excavations will be detailed, including demographic composition of the burial population. Attributes of mortuary context and types of burial-associated artifacts are explained and frequencies of associations are presented by demographic group. The chapter concludes with a review of temporal context including newly calibrated radiocarbon dates and temporal information from obsidian hydration and bead typology.
Chapter IV is a review of the theoretical and practical approaches used in this project. Following a discussion of theoretical considerations, six attributes of social identity are identified which may be recognized in the archaeological record; these include social age, gender, disability, specialization, social status, and population affinity.
Archaeological correlates for each aspect of identity are considered, with particular reference to application of these techniques in California archaeology. The discussion of status also includes issues of social complexity, social organization, wealth, power, prestige, and moiety affiliation. The third part of Chapter IV discusses the connection between food and identity. Categories of food are defined, terminology is introduced for later discussion, and the symbolic functions of foods are considered. In the fourth portion of this chapter, the previous sections are synthesized to develop a plan for identification of these attributions of social identity in the archaeological record from SCL-38.
Chapters V and VI are about reconstructing the menu of foods available to the ancestral Ohlone. Chapter V begins with a literature review of paleonutrition studies and
8 paleodietary analysis. The balance of the chapter is an exploration of indirect sources of information about paleodiet in the prehistoric Santa Clara Valley, including data from paleoenvironmental reconstruction, faunal and botanical remains from SCL-38 and other nearby archaeological sites, and clues from artifactual evidence including groundstone and chipped stone forms. Ethnohistoric accounts are presented, including an overview of accounts from European explorers, missionaries, and historians, focusing particularly on their comments about food and environment. Chapter V concludes with a review of what was on the menu.
Chapter VI continues the discussion of paleodietary reconstruction, focusing on direct sources of information. The first section discusses nutritional implications of bioarchaeological indicators of stress and nutritional deficiencies observed in the SCL-38 population, as well as dental wear patterns and dental pathologies. The second section is a literature review of stable isotope analysis as a tool for visualizing patterns in past diets.
Principles of stable isotopes are discussed, as well as the clues provided by analysis of bone protein (collagen) and mineral (apatite). Studies highlighting the application of this technique in archaeological interpretation are reviewed, focusing on identifying differential consumption of marine foods, detection of breastfeeding and weaning patterns, and investigation of identity and social status. Studies from Central California are presented, including reference values for important food resources and mean values from other nearby archaeological sites. This chapter concludes by identifying eight research questions to be addressed through the integration of stable isotope data from
SCL-38 with other sources of paleodietary information, details of archaeological and mortuary context, and artifactual associations.
9
Chapter VII reviews materials and methods. The strategy for sample selection is discussed, and frequencies of associations for attributes of mortuary context and burial- associated artifacts are presented for available samples and individuals included in the study. Of the 202 samples available, 128 humans were included in the study.
Additionally, bone collagen from eight faunal samples was prepared for stable isotope analysis, and bone apatite was analyzed for three faunal samples. Sulfur isotope data results were obtained for 11 humans and two faunal samples. Detail of stable isotope values are presented along with results of sample quality tests.
Chapter VIII presents the population level information about dietary patterns at SCL-38 including temporal patterns. Next, the individual results of stable isotope analysis are correlated with attributes of mortuary context and artifact associations presented in Chapter III. The eight research questions developed in Chapter VI are answered in the conclusion of this chapter.
Chapter IX correlates the data from Chapter VIII with attributes of social identity identified in Chapter IV. Archaeological evidence for differentiation based on social age, gender, disability, specialization, status, and population affinity at SCL-38 are identified. Implications of the dietary patterns associated with these social attributes are discussed. Social organization is tested based on archaeological precedents, and measures of wealth, prestige, moiety affiliation, and power are analyzed. The chapter concludes with a review of social identity and diet.
Chapter X returns to the larger questions of food use by the ancestral Ohlone.
The data presented in previous chapters is summarized in terms of nutrition, menu, diet, and cuisine. The discussion of cuisine addresses questions of low and high prestige foods,
10 food preparation methods, and food distribution within the community. The chapter concludes with final thoughts about future avenues for study.
Three appendices complete the project. The first presents a detailed reconciliation of demographic data from the site. The second presents mortuary context and burial associations for each individual from SCL-38. The last presents new radiocarbon dates obtained for this study, including a review of materials and methods, a new linear mixing model for determining percent marine in Central California, and calibration of radiocarbon dates.
CHAPTER II
PERSPECTIVES ON THE ARCHAEOLOGY
OF CENTRAL CALIFORNIA
Introduction
The archaeological records of the Yukisma Mound site (CA-SCL-38) are situated within a body of literature about the prehistoric past of Central California, which is inevitably a product of the personalities, priorities, and perspectives of California archaeologists of the past century. The biases of analysis have influenced perceptions about the lived experience of pre-contact Native Californians, including the interpretation of social and political organization, past relationships with the land and food resources, the nature of site construction and village life, and the potential for regional and temporal variation in all of these practices.
In this chapter, I will provide a brief history of the interpretation of shellmound sites in Central California, and an introduction to some of the personalities who influenced both academic and popular perceptions of the local Native populations.
The discussion will then be expanded to examine the recognition of change in the archaeological record and the taxonomic systems used to record temporal and regional variation within and between sites. Next will be a review of archaeology in the Santa
Clara Valley, featuring descriptions of a few sites which will be used for comparative purposes in upcoming chapters. The chapter will conclude with a review of the changing
11 12 perceptions of the South San Francisco Bay Region, the trends in settlement patterns and wealth distribution through time, and a discussion of recent interpretations of shell- and earth-mound sites in the San Francisco Bay area.
Shellmounds, Chronologies, and the Development of Central California Archaeology
Our understanding of Central California archaeology has been shaped by the ideas and personalities of the twentieth century. Early interpretations of shellmound sites such as Emeryville (CA-ALA-309) (Nelson 1996; Uhle 1907) and Ellis Landing (CA-
CCO-295) (Nelson 1910) established the precedent for future perceptions of social organization and social history in the region. As more sites were revealed and excavated in subsequent decades, improved perspective eventually led to the recognition of greater local and regional diversity. The result was an expansion in theory and interpretation, and the development of more complex systems of classification to track and compare the chronology of these diverse groups across time and space. All existing chronologies for
Central California were produced through a culture-historical perspective, and are consequently particularistic, based on artifact typology, locally specific, and difficult to integrate or compare with one another. The challenge in situating CA-SCL-38 within this matrix of time, space, and interpretation is significant.
Formative Years: (1901-1938)
The most striking archaeological features in the San Francisco Bay region of
California are the shellmounds, large accumulations of shell, soil, sand, ash, charcoal, rock, and faunal remains (Gifford 1916), located along the perimeter of bay waters, and
13 ranging in size from 30 to 600 feet (9 to 183 meters) in diameter, with heights from a few inches thick to 30 feet tall (up to 9 meters) (Luby et al. 2006; Moratto 1984; Nelson
1909:325). The first survey of San Francisco Bay Area shellmounds was completed in
1906 by Nels C. Nelson, and published three years later (Nelson 1909). Along the borders of San Francisco Bay, San Pablo Bay, and Suisun Bay, he identified 425 shellmound sites (sometimes called shell heaps) (Nelson 1909:310). He noted that shellmounds along Sonoma Creek and the Napa River to the north and along Guadalupe
River to the south contained relatively more earth and ash than shell, and that the relative composition of mounds generally shifted to more earth content and “artificial” construction with greater distance from the coast (Nelson 1909:322). Mounds located along inland tributary streams were classified as earth mounds, rather than shellmounds, and were thought to be “of relatively recent origin and possibly representative of distinct cultures” (Nelson 1909:310). The Yukisma Mound was not recorded by Nelson on this survey, but other earth-rich shellmounds (CA-SCL-6 and CA-SCL-300) which lay on the western shore of the Guadalupe River just three miles to the west were recorded (Nelson
1909:Map 1). Based on early site records (Meighan 1952), the Yukisma Mound would likely have been classified as an earth mound due to its location and composition (see
Chapter III for a detailed description of the Yukisma Mound).
The first interpretations of Central Californian shellmounds were framed by comparison to constructed earthworks and archaeological sites containing shell refuse in other parts of the world, particularly those in Denmark, the Eastern United States, the
Aleutian Islands, the Pacific Northwest, Brazil, and Peru (Nelson 1996, 1909, 1910,
1996; Uhle 1907). Based, on these analogies, Nelson says of Bay Area shellmounds,
14
They are kitchen middens, of the type found in Denmark, and have their counterpart in certain shell heaps in the Gulf and Atlantic Coast states, and in their general nature quite agree with the refuse heaps in the vicinity of Puget Sound on the northwest coast. [Nelson 1909:335]
The global scope of archaeological interpretation limited the possibilities for recognition of local variation in site use and construction. All San Francisco Bay area shellmounds contain human burials, however the Danish kitchen middens do not (Nelson 1909:343), making them a poor analogy in retrospect. Nevertheless, a global normative approach was applied to site interpretation in Central California, and shellmounds were subsumed into the existing literature about earthworks, where they were classified as refuse heaps, habitation sites, and incidentally, also burial sites. Max Uhle explained it this way:
Shellmounds originate on the accumulated refuse deposited by people who have lived in the place when the heap has formed, and the mounds may therefore be regarded as sites for dwelling places, or abodes for the living, and not as mounds set aside as burial grounds by people living elsewhere in the vicinity. Whenever these mounds were used for burials it was not done in spite of their being dwelling places, but rather because they were such. [Uhle 1907:21]
Uhle elaborates that California populations buried their dead in residential shellmounds to protect the graves from disturbance, and so that the living might be protected by the spirits of the deceased, stating “wherever graves are found in shellmounds, in all parts of the world, their presence is generally to be explained in this way” (Uhle 1907:21). Nelson added the practical observation that digging in midden soil is much easier than in
California clay, and local populations may have taken advantage of the loose fill in the shellmounds as an expedient mode of burying their dead (Nelson 1909:343).
Even within the scope of interpretation possible within a global normative approach, Uhle recognized change through time in his stratigraphic analysis of the
Emeryville Shellmound (CA-ALA-309) (Uhle 1907). His partial excavation of the
15 western (bay-side) portion of the mound was conducted in the spring of 1902, under the supervision of Professor Merriam of the University of California at Berkeley. In his report, Uhle recognized several distinct stratigraphic layers within the mound, different construction methods for the lower and upper portions of the mound structure, different artifact types and frequencies through time, and a change in mortuary practices in the later centuries of site use (Uhle 1907). He noted that, “this change in the manner of forming the mound signifies a change in the character of its occupants” (Uhle 1907:16).
Uhle found evidence of at least three distinct groups of inhabitants at Emeryville, with variation within each of these divisions (Uhle 1907: 40-41). In the following excerpt, he rejects even the possibility of cultural stasis:
It is impossible that the cultural state of one and the same place should have remained stationary for many centuries and, even judging by the mass alone, the [Emeryville] mound could not have reached such a height in less than a considerable number of centuries. [Uhle 1907:37]
While still hindered by unfavorable comparison to civilizations of Mesoamerica and the
Andes, Uhle nevertheless recognized that California populations living in close proximity for an extended period of time would lead to some degree of social organization and complexity, and that change through time was inevitable (Uhle 1907:31).
Alfred Kroeber was the first anthropology professor at the University of
California, Berkeley, and directed the department from 1901 until 1946 (University of
California, Berkeley, Department of Anthropology Website). In 1909, he published a paper entitled, “An Archaeology of California,” in which he clearly stated his position regarding interpretation of the Californian past:
The civilization revealed by [California Archaeology] is in essentials the same as that found in the same region by the more recent explorer and settler. The material
16
dealt with by archaeology and ethnology is therefore the same, and the two branches of investigation move closely linked toward the same goal, differing only in their methods. [Kroeber 1909:3]
Kroeber subscribed to the “direct historical approach,” a method of archaeological interpretation which relies on assumed direct continuity between the archaeology of antecedent cultures and the practices and beliefs of living people (Earle 2008:195). This position was not at all uncommon among archaeologists of the time (Trigger 1989).
However, Kroeber’s stance would have serious implications for the interpretation of
California prehistory.
Kroeber went on in his 1909 paper to present the state of archaeological research in each region of California. Without mentioning him by name, Kroeber sharply criticized Uhle’s analysis of the Emeryville mound.
The one published account of a systematic though partial exploration of a shell- heap on San Francisco bay, upholds the view of a distinct progression and development of civilization having taken place during the growth of the deposit. An independent examination of the material on which this opinion is reared, tends to negative rather than to confirm it. [Kroeber 1909:15]
After reviewing Uhle’s notes, Kroeber found the differences between artifact types and forms through the strata in the Emeryville mound were not significant enough to signify substantive cultural change (Rowe 1962:399). Ironically, the basis for this bias may well have been Uhle’s own prior work in Peru; the impressive collections that Uhle contributed to the Hearst collection in Berkeley in 1902 predisposed Kroeber to expect major changes of technology and subsistence as the only meaningful indicators of culture change. Kroeber’s focus on the ethnographic present and bias against the surviving
Native Californians of the Central region led him to completely dismiss the possibility of significant local change.
17
Particularly where the recent civilization is still so simple as in central California, it is difficult to believe that a few thousand years would comprise a notable development . . . because a radically simpler culture than the recent one in central California must have been so extremely rude as to make its existence a short time ago seem more than questionable to anyone impressed with the evident historical antiquity of a fairly well developed civilization elsewhere in America. [Kroeber 1909:16]
Kroeber’s strong opinions regarding the Central Californian past and his influential position as head of the UC Berkeley Anthropology Department constrained any nuanced interpretation of Central California archaeology for decades. Not a single doctoral dissertation addressed patterns of archaeological change during the time that Kroeber led the UC Berkeley Anthropology Department. “Kroeber simply refused to permit his students to work on such subjects, although a number of them would have been glad to do so” (Rowe 1962:409).
In 1906, three years prior to Kroeber’s publication, Nels C. Nelson, a graduate student in anthropology at UC Berkeley, excavated a six foot square shaft on the east side of the Emeryville Mound (Broughton 1996). Nelson found eleven distinct strata marked by variation in soil color and matrix composition, and a temporal shift in structural technique consistent with Uhle’s findings on the west side of the mound (Nelson 1996:6,
10). Nelson’s detail regarding content of each stratum was excellent and showed clear contrasts in composition and artifact type and form found in each layer. However, his interpretation of these contrasts was inconsistent. Towards the middle of the report, he suggested that no significant change in artifact type or form was observed, stating
“though the types of artifacts extracted from the shaft differ in some respects, the difference is not absolute; and the quality of the workmanship is not so widely different as might reasonably be expected, considering the great period of time involved” (Nelson
18
1996:11). Rather than refuting Uhle, he suggests that conditions found on the west side of the mound may have been different from those on the east side (Nelson 1996:11).
However, in the final pages of the report, he compares his results to Uhle’s and concludes that,
On some specific minor points there has been shown to be discrepancies, but in reference to all the broader and really significant facts there is all the agreement that might reasonably be expected (in so unscientific a structure as a shellmound.) (Not one absolute contradiction is apparent). [Nelson 1996:18, emphasis added]
Nelson’s report remained unpublished for ninety years, surfacing only in 1996
(Broughton 1996).
Nelson earned his Master’s of Letters degree in 1908, based on his analysis of another shellmound at Ellis Landing (CA-CCO-295), the results of which were published two years later (Nelson 1910). Regarding the Ellis Landing site, Nelson only briefly reported on the internal structure of the mound, and stated that there were no clearly defined strata (Nelson 1910:374). He did, however, find a clear distinction in construction between the upper and lower levels of the mound, a difference in shellfish and faunal composition based on depth, uneven distribution of human burials, and uneven demographic representation of human burials (Nelson 1910). Additionally, he noted evidence of long-distance trade, of the use of boats, and of fine craftsmanship and
“artistic instinct” (Nelson 1910:376, 397, 402). In his conclusions, however, the voices of both student and professor are apparent.
It may be well to point out that the same general types of implements prevail from the bottom of the refuse heap to the top. Certain notable additions were made in later times, and the progress towards perfection of manufacture is generally marked; but aside from these normal changes there are no important breaks in the culture represented. [Nelson 1910:402]
19
Nelson excavated other Bay Area sites over the next few years, including the Fernandez
Site (CA-CCO-259) and the Bayshore Site (SFR-7, also known as the Crocker Mound) but no reports were published (Moratto 1984). After leaving Berkeley in 1912, Nelson went on to pioneer stratigraphic analysis in the American Southwest, establishing proof of chronology through stratigraphic excavations at several New Mexico sites (Willey and
Sabloff 1980:87-89).
The demands of a rapidly growing population in the San Francisco Bay region during the twentieth century have led to the destruction of all but a few of the shellmounds recorded in Nelson’s 1906 survey. Shellmound and earth mound sites are located on prime real estate along the bayshore and river banks, and are composed of a rich matrix of soil and organic matter which was already being repurposed as agricultural soil, fertilizer, or fill more than a century ago (Nelson 1909). With increasing frequency, archaeological reports of shellmound sites have been based on salvage efforts during the destruction of the mounds.
In the following decades, two important reports were published regarding salvage efforts of San Francisco Bay area shellmounds. The first was a limited excavation and recovery of materials from the Stege Mounds at Richmond, which were leveled in (or prior to) 1915 to make way for a housing tract (Loud 1924). The largest mound (CA-
ALA-300) was estimated to have been 475 feet long by 350 feet wide (145 by 107 meters) and 9 feet (3 meters) deep. A smaller mound (CA-ALA-298) had an estimated size of 240 by 160 feet (73 by 49 meters) and a depth of seven to eight feet (2 to 2.5 meters) (Loud 1924:357-358). Loud and an assistant spent sixteen days following behind two men and a team of horses as the mounds were dismantled (Loud 1924:356). Loud did
20 not explicitly mention the stratigraphy of the mounds, but did note differences in shell content by depth both within and between mound sites (Loud 1924:358). Although the two mounds were located only 300 feet (less than 100 meters) apart and both bordered the bayshore, the contents of the mounds were notably different (Loud 1924). Loud rejected the possibility that the differences were due to environment, suggested instead that the mounds were occupied by people living at different times, and implied that diachronic change in the Bay Area influenced mode of subsistence and material culture
(Loud 1924:369).
The second notable publication of the 1920s is W. Egbert Schenck’s (1926)
“Final Report” regarding the Emeryville Mound (CA-ALA-309). This colossal shellmound was leveled in 1924 to make way for a paint factory, and Schenck reported on the contents revealed. Schenck worked closely with Kroeber, and joined him as a field assistant in Peru two years later, in 1926 (Rowe 1962:404). In his analysis of the
Emeryville Mound, Schenck claimed there was a lack of evidence for stratification, refuted previous estimates of site age, and criticized the idea of development through time, commenting instead on the “evenness of the culture” (Schenck 1926:270).
Schenck’s report has since been sharply criticized by Gerow (with Force 1968) and termed “ultraconservative” by Moratto (1984:229).
Meanwhile, in the Central Valley of California, archaeologists and students had been excavating earth mound sites and noticing patterns of change. J. A. Barr, the superintendent of schools in Stockton and an avocational archaeologist, excavated at least twelve mounds near Stockton between 1883 and 1901 (Jones 1923; Moratto 1984:177).
He trained Elmer J. Dawson, who systematically explored multiple sites near Lodi
21 between 1912 and 1930, keeping careful records of stratigraphy, artifact forms, and site locations (Moratto 1984:178). Dawson recognized significant diachronic change at these sites and made his data and collections available to faculty at the University of California,
Berkeley, to supplement their research (Moratto 1984:178). Unfortunately, W. Egbert
Schenck was selected to evaluate Dawson’s results. Schenck disregarded the cultural sequence proposed by Dawson, suggested that only 1,500 years of time depth were represented by the data, and asserted that the culture revealed at these sites was no different from that of Native Californians in the eighteenth century (Moratto 1984:178;
Schenck and Dawson 1929:410). Schenck’s insistence on the direct historical approach, the essentially static nature of Native Californian culture, and the shallow time depth of archaeological sites led to the delay of formal recognition of change by the archaeological community for another ten years.
Classification and Chronology: (1939-1974)
Excavations in the Central Valley region continued through the 1930s, particularly by individuals affiliated with Sacramento Junior College (Moratto 1984). In
1939, the college president, Jeremiah B. Lillard, along with students, Robert F. Heizer and Franklin Fenenga, published the first chronology for succession of culture patterns in
Central California. Within the strata of the Windmiller Mound (CA-SAC-107), the
Augustine Site (CA-SAC-127), the Booth Site (CA-SAC-126), and other sites of the lower Sacramento Valley and Delta regions, three distinct cultural horizons were recognized: an Early Period, a Transitional Period, and a Late Period (Heizer and
Fenenga 1939; Lillard et al. 1939). Periods were defined based on the observed sequence of mortuary practices and artifact types, with particular attention to burial position and
22 orientation, projectile point form and materials, the form and frequency of ground stone artifacts (e.g., millingstones, mortars, pestles, and charmstones), and types of Olivella and
Haliotis shell ornaments and beads (see Table 2) (Heizer and Fenenga 1939; Lillard et al.
1939). While the time depth for each period remained uncertain, Lillard, Heizer, and
Fenenga clearly documented evidence of change and cultural succession in Central
Californian archaeological patterns and provided the groundwork for all future chronologies for the region. In a subsequent article by Heizer and Fenenga (1939), they made their position clear. “Until quite recently, California culture has been widely cited as endowed with an unique uniformity and unchangeableness, persisting in its simple, specific form for thousands of years. We now know this to be incorrect” (Heizer and
Fenenga 1939:378).
Heizer worked with Richard K. Beardsley in archaeological surveys of the
Marin coast during 1940 and 1941 and the two published an article together about baked- clay figurines from the northern Bay Area two years later (Heizer and Beardsley 1943).
When Beardsley returned to Berkeley to complete his dissertation, he reconsidered previous analyses of San Francisco Bay region sites, likely influenced by Heizer’s perspectives on Central California chronology (Beardsley 1947). Beardsley submitted his dissertation at the University of California just one year after Kroeber had retired from the department (Rowe 1962). Beardsley also summarized his conclusions in a 1948 article, and published his dissertation results in 1954.
In these publications, Beardsley expertly parsed the subtext of interpretation of change in the San Francisco area, and pointed out that lack of evidence for major changes in mode of production and economy (“evolutionary change”) had been broadly
23
TABLE 2. Characteristics of the Delta Sequence, the First Chronology for Central California, Based on Lower Sacramento Valley Sites
Early Period Transitional Period Late Period Windmiller Morse Augustine Type Sites (SAC-107) (SAC-66) (SAC-127)
Burials Extended, face down, First cremations; Cremations and flexed westerly orientation; cobblestone burial burials; whole abalone buried away from platforms; unworked shells with infant burials. villages. faunal bone inclusions.
Projectile Leaf-shaped, concave-base, Large chipped with Small, laterally notched, points or stemmed and stemmed or concave- square-serrated; shouldered; green chert base and diagonal “Stockton type” and or slate. flaking; more obsidian “Stockton curves;” some points; less chert. larger spear points or knife blades.
Ground Millingstones (metates); Fewer millingstones Mortars: flat rimmed, flat stone perforated charmstones, (metates); increasing bottomed; pestles; stone artifacts phallic form common; mortars; fish-tail pipes: biconically drilled slate “pencils”; conically charmstones. with bone stem; no drilled, thick-walled charmstones; perforated stone pipes. stone “discoidals.”
Bone and Mammal bone tubes, Bone or antler strigils; Incised bird bone tubes; antler undecorated; bone pins; bone tubes with cut bird bone whistles in artifacts turtle carapace ends; bone whistles of pairs; undecorated ornaments; single piece thick mammal bone; mammal bone tubes; bone fishhook, modified bone bodkins; gaming barbed antler fish spears; human bone artifacts. dice; needles; antler antler shaft straighteners. projectile points.
Olivella Large, rectangular; some Small, flat, circular; some Saucer shaped; minute beads items with bead appliqué items with bead circular beads. w/asphaltum. appliqué w/asphaltum.
Haliotis Rectangular or circular, one Abalone disc beads; Ovoid and “banjo” types; ornaments or two central circular ornaments with drilled-pit decoration on perforations. dentate edge and single, periphery; single large perforations. perforation near edge.
Other Quartz crystals. Quartz crystals; rare stone Red ochre in molded diagnostic beads; ground hematite cakes; clam-shell disc artifacts chunks. beads; stone beads; baked clay objects.
Source: Data for table from Heizer, Robert F., and F. Fenenga, 1939, Archaeological Horizons in Central California. American Anthropologist 41:378-399; Lillard, Jeremiah B., R. F. Heizer, and Franklin Fenenga, 1939, An Introduction to the Archeology of Central California. Sacramento Junior College Department of Anthropology Bulletin 2. Sacramento, CA: The Board of Education of the Sacramento City Unified School District.
24 distorted as evidence “that all cultural change was lacking” (Beardsley 1948:1, original emphasis). Through fieldwork in the North Bay area, review of earlier reports on sites around San Francisco Bay, and a close reading of Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga’s reports about the lower and middle Sacramento Valley (e.g., Heizer and Fenenga 1939; Lillard et al. 1939), Beardsley recognized that the distinct stages of development seen in the
Central Valley were also present in the San Francisco Bay area (Beardsley 1948).
In his interpretation, he combined Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga’s chronological sequence with aspects of the Midwestern Taxonomic System (McKern
1939), forging a new taxonomic approach for classification of Central Californian archaeological materials. Beardsley used the term horizon in place of Lillard and colleagues’ period, and formally recognized the distinctive characteristics of their
Transitional Period by renaming it the Middle Horizon (Beardsley 1948). From the
Midwestern Taxonomic System, he borrowed the concepts of component and focus, but renamed the latter facies and slightly modified the meaning. He also introduced the concept of province, which combined temporal, geographic, and cultural classifications to recognize regions with common cultural practices within a temporal horizon. The resulting system recognized distinct cultural phases throughout Central California, incorporating aspects of cultural practices, material forms, geographic space, and time, and has persisted as a standard classificatory system to the present day (Milliken et al.
2007). In 1968, Gerow gave this system a name, the Central California Taxonomic
System (CCTS) (Gerow with Force 1968; Hughes 1994; Moratto 1984).
Connecting measures of cultural change with temporal and spatial divisions was problematic, however. In the 1960s and 1970s, James Bennyhoff, David Fredrickson,
25 and others reconsidered the CCTS in light of the observed variation in regional boundaries of cultural expression through time (Bennyhoff and Fredrickson 1994;
Fredrickson 1994b; Hughes 1994). Additionally, efforts were made to incorporate terminology used in other New World taxonomies (e.g., Willey and Phillips 1958) to improve clarity of broad, regional comparisons. In this regard, the new classification system followed the Historical-Developmental Approach, which sought to place local culture histories within a spatial-temporal matrix for the New World as a whole (Willey and Phillips 1958:61). This method was not meant to imply unilinear cultural evolution; rather it sought to provide a descriptive (and not spatial-temporal) basis for categorization, comparison, and integration of diverse culture histories on an American scale (Willey and Phillips 1958).
The system proposed by Bennyhoff and Fredrickson (1994) included six spatial units, defined along cultural rather than geographic boundaries. Related to these geographic units were cultural categories of pattern, aspect, and phase (Bennyhoff and
Fredrickson 1994). Temporal distinctions were independent of geography or cultural expression, and were modeled after those used by Willey and Phillips (1958) with modification. Willey and Phillips’ Lithic stage was split into the Early Lithic and Paleo-
Indian periods (Fredrickson 1994a; Willey and Phillips 1958). The Archaic stage was translated directly to the new taxonomy. The Emergent period was meant to be a non- agricultural equivalent to Willey and Phillips’ Formative stage (Fredrickson
1993/1994:101). The work of Bennyhoff and Fredrickson was informed by a much broader discussion of Central California taxonomy, including a series of workshops at
UC Davis in 1967 and 1968 (Fredrickson 1994b). While a consensus regarding
26 terminology and categorization of Central California sites was never definitively reached, the system produced by Bennyhoff and Fredrickson is still commonly used in San
Francisco Bay region archaeology (Milliken et al. 2007).
In addition to the Central California Taxonomic System and the Archaic-
Emergent system of Bennyhoff and Fredrickson (1994), hybrid taxonomic systems are often used to describe the Central Californian past, incorporating the period names of the
CCTS plus cultural units such as pattern, aspect, and phase from the Archaic-Emergent system (Milliken et al. 2007). Geologic time has also been introduced, superimposing phases of the Holocene over the Early, Middle, and Late Period classifications (Milliken et al. 2007). Figure 2 is provided as a concordance of terminology from all major taxonomic systems referenced in Central California archaeology. Note that the taxonomic terminology was primarily concerned with classification of culture groups based on artifact types and mortuary customs. The concept of cultural evolution is inherent in this
Direct-Historical approach to classification. Temporal succession of a single set of patterns is implied, but regional variation in the rate of diffusion and expression of new patterns meant that taxonomic categories would have only a loose affiliation with absolute dating chronologies.
As part of establishing this classification matrix, Bennyhoff and Fredrickson
(1994) identified three distinct patterns within the archaeological record of the San
Francisco Bay and Delta regions. The Windmiller Pattern was the oldest, and thought to be the mother culture of the region. Windmiller was characterized primarily by burial style, where interments were typically ventrally extended and oriented to the west. The
Berkeley Pattern was generally later, but sometimes concurrent with Windmiller, and
27
"Bulletin 2 System" Central California Taxonomic System (CCTS) Archaic-Emergent System Midwestern Taxonomic Method (McKern 1939) (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga 1939) (Beardsley 1954) (Bennyhoff and Fredrickson 1994)
Classification of culture traits within Classification of culture traits only, does not Combines classification of culture traits with Independent classification of cultural, spatial and temporal designators. Descriptive a temporal sequence address temporal or spatial factors. spatial and temporal factors. intent California Delta, lower and middle Not specific: applied to American Midwest, Central California Region: Geographic area Sacramento Valley, upper San Mississippi Valley, Northeast, and Northern San Francisco Bay, North Bay, California Delta, lower and middle Sacramento Valley, upper San Joaquin Valley. Joaquin Valley. Plains Temporal units based on Cultural units based on determinants = Cultural, Geographic, and Temporal units Spatial Units (consistent with Willey and Cultural Units Unit of Measure classification of artifacts and burial diagnostic traits, markers of specific culture Phillips 1958,+ district) context division. Cultural unit: the A component is a record of a specific Most Specific Component manifestation of a focus Component Site Single archaeological site. occupation period at at a particular site. a specific site. Complex of traits Collection of sites with Cultural unit: A Same concept as CCTS identifying a specific identifiable assemblages, group of related facies, renamed to reduce Focus cultural identity. Facies Locality showing synchronous Phase components within a terminological May occur in multiple cultural continuity (e.g. province. discrepancies. locations. village/tribelet) Intermediate-sized geographic unit with Group of foci with significant cultural Variation of a pattern Aspect District Aspect similar traits. uniformity. A phase is a within a district temporal unit coterminous with district boundaries. ↕ Group of aspects with Collection of districts with Phase Region similar traits. common traits. A persistent and wide- Collection of regions with Subarea spread basic adaptation common traits. shared by multiple groups Geographic unit: Collection of subareas Pattern with regional variations, Group of phases with areas of cultural with common traits. similar to MTM base. Pattern Province Area similar traits. similarity within a Largest proposed spatial Multiple patterns may co- temporal horizon. unit. exist in same area. Temporal periods: Group of patterns with Temporal unit: Temporal Units: four periods, independent of cultural assemblages: Early Period, broadly similar modes Early Horizon, Early Lithic Period, Paleo-Indian Period, Archaic Period (lower, middle, and upper), and Most General Period Base Horizon Transitional Period, of production, social Middle Horizon, and Emergent Period (lower and upper). and Late Period structure, or industries. Late Horizon
FIGURE 2. Comparative taxonomies for central California archaeology. 28 featured flexed burials. The Augustine Pattern was the most recent, differentiated by increased elaboration of grave goods and mortuary practice, including cremations, pre- interment burning, and grave furnishings (such as rock cairns).
The taxonomic system of Bennyhoff and Fredrickson was criticized by Gerow
(1972, 1974, with Force 1968), based primarily on his observations of South San
Francisco Bay archaeological assemblages. Gerow observed that the early sites in the San
Francisco Bay region did not support the suggestion that the region was a backwater zone for the Windmiller culture. Rather, he identified an Early San Francisco Bay Culture, differentiated by Windmiller based on the following characteristics:
1. An absence of extended burials or patterned ventral position, or westerly orientation. 2. A high incidence of red ochre relative to ornamental artifacts of marine shell, stone, or bone. 3. The simple whole Olivella shell is more characteristic than drilled shell fractions. 4. Quartz crystals, either whole or cracked, plummet-shaped charmstones, (and) artifacts of slate or mica are relatively rare or absent. 5. Flaked stone points are rarer absolutely and relative to crude flaked and core implements. 6. Composite fishspears or fishhooks of antler are absent or rare relative to stone netsinkers. 7. Flat-ended pestles, unshaped cobblestone mortars, bone awls, scapula and rib side-scrapers, and antler wedges or end-scrapers are relatively abundant. [Gerow with Force 1968:109-110]
Gerow further proposed that the early inhabitants of the South San Francisco Bay region were Hokan speakers and culturally distinct from the Penutian speaking population in the
Sacramento Valley and Delta. Rather than a single cultural expansion from inland territories, Gerow suggested a model of convergence of population groups (Gerow with
Force 1968:126). Features of the Early San Francisco Bay Culture are summarized in
Table 3.
29
TABLE 3. Characteristics of Patterns in Central California Archaeology
Pattern Early San Francisco Windmiller Berkeley PatternB Augustine PatternB Bay CultureA PatternB
B B B Period* Early San Francisco Lower Archaic Upper Archaic Emergent Period BayA Early PeriodC Middle PeriodC MLT and Late Lower Archaic and (~3000-500 BC) (500 BC – 700 PeriodC Early PeriodC AD) (700 -1769 AD) (Before 500 BC)
Type Sites University Village Windmiller (SAC- Emeryville Augustine (SMA-77), West 107) and (ALA-309) (SAC-127) Berkeley (ALA-307), Mokelumne River lower levels of Ellis (Cosumnes Landing (CCO-295) District) sites
Burials Flexed burials. Extended burials, Flexed burials with Flexed burials; Variable face down, variable cremations and orientation. westerly orientations. Few pre-interment orientation (some grave goods. burning with Powdered red ochre variation, rare Ceremonial wealthier goods. in graves. cremation). animal burials. Variation in grave Abundant grave goods. goods.
Economic Collecting emphasis. Hunting emphasis. Collecting Increased hunting Mode Fishing with nets Trade for emphasis. and fishing. and gorge ceremonial and Limited trade for Acorn dominant fishhooks, hunting ornamental finished objects. staple. Developed of birds and land finished objects. trade including mammals. raw materials.
Flaked Stone Flake-core scraper- Atlatl darts and Atlatl darts, rare Bow and arrow, knives and spears, rare atlatl spurs of bone or small projectile choppers. Few spurs made of antler. Non- points. points. polished stone. stemmed Stemmed points chipped stone. (not obsidian).
Ground Unshaped Mano and metate, Minimally shaped Well-shaped Stone cobblestone small mortars. mortars and mortars and mortars, flat-ended Elaborate cobble pestles. pestles. Polished pestles. Edge- polished stone. Some polished stone pipes and notched stone Phallic stone. charmstones. weights, some charmstones. biconically perforated (no plummets).
30
TABLE 3 (Continued).
Pattern Early San Francisco Windmiller Berkeley PatternB Augustine Bay CultureA PatternB PatternB
Bone and Unelaborated forms. Unelaborated Growing Harpoons. Bone Antler Bone awls, scapula forms. emphasis, more awls for saws, antler mammal bone basketry. wedges, whistles. than bird.
Shell Whole Olivella shell Drilled and cut Drilled and cut Drilled and cut Ornaments beads. Olivella and Olivella and Olivella and Haliotis beads. Haliotis beads. Haliotis beads and pendants.
Social Some differentiation No emphasis on Wealth Organization in wealth and/or wealth. differentiation. status, based on Shamans with Shell beads and grave associations. quartz crystals, ornaments charmstones, suggest bone whistles. ceremonialism, secret societies. *All authors agree that the temporal range of patterns is indistinct and may overlap, but observations generally fall within this period.
Sources: AGerow, Bert A., with Roland W. Force, 1968, An Analysis of the University Village Complex with a Reappraisal of Central California Archaeology. Stanford: Stanford University Press; Gerow, Bert A., 1974, Comments on Fredrickson’s “Cultural Diversity.” The Journal of California Anthropology 1(2):239-246. BBennyhoff, James A., and David A. Fredrickson, 1994[1969], A Proposed Integrative Taxonomic System for Central California Archaeology. In Toward a New Taxonomic Framework for Central California Archaeology: Essays by James A. Bennyhoff and David A. Fredrickson. Richard E. Hughes, ed. Pp. 15-24. Contributions of the University of California Archaeological Research Facility, No. 52. Berkeley: University of California Press. CScheme D, Groza, Randall Gannon, 2002, An AMS Chronology for Central California Olivella Shell Beads. Master’s thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Francisco State University.
With the advent of radiocarbon dating in 1949, a new and more precise approach to subdividing the past became available (Bowman 1990). In 1958, Robert
Heizer published seventeen radiocarbon dates of “archaeological interest”, which formed the first absolute dating scheme to be applied to California (Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987;
Milliken et al. 2007). Almost twenty years later, James Bennyhoff and Richard Hughes
31 released a detailed analysis of shell bead forms found in California and the western Great
Basin, and incorporated stratigraphic analysis and one hundred eighty additional radiocarbon dates to produce four new dating schemas.
Scheme A1 was based upon the dates published by Heizer in 1958.
Modifications were added to incorporate San Joaquin county dates published by Ragir
(1972) in Scheme A2 (Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987:147). Bennyhoff and Hughes proposed Schemes B1 and B2 based on one hundred eighty additional uncorrected radiocarbon dates. These schema are correlated with local bead type sequences, where B2 has shortened Late Period phases in comparison with B1 (Bennyhoff and Hughes
1987:147, 149). In 2002, Randy Groza revisited the earlier chronologies, obtained 104 new AMS radiocarbon dates on shell beads with temporal significance in Central
California, and recalibrated the sequence, producing Scheme D (Groza 2002). Temporal context for the current study will be reported in terms of Scheme D, with additional reference to the contextual taxonomies previously described. Figure 3 provides a concordance of chronologies for cross-reference.
In 1993, Terry Jones published a revised culture sequence for the Central
California Coast, based on radiocarbon dates and obsidian hydration measurements from excavations in Monterey and San Luis Obispo counties. This region spans the area between the San Francisco Bay populations and the Santa Barbara Coast, and includes the southern territory of the Ohlone (see Figure 1). Jones and other researchers have found evidence of continuous occupation in the region between 4400 BC and AD 1830
(6350 to 120 years BP). Suggested cultural-temporal phases are marked by the introduction of new artifact types, generally without replacement of existing technologies
32
FIGURE 3. Comparative chronologies of central California.
Sources:A Characteristics paraphrased from Figure 9.1 in Fredrickson, David A., 1992/1994, Archaeological Taxonomy in Central California Reconsidered. In Toward a New Taxonomic Framework for Central California Archaeology: Essays by James A. Bennyhoff and David A. Fredrickson. Richard E. Hughes, ed. Pp. 91-103. Contributions of the University of California Archaeological Research Facility, No. 52. Berkeley: University of California, Berkeley; and adapted from Figure 3 in Fredrickson, David A., 1974, Cultural Diversity in Early Central California: A View from the North Coast Ranges. The Journal of California Anthropology 1(1):41-53. 33
(Jones 1993:23). The Interpretive Phase (so named for type-site at the Interpretive Trail in Big Sur), was the earliest phase, lasting from 4400 until 3500 BC (6350 to 5450 BP).
Interpretive assemblages include handstones, millingslabs, lanceolate projectile points and barrel Olivella beads, but no mortars or pestles. The Redwood Phase spanned the years between 3500 and 600 BC (5450 to 2550 BP), and featured the introduction of the mortar and pestle as well as new projectile point and bead forms. The Willow Creek
Phase, from 600 BC to AD 1000 (2550 to 950 BP), included the introduction of the shell fishhook, but otherwise a similar assemblage as the earlier Redwood Phase. Beads and other artifact forms were also similar to other Middle Period sites in the Bay and Delta regions. The Highland Phase, from 1000-1250 AD (950-700 BP), saw the introduction of the hopper mortar and flanged pestle in the region. The three phases of the Late Period were the Dolan Phase and the Arbuez Phase, contemporaneous patterns both dating between 1250 and 1650 AD (700 to 300 BP), and the Santos Phase, from 1650 to 1300
AD (300 to 150 BP). The Dolan Phase was characterized by a change in projectile point form and a new suite of bead types. The Arbuez Phase represented a continuation of the earlier Highland Phase, without adoption of the new styles seen at Dolan sites. The
Santos Phase included elements from both Arbuez and Santos Phase sites, and the addition of historic period artifacts (e.g., glass beads). The regional continuity of artifact styles and the additive nature of innovations through time suggest a degree of regional stability on the Central Coast lasting more than six thousand years. This chronology of southern Ohlone sites is also included in Figure 3.
34
South San Francisco Bay Region Archaeology
The publication of Beardsley’s dissertation in 1947 marked the beginning of a new era in Central California Archaeology. In 1948, the University of California
Archaeological Survey was founded, renewing the effort to initiate University-led archaeological investigations. The handful of reports released in the following two decades focused on prominent shellmound sites on the Bay margin or coast, for example
Davis and Treganza’s report (1959) about the Patterson Mound (CA-ALA-328), and archaeological discoveries encountered during construction projects, such as Gerow’s report (with Force 1968) reviewing the 1951-1952 excavations at the University Village
Complex (CA-SMA-77). But nothing awakened South Bay archaeological efforts like the rapid population expansion in Santa Clara County since the 1950s and the frequent encounters with the buried past that came with provisioning and accommodating the growing population (see Figure 4). Between 1950 and 1960, over 350 thousand new residents settled in Santa Clara County, more than doubling the local population.
Between 1960 and 1970, over 400 thousand new residents arrived, and each of the next two decades brought more than 200 thousand additional people to the valley (Bay Area
Census). Although the rate of growth has slowed since 1990, the population of Santa
Clara County continues to build.
South Bay Archaeology Since 1974
A series of new laws was passed between 1966 and 1974 to ensure that the archaeological record was not completely disregarded as the urban sprawl consumed the
Valley. The first of these was Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act
35 , accessed , accessed sportation areacensus.ca.gov http://www.bay from Santhe Francisco Bay Area—Provided by Metropolitanthe Tran 89275328 24237 629763334 8461 938645521 6903 12525 130197 246131 13515 7163 11324 3441773214 18046 474883 13072 13235 513011 31674 15702 16411 740315 6635 908209 53889 251147169 16451 1073184 1105379 1279182 8669 1443741 78608 1510271 27342 19800 16871 100450 10087 41648 20678 18475 298984 12094 409030 52907 22897 20946 558389 26585 85619 656380 28503 24143 803732 36781 146820 46603 27559 948816 206038 1049025 77405 222568 65890 40602 111782 230096 79140 235659 247289 40834 444387 252409 99199 49118 556234 110765 589329 104833 124279 649623 134597 136484 707161 169941 718451 235203 340421 394542 413344 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 56802 149473 233959 29899711912 342782 416912 26246 506676 35039 63439411867 634536 48005 19819 775357 740316 60216 25926 715674 83539 678974 32721 723959 100676 38480 776733 145118 805235 174949 48394 290547 642315 52090 1064714 1295071 1497577 1682585 62222 1781642 69052 103405 147375 204885 299681 388222 458614 483878 0 San Francisco Bay area population growth by county.
800,000 600,000 400,000 200,000
1,800,000 1,600,000 1,400,000 1,200,000 1,000,000
Alameda Contra Costa Marin Napa San Francisco Mateo San Santa Clara Solano Sonoma Reported in California Census Census California in Reported Population by County County by Population August, 2011. FIGURE 4. n.d.,Census, SelectedSource:Data from data Census Area Bay
1860-2010, from data Census Featuring Governments. Area Bay of Association the and Commission
36
(NHPA), passed in 1966, which requires evaluation of the national significance of cultural resources encountered during federally enabled development projects (those on federal land, initiated or permitted by federal agencies, or receiving federal funding).
Additionally, Section 106 provides for consultation with a Tribal Historic Preservation
Officer (THPO) where Native American sites or artifacts are involved. In 1969, the
National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) mandated impact assessment and documentation of any known cultural resources threatened by federally enabled development projects (“undertakings”), including resources of local or regional significance. This was supplemented by the California Environmental Quality Act
(CEQA) of 1970, which extended the provisions of NEPA to state enabled projects. The
Archaeological and Historic Preservation Act (AHPA) of 1974 rounds out this set of legislation by mandating surveys and planning to evaluate the impact of construction to previously unknown cultural resources. The AHPA also allocates a percent of federal project funding to cover the costs of these efforts (Neumann and Sanford 2001).
While subsequent legislation has certainly affected the practice of archaeology in California (e.g., the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978, the
Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979, and the Native American Graves
Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990), it is this initial set of laws which created the business of Cultural Resource Management (CMR), a professional, privatized approach to archaeology. CRM archaeology is concerned with compliance work, contracting with government and private developers to mitigate the risk to cultural resources encountered during land-alteration projects. Consequently, CRM jobs are almost never research driven archaeological investigations. Rather, they are scoped as impact assessment surveys or
37 salvage of impacted historic or prehistoric materials. Site parameters are typically defined by development plans rather than archaeological context. Resulting excavations are completed under time constraints and include only non-random sectors of archaeological sites, providing a partial and fragmented perspective on past settlements and cultural practices.
Further, archaeological report format, content, and quality vary between CRM companies and projects, and are rarely published. A notable exception is the excellent
“Santa Clara Valley Prehistory,” edited by Mark Hylkema (2007), which summarizes findings at the Tamien Station Site (CA-SCL-690), and was published by the UC Davis
Center for Archaeological Research. Some other reports produced on CRM projects are available through specialty publishers such as Coyote Press (e.g., Elsasser 1986; Pastron and Bellifemine 2007; Wiberg 2002; Winter 1978). Occasionally, CRM companies invite university faculty and students to participate in archaeological evaluation, producing additional literature as Masters’ theses and Ph D. dissertations (e.g., Bellifemine 1997;
Morley 1997; Wu 1999), however most academic work in California Archaeology is based on museum or university collections from earlier excavations. The bulk of CRM reports make up the “grey literature” of Santa Clara Valley archaeology, available only by contacting the contracting agency directly or, with appropriate permissions, from archaeological information centers (such as the Northwest Information Center in Rohnert
Park, California).
38
Classification of Important Sites in the South Bay Region
The following section will highlight significant or illustrative archaeological discoveries in the South San Francisco and northern Santa Clara Valley regions. The location of all sites mentioned in the text is indicated in Figure 5. Chronology for many of the sites discussed is presented in Figure 6. All temporal categories use Scheme D
(Groza 2002) unless otherwise indicated.
Archaic Period (10,000 to 3,450 BP). The oldest known sites in the South Bay
Region date to the Lower to Middle Archaic Period between about 5,000 and 3,000 BP (a period undefined in Scheme D, predating the Early Period). The oldest find in this region was Stanford Man I (the “Stanford Skull”), represented by an isolated calvarium recovered at a depth of about twenty feet from the eroding banks of San Francisquito
Creek in 1922 (Gerow 1972). Based on geologic context, Stanford Man I was estimated to be between 3,000 and 4,000 years old (Moratto 1984:267). Later radiocarbon analysis yielded a date of 5130 ± 70 years BP (Bickel 1978).
A second burial, Stanford Man II, was an adolescent male discovered in 1963, just 500 feet upstream at a depth of 16½ to 17 feet. Stanford Man II was flexed on his side with three associated large side-notched, stemmed, leaf-shaped projectile points made of Monterey chert. Additionally, a naturally perforated pebble and a large deciduous carnivore tooth (likely a bear) were recovered near the burial. Radiocarbon dates of bone collagen from the skull and femur were 4400 ± 270 and 4350 ± 125 radiocarbon years (Gerow 1972).
39
FIGURE 5. Regional map featuring significant archaeological sites mentioned in text. (Courtesy of Kevin Dalton)
In 1969, during construction of the San Francisco Civic Center Bay Area Rapid Transit
(BART) station, a fragmentary human skeleton with no associated artifacts was discovered about 75 feet below the ground surface and 26 feet below sea level. The bones were initially described as a female, age 24 to 26 (Henn et al. 1972), but the sex was later judged to be male (Moratto 1984:266). Botanical remains adhering to the bones suggested that this individual died in an estuarine environment. Radiocarbon dates based on the botanical remains placed this burial at 4900 ± 250 years BP (Henn et al. 1972).
Years Years Period BP AD/BC (Scheme D) 0 1950 Historic 1769 2 Late Period 450 1500 1
MLT 950 1000 Late Middle Period 1450 500
Early 1950 0
EMT 2450 500 Early Period
2950 1000
3450 1500 Archaic
(University Lick Mill) (El Monte (Patterson (Yukisma ALA-329 ALA-328 SCL-128 SCL-690 SCL-478 SCL-674 SCL-354 SCL-302 SCL-300 SCL-137 (Holiday (Alviso / (Skyport SMA-77 (Tamien Wolves/ (Rubino Village) Mound) Mound) Mound) Station) SCL-38 Kaphan Ranch) Ranch) SCL-6 (Three (Wade (Wade Plaza) (Ryan Road) Road) (Snell Site) Inn)
FIGURE 6. Chronology of selected South Bay region sites, based on available radiocarbon dates. 40
41
The fourth Archaic Period burial was discovered in Sunnyvale, approximately three meters (ten feet) below the ground surface. The fragmentary remains were estimated to be from a female, and had no associated artifacts. Radiocarbon dates were not obtained based on the bone because collagen preservation was insufficient. However, a charcoal deposit in the same stratum about 500 meters away yielded a date of 4460 ± 95 radiocarbon years (Bickel 1978). Amino acid racemization, an alternative approach to dating, was performed on an antler wedge associated with the dated charcoal deposit, and also on a sample of the human bone. This procedure suggested an incredibly old age for the Sunnyvale Woman of 70,000 years (Bada and Helfman 1975); however, this estimate has been dismissed by most scholars (e.g., Bickel 1978; Moratto 1984).
All of these early burials were isolated, single interments, found in flexed positions (when articulated). Only Stanford Man II had directly associated artifacts, and those were limited to three projectile points, a perforated pebble, and a carnivore tooth.
No suggestion is found in these early burials of differences in social status, wealth accumulation, or dietary patterns.
All of these individuals were discovered at great depths, with no surface indications that burials would be found beneath. The changing landscape of the San
Francisco Bay region has likely left all signs of early occupation buried beneath several feet of alluvium or submerged beneath the Bay or Pacific waters (cf. Bickel 1978) (see
Chapter V for a discussion of the developing environment). The only Central California sites found pre-dating these discoveries were significantly inland, such as the Los
Vaqueros site in the East Bay (CA-CCO-637), with a burial dating to 8526 ± 60 cal. BP
(Meyer and Rosenthal 1998), and the Metcalf Road site (CA-SCL-178) in the southern
42
Santa Clara Valley, with radiocarbon dates as old as 8050 ± 30 to 9960 ± 500 years BP
(Moratto 1984).
Early Period (3450 to 2450 BP). South Bay sites representing the Early Period provide better information about social organization and cultural practices of local populations. Two significant sites will be discussed here. The first is the University
Village Complex (CA-SMA-77), located on the south shore of the Bay next to San
Francisquito Creek, about 13 kilometers (8 miles) from the Yukisma Mound site. The second is the El Monte Road site (CA-SCL-354, also called Adobe Creek), located in the foothills of the Coastal Mountain range, about 8 kilometers (5 miles) west of the
Bayshore and about 15 kilometers (9 miles) west of the Yukisma Mound.
The University Village Complex was excavated between 1951 and 1953 by
Bert Gerow and his students. This site appears to have been a cemetery, as over fifty graves and several small lenses of shell deposit were identified, but no large midden was found (Gerow with Force 1968:27). However, the presence of cooking stones, possible hearth areas, and a “possible semi-subterranean structure” suggest ceremonial use of the property (Gerow with Force 1968:37). The environmental context of University Village suggests that it could have been a mound site, but it is not described as such by Nels
Nelson (1909) or Gerow (with Force 1968).
Burial position was flexed or semi-flexed in all cases, orientation varied widely, and evidence of cremation or pre-interment burning was common. Almost 80 percent of burials included some grave goods. Males were more likely to have the most grave associations, and were the only individuals with “chipped stone tools, notched stones, bone awls, polished elk ribs, crescentic stones, charmstones . . . (or) unworked
43 animal bones and teeth” (Gerow with Force 1968:43). Only females were found with pestles or polished deer scapulae. However all individuals, including subadults, were likely to be buried with red ochre (cinnabar), shell beads and pendants. The burial with the most associations was a male, found with 1,182 shell beads or ornaments, 15 chipped stone implements, 22 notched stones, 2 quartz crystals, as well as several unworked animal bones, red ochre and other implements (Gerow with Force 1968:44). Gerow interprets the grave associations as suggesting “a well-developed sense of personal property and the wealth concept,” rather than reflecting ceremonialism (Gerow with
Force 1968:43).
The discoveries at the University Village site led Gerow to redefine the character of the Early San Francisco Bay populations. He noted that the assemblage at
CA-SMA-77 was similar to that found at West Berkeley (CA-ALA-307) and in the lower levels of Ellis Landing (CA-CCO-295), and was distinct from the somewhat contemporaneous Windmiller Pattern of the North Bay and Delta Regions. His “Early
San Francisco Bay Culture” pattern is described in Figure 2, and all observations are consistent with findings from University Village.
A similar assemblage was discovered at the El Monte Road site (CA-SCL-
354), including flexed burials, whole Olivella beads, similar groundstone and lithic forms, perforate charmstones including phallic forms, quartz crystals, red pigment, and animal burials. This site also dates to the Early Period, with corrected radiocarbon dates of 3470 ± 170 BP and 3090 ± 170 BP (Hylkema 2007:402), based on samples of shell and faunal bone. Distinctive artifact types found at SCL-354 include polished stone wedges, large Olivella G3b ring beads, and perforated grizzly bear fibula pendants
44
(Hylkema 2007:404). Artifact assemblages varied between graves at this site, which
Hylkema interprets as markers of distinctive social roles (shamans, headmen, etc.) rather than signifiers of accrued wealth (Hylkema 2007:407).
The EMT (2450 to 2160 BP) and the Middle Period (2160 to 940 BP). During the fifteen-hundred years to follow, a shift in settlement patterns, assemblages, and the quantity and nature of grave associations was noted in the south San Francisco Bay region. The end of the Early Period and the Early to Middle Period Transition (EMT) saw the earliest known mound sites in the South Bay, including sites along the lower
Guadalupe corridor (e.g., CA-SCL-137, CA-SCL-300, CA-SCL-302, CA-SCL-418, and
CA-SCL-478), approximately 6 kilometers (3.5 miles) to the west of Yukisma. These sites were not described as mounds in the review of Guadalupe Corridor archaeology produced for the Santa Clara County Archaeological Society in 1993 (Cartier et al. 1993), however three mounds in this region were documented by Nels Nelson in his regional survey of shellmound sites (Nelson 1909). Based on Nelson’s sketched map, it is difficult to determine exactly which mounds he identified, although the positions are consistent with SCL-6, SCL-418, and SCL-300/SCL-302. A few other sites along the Guadalupe
River feature prominently in the prehistory of the region, including the Rubino Site
(SCL-674), used during the EMT and Early Middle Period and again during Phase 1 of the Late Period, the Lick Mill Site (CA-SCL-6), used during the Middle Period, and the
Holiday Inn site (CA-SCL-128), established during the Middle Period with evidence of use through the Historic Period.
The Patterson Mound (CA-ALA-328), located in the Coyote Hills, just 13 kilometers (8 miles) northwest of the Yukisma site along the bayshore, was also
45 established during the EMT (Bickel 1981). The Ryan Mound (CA-ALA-329), adjacent to the Patterson Mound, was established during the Middle Period and used through Late
Period 1. Both of these sites are earth mounds identified on Nelson’s survey in 1906
(Nelson 1909), and remain standing today. Two additional smaller mound sites are located in the same complex, ALA-12 and ALA-13, although these were not noted by
Nelson (Nelson 1909).
Important inland sites were established during the Middle Period as well, including Three Wolves/Kaphan Umux (CA-SCL-732), Tamien Station (CA-SCL-690), and Skyport Plaza (CA-SCL-478), all within 14 kilometers (8.5 miles) generally south of the Yukisma Mound. SCL-732 will serve as an example of a late Early Period to Middle
Period assemblage from the Santa Clara Valley. Tamien Station will be explored during the discussion of Augustine pattern assemblages. The Skyport Plaza site provides an example of a new pattern to enter the region during the Middle Period, the Meganos
Aspect.
The significance of several Guadalupe Corridor sites was established in a
1993 regional review, produced by Robert Cartier and colleagues. In this study, the authors noted that the sites of the late Early Period, Early-to-Middle-Transition, and
Middle Period in this region shared similar mortuary customs. Each site included primarily flexed burials found in central clusters (Cartier et al. 1993:65). Isolated graves were extremely rare (SCL-288, located near SCL-302, is the only example) (Anastasio
1988). Mortuary practice and artifact assemblages were consistent with the Berkeley
Pattern (Hylkema 2007). Significant variation in grave furnishings was observed both within and between sites, and interpreted as variation in wealth by Cartier and colleagues
46
(1993). Indicators of status for this comparison included exotic materials, such as obsidian artifacts and Haliotis shell pendants, and artifacts displaying a significant investment of time and craftsmanship, such as beads and large bowl mortars. A point- based ranking system was developed to compare relative wealth between and within the
Guadalupe Corridor sites (Cartier et al. 1993:70).
The concentrations of these prestigious artifact types varied by site, but were all significantly lower than the high frequency of grave goods seen at University Village.
Among the Guadalupe Corridor sites, presence of Olivella beads varied from zero percent of burials at SCL-300 to 76.2 percent of burials at SCL-690. Haliotis ornaments were included in no graves at SCL-300, and 26.1 percent of graves at SCL-302. Imported obsidian implements were found in 7 percent of graves at SCL-137 and 20 percent at
SCL-300 (Cartier et al. 1993:68). Of the two sites at Wade Ranch, CA-SCL-302 appeared to have a concentration of “wealthy” graves and CA-SCL-300 was one of the “poorest” sites, but proximity suggests that these were segregated cemeteries separating the same population by status (Anastasio 1988:399).
Some of the relatively “poorer” sites still included a few graves with a notable quantity of grave goods, including the Snell Site (SCL-137), and Lick Mill (SCL-6). This variation is interpreted as indicative of social differentiation within the community
(Cartier et al. 1993; Winter 1978). Conversely, at the Rubino Site (SCL-674), the Middle
Period is characterized as having sparse grave goods and little social differentiation, although some imported obsidian, bone awls and whistles, and a few shell beads (less than ten per grave) were recovered from EMT and Middle Period burials (Pastron and
Bellifemine 2007).
47
Located in the Coyote Hills of the East Bay shore, the Patterson Mound
(ALA-328) had significantly less historic disturbance than the sites near the Guadalupe
River. Patterson is a large earth mound site, estimated to have been 13 feet thick (4 meters), 350 feet (107 meters) long and 250 feet (76 meters) wide (Davis and Treganza
1959:1). Excavations in 1935 by Waldo Wedel and between 1949 and 1968 by Adán E.
Treganza and his students at San Francisco State College (later San Francisco State
University) exposed perhaps half of the burials contained within the mound, an astonishing 517 individuals (Bickel 1981). Of burials with known posture, 98 percent were in flexed positions of variable orientation, although the earlier burials were most commonly oriented with crania towards the northwest (Bickel 1981:282). Primary inhumations were the most common form of burial, although six percent of burials at
ALA-328 included cremation or burning; these individuals occur throughout the time depth of the site (Bickel 1981:288). Approximately one-third of the burials had associated artifacts, twice that if red pigment is included as an artifact type (Bickel
1981:300). The Patterson Mound contained a greater quantity and variety of artifacts than is seen in many contemporaneous sites in the South Bay region, although less than at the
University Village site (SMA-77). Localized cemeteries within the mound area showed variation in artifact density and mortuary preparation. Artifacts recovered include 4,810 whole and 2,332 cut shell beads plus over 87 shell ornaments, bone artifacts (e.g., tubes, serrated tools, whistles, awls and antler wedges), ground stone (mortars, pestles, hammerstones and charmstones), and relatively few obsidian blades and debitage (Bickel
1981:320), again consistent with Berkeley Pattern assemblages (Table 3).
48
Further south, the site of Kaphan Umux, or Three Wolves (SCL-732), dates to as early as 6460 ± 150 BP, making this one of the oldest sites in the region. Based on radiocarbon dates of charcoal and faunal bone associated with burials, the cemetery component at this site appears to have been established at the end of the Early Period
(2720 ± 180 BP) and used through the EMT into the Intermediate Phase of the Middle
Period (1770 ± 90 BP). The site was abandoned until about 410 BP, after which only residential and ceremonial assemblages were found (Leventhal and Jones 1996). Burials were typically flexed, with some variability, and orientation varied widely. However, a few clusters of individuals showed trends in burial orientation, including all but one of the semi-extended or extended burials (n = 5) which were oriented due east, and a central cluster of flexed burials oriented due west (L. Jones 1996:11.2). Approximately one hundred graves were identified in this cemetery, of which only 11 percent contained associated artifacts and only nine percent contained Olivella beads. Interestingly, beads occurred almost exclusively in graves of subadults (612 beads in three graves, an average of 204 per burial) and females (386 beads in four graves, an average of 96.5 per burial), while only one male was found with beads (n = 34). One additional adult of indeterminate sex had a single bead. Other artifacts (mortars, Haliotis pendants, one pestle, a whistle, and cinnabar/red ochre) occurred in the same graves as the beads, plus a double burial of an indeterminate adult and an adolescent subadult containing more than forty Haliotis pendant fragments and cinnabar (L. Jones 1996:11.5). Based on the sparse artifact assemblage and variable mortuary traditions, this cemetery is typical of the Early
San Francisco Bay Pattern, with bead types more typical of the Berkeley Pattern.
49
The Meganos Aspect. James Bennyhoff (1994a) classified another type of assemblage common during the Middle Period as a divergent aspect of the Berkeley
Pattern, appearing as “a hybrid of the Windmiller population intermarrying with Berkeley neighbors” (Bennyhoff 1994b:81, original emphasis). Because these sites were commonly found in sand mounds beside rivers, he called this new aspect Meganos, meaning to use the Spanish word for sand dunes (actually médanos). The most distinctive characteristic of the Meganos aspect is the non-standardized mortuary practice, which includes a contemporaneous mix of ventrally extended, dorsally extended, and flexed burial positions, little to no cremation, and apparently non-patterned variation in directional orientation of interments. Meganos burials are found both within village sites and in separate, non-midden cemeteries, and generally include even fewer grave offerings than are found in Berkeley pattern burials. Bennyhoff suggested that variation in mortuary treatment might reflect different lineages, and that intermarriage with Berkeley pattern groups may have been a factor. He further observed that no pattern regarding age, sex or status differentiation appeared to be correlated with the mortuary variation at these sites. The Meganos aspect is most common in the Delta region and the northern San
Joaquin and southern Sacramento valleys. An expansion through the East Bay and into the South Bay was suggested during the late Upper Archaic (or Late Middle Period, using
Scheme D nomenclature) (Bennyhoff 1994a, 1987). At the southernmost extent of the
Meganos expansion, two Meganos sites have been identified along the eastern bayshore,
ALA-453 in Union City and ALA-343 in Fremont, and two in the South Bay, the
Eastridge site (SCL-327) and the Skyport Plaza site (SCL-478) (Bennyhoff 1994b;
Cartier 1988a; Wiberg 2002).
50
The most significant East Bay site identified as part of the Meganos aspect is the Santa Rita Village Mortuary Complex (CA-ALA-413). During salvage excavations in
1978 and 1979, 64 burials were exposed (Wiberg 2002). Of the 41 where the original burial position could be determined, 30 (71%) were ventrally extended, 5 (12%) were dorsally extended, and 6 (15%) were flexed in various positions, although flexed burials were recorded only in the lower component at the site. Axial orientation varied, but was most commonly toward the north, northeast, or northwest (79.5%), with a few burials oriented in all other compass directions except due east (Wiberg 2002:15). No cremations were observed, but there was one instance of a pre-interment fire (Burial 18).
This cemetery included an uncommon quantity of grave offerings, including the richest burial ever identified in California. Found in association with Burial 25, identified as a 30 to 35 year old male, were a cache of over 28,000 Olivella beads, numerous Haliotis ornaments, bone implements (needles, wands, and spatulate objects), quartz crystals and phallic charmstones, as well as unworked faunal remains (Wiberg
2002:23). Due to disturbance at the site and only partial excavation of some burials, a precise estimate of the frequency of artifact association with burials was not possible, but
Wiberg suggested that the figure could be as high as 60 to 70 percent (Wiberg 2002:24).
The “wealthiest” graves were those of five adult males (all at least 27 years of age) and one adult female (age 30 to 35), suggesting that differential wealth was accumulated through a lifetime, and available to select social groups; all of these were extended burials (four ventral and two dorsal).
Radiocarbon dates from this site range from 2010 ± 280 to 1640 ± 190 BP (60
BC to 310 AD) (Wiberg 1988:8). Burial patterns and bead styles suggest site occupation
51 by a Berkeley pattern population during the Early Middle Period, followed by a brief hiatus, then later occupation by a Meganos population in the Late Middle Period. The unprecedented abundance of grave associations, including significant quantities of beads, ceremonial objects (e.g., charmstones and quartz crystals) and imported goods (e.g., obsidian points), is extremely unusual for Meganos aspect assemblages, however the diversity of mortuary treatment at Santa Rita Village is consistent with other sites to the
North and East.
The Skyport Plaza site (CA-SCL-478) has also been identified as a Meganos aspect site, and is located approximately six kilometers (four miles) south of the Yukisma
Mound, along the Guadalupe Corridor (Wiberg 2002). Excavations at Skyport Plaza exposed 90 burials. Of the 60 where burial posture could be determined, 30 percent were extended or semi-extended (including ventral, dorsal and one lateral position), and represent the only extended burials identified in the northern Santa Clara valley (Wiberg
2002:10-17, 10-23). The remaining 70 percent were flexed (including ventral, dorsal, and lateral, and “seated” positions as well as variants of flexure) (Wiberg 2002:10-17).
Widely varying arm and leg positions were observed. Orientation towards northern quadrants was most common (54.7%), but all compass directions were represented. Only ten burials at this site had associated artifacts, two which had shell items and eight which included projectile points. Perimortem dismemberment of limbs was observed in six adult male skeletons, five of which were recovered from double interments, and four of which were associated with projectile points (Wiberg 2002:10-10). No cremations were observed, but three burials contained evidence of pre-interment fires. Based on radiocarbon dates, this site was used between 2370 ± 50 and 2020 ± 130 BP (420 to 70
52
BC), with one outlying date 360 years earlier, placing this site in the Early to Middle
Transition and the Early phase of the Middle Period.
The Eastridge Site (CA-SCL-327) includes one multiple burial group of seven individuals interred in extended positions with no grave goods, found within a burial population of otherwise flexed individuals (n = 15), of which five had associated shell beads. A cache of more than 3,000 beads was associated with a burial cluster of three of these flexed individuals (two adult males and an infant) (Cartier 1988a). Radiocarbon dates for this site fall between 2400 ± 130 and 2020 ± 140 BP (450 to 70 BC), placing the site in the Early to Middle Transition.
Along the East Bay shore, the Stivers Lagoon South site (ALA-343) in
Fremont included a mixture of flexed and extended burials, where artifacts were associated with both burial postures, and with individuals of both sexes and all ages.
Overall, 61 percent of burials included grave goods, including 16 of 21 extended burials and 21 of 35 flexed burials. Both styles of interment co-existed within the cemetery core, and also in peripheral burials. Subadults are underrepresented at this site (only 20% of the burial population), but may also have had associated grave goods (Hall et al. 1988). The organization of the cemetery, the underrepresentation of subadults, and the distribution of grave goods suggest that lineage may be associated with ascribed status and prestigious burial location, and that burial posture is not strongly correlated with markers of status.
Clearly, Bay Area assemblages included in the Meganos aspect are highly variable in burial pattern, artifact associations, and artifact density. Associated artifacts are extremely sparse at Skyport Plaza and among extended burials at the Eastridge site, but were plentiful at Stivers Lagoon South and the Santa Rita Village Complex. Artifacts
53 were only associated with older individuals at Santa Rita Village, but were included with subadults at Eastridge. The assemblage at Eastridge and Skyport Plaza suggest a contemporaneous mixing of people with differing mortuary practices, yet the evidence at
Santa Rita and Stivers Lagoon South suggest successive occupations by populations with different traditions (or in the case of ALA-343, a possible mass grave of conquered foes, although no indications of violence were observed on the skeletons). The ambiguous character of the Meganos aspect reflects a trend of increasing diversity of social practice during the Middle Period, including differing approaches to burial practice, wealth acquisition, social organization, regional interaction, and trade.
The MLT (940 to 740 BP) and Late Period (740 to 230 BP). During the eight hundred years before European colonization of Central California, native populations grew larger and more socially and politically complex. Greater abundance and fine craftsmanship in artifacts suggests both the development of local economies for production and an increase in long-distance trade relationships to acquire raw materials and exotic goods. Evidence of ascribed social ranking has been observed in sites dated to this period by several researchers (e.g., Bellifemine 1997; Hylkema 2007; Leventhal
1993; Winter 1978). Burial styles were less likely to include extended positions, but a wide variety of flexures, orientations, and preparations continued to be observed.
Three sites will provide an overview of the expression of the Augustine
Pattern during the Middle to Late Transition (MLT) and Late Period in the South Bay
Region. The Tamien Station site (CA-SCL-690), located in the Guadalupe corridor approximately 9 kilometers (5.5 miles) to the south of Yukisma, was the earliest of these three sites, used during the Middle Period and MLT (with radiocarbon dates ranging from
54
1640 ± 70 to 695 ± 50 corrected years BP) (Hylkema 2007:402). The Ryan Mound (CA-
ALA-329) is located in the Coyote Hills Complex about 14 kilometers (8.5 miles) to the north of the Yukisma site, near the Patterson Mound (CA-ALA-328). Radiocarbon dates from the Ryan Mound ranged from the Middle Period (as early as 2080 ± 90 BP) through
Late Period 2 (as late as 250 ± 50 BP) (Leventhal 1993). The third site to be discussed in this overview is the Holiday Inn site (CA-SCL-128), located in the Guadalupe corridor, just north of SCL-690. Salvage efforts at this site were able to record the context of only a few burials, but evidence supports site use from the early Middle Period through the
Historic Period (with uncorrected radiocarbon dates ranging from 1700 ± 110 to 250 ± 90 years BP and shell bead types supporting occupation from the Terminal Late Period through Historic times) (Winter 1978). The assemblages found at these three sites provide an excellent overview of conditions and changes in the South Bay region during the MLT and Late Period, the same span of time that the Yukisma Mound site was used.
The excavation of Tamien Station (CA-SCL-690) in 1990 was led by Mark
Hylkema, with assistance from Robert Jurmain of San Jose State University, support of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe, and monitoring by Ohlone Families Consulting Services,
Inc. (OFCS, the CRM arm of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe). Following excavation, the investigators produced and published an excellent collaborative report of the site contents, context, and regional implications, including an ethnography written by Tribal members (Hylkema 2007).
Within the organized cemetery at Tamien Station, 125 articulated skeletons were recovered, of which 68 were single burials and 53 were found in association with the bones of at least one other individual. After analysis of comingled remains, a likely
55 number of individuals was calculated at 142, including 28 males, 25 females, 66 adults of indeterminate sex, and 23 subadults (Bethard with Jurmain 2007). Where burial position could be determined (n = 91), all individuals were in flexed positions. Most were on their sides, with just one ventrally flexed and 14 dorsally flexed individuals. Of those burials where directional orientation could be determined (n = 85), 45 percent were oriented towards the north, northwest, or northeast, but all compass directions were represented.
Twenty-three graves included evidence of pre-interment burning, but no correlation was noted with type or quantity of associated grave goods. No cremations were found
(Bethard 2007).
All but 20 burials had some associated grave goods, an incidence of at least 84 percent, but the type and quantity of associations varied widely. Grave goods included groundstone items (mortars, pestles, manos and millingstones), chipped stone tools
(cores, projectiles points, and bifaces), bone implements (awls, serrated tools, and antler wedges), ritual items (smoking pipes, bird bone whistles, charmstones, quartz crystals, and cinnabar), and shell beads and pendants. One hundred twenty three individuals had associated beads, and 36 of them had more than 100, a far greater quantity and frequency than was seen in Central California sites during the Middle Period. Bethard interpreted the distribution of grave goods at this site as suggesting that wealth was accumulating horizontally (by region or village) rather than vertically (through individual aggrandizement or achievement), and that social stratification was not yet rigidly institutionalized (Bethard 2007:223).
However, a few burials contained notably more signs of wealth than others, suggesting some degree of social differentiation within this community. Of the six burials
56 with more than 1,500 associated beads, there were three adult males, two adult females, and one infant, one to two years old. Symbols of wealth and status, such as beads and pendants, were found in approximately equal frequency with males and females, and accompanied infants and juveniles as well, suggesting that wealth was ascribed at birth.
Conversely, ritual objects such as charmstones, crystals, smoking pipes, and bird bone whistles, were found only with adults, a pattern interpreted as the achievement of specialized shamanic roles with adulthood (even if rights to the role were inherited)
(Bethard 2007:219).
To the northeast, along the eastern Bay Shore, the Ryan Mound (CA-ALA-
329) is part of the Coyote Hills Complex, and was investigated by several research groups between 1935 and 1993, representing the University of California, Stanford
University, and San Jose State College/San Jose State University, and California State
University, Hayward (now CSU East Bay) (Leventhal 1993; Wilson 1993). The opportunity for academic, research-based investigation at this site (rather than salvage as at most South Bay sites) provided a rich and all-too-unique opportunity for evaluation of site use and context. Early excavations yielded twelve burials excavated by Wedel in
1935, curated at UC Berkeley, 38 burials removed by Smith in 1948, curated at CSU East
Bay, and 139 skeletons excavated by Gerow, which were curated at Stanford University and then repatriated in 1989. The remains of an estimated 298 individuals from 283 designated gravelots remain at San Jose State University (Jurmain 1990a:83), supporting research for many graduate students and other scholars (e.g., Gillett 1987; Gross 1991;
Jurmain 1990a, 1990b, 1991; Jurmain et al. 2009; Musladin et al. 1986; Nechayev 2007;
Pierce 1982; Weiss 2006, 2009a, 2009b).
57
The Ryan Mound is a large earth mound, up to 16 feet (5 meters) thick, 450 feet (137 meters) long, and 300 feet (91 meters) wide (Leventhal 1993:31). Of the estimated 20,900 cubic yards of culturally deposited material in this mound, only 2,600 cubic yards have been excavated. Based on burial frequency in the excavated portions, as many as 3,100 additional burials may still be present within the mound (Wilson 1993).
Radiocarbon dates range from 2080 ± 90 to 250 ± 50 years BP, or the Early Middle
Period through Late Period Phase 2 (Leventhal 1993:76-79).
The deep temporal context and relatively undisturbed nature of this site allow observations of changes in mortuary practice and grave associations through time. Of the
283 grave lots assigned during San Jose State University (SJSU) excavations, 53 were determined to be from the Middle Period, 141 from Late Period Phase 1, and 89 from
Late Period Phase 2, based on burial depths, associated bead types, obsidian hydration dates, and radiocarbon dates (Leventhal 1993). Where discernable and indicated, all burials were in flexed postures except for one extended subadult from the MP component
(Burial 107, part of a double burial with a flexed adult female, in a “running” position)
(Leventhal 1993: Appendix A). Wilson (1993:10) reported four extended burials, but did not specify which burials were included in this category. He also reports that 22 of the flexed interments were in “seated” positions (Wilson 1993:10). Burials were oriented towards all compass directions in each temporal period, but were slightly more likely to be oriented towards the west during the Middle Period (36% of MP burials). During both phases of the Late Period, burial orientation appeared to have no preferred pattern
(Leventhal 1993:89). Mortuary preparation changed slightly through time. During the
58
Middle Period, no cremations were noted, but both primary and secondary (redeposited) cremations are seen in the Late Period, with increasing frequency through time.
Associated grave goods were found with 213 (75%) of the SJSU excavated burials, including 75 percent of adult males, 83 percent of adult females, 62 percent of adults of indeterminate sex, and 71 percent of subadults (Leventhal 1993). This site appears to have enjoyed a great share of wealth throughout time, with a prevalence of burial associations in the Middle Period comparable to that seen at the Stivers Lagoon
South site (CA-ALA-343, 61%) and Santa Rita Village (CA-ALA-413, up to 70%), and considerably more than at Skyport Plaza (CA-SCL-478, about 11 percent including projectile points), or Eastridge (CA-SCL-327, 23%). The frequency of associated artifacts is also considerably greater than in the nearby Patterson Mound (ALA-328), where approximately one-third of Early Period burials had associated artifacts (Bickel
1981).
When considered by temporal period, there were progressively larger portions of the population buried with grave goods through time at ALA-329, although prevalence in the first and second phase of the Late Period was quite similar (78 and 80 percent, respectively). In all periods, a higher percentage of females had associated grave goods than did males, and prevalence among adults was greater than with children, although more than two thirds of subadults had associated goods in all temporal periods.
Artifacts found in association with Ryan Mound burials included groundstone
(mortars, pestles, and one mano), polished stone (pipes and charmstones), chipped stone
(points and tools), bone tools (antler wedges, harpoons, awls, saws, and whistles) and over 43,000 shell beads and ornaments. Elevated or wealthy social status was attributed
59 to individuals found with an abundance of artifact types, as well as those with quantities of beads (Leventhal 1993). Burials containing more than 1,000 beads occurred in all temporal periods at the site, but were most common in Phase 1 of the Late Period. One third of burials with more than 500 beads were subadults (n = 8, 33%), of which five were estimated to have been younger than three years. Adult males were more likely to have large caches of shell beads (n = 8, 33%), but females were also represented (n = 5,
21%). One burial with more than 500 beads was of indeterminate sex (n = 1, 4%).
Another important marker of identity within the Ryan Mound assemblage was
N series Haliotis pendants, called effigy pendants because of their anthropoid shape, including a large circular “head,” a descending straight-sided “body” and sometimes laterally extending “limbs.” The term banjo is also used for this form, referring to the shape of tuning pegs for a banjo or other stringed instrument (Gifford 1947). Thirty-eight of these shell ornaments were found with 13 individuals at CA-ALA-329, including six adult males, three adult females, one adult of indeterminate sex, and three subadults, each less than two years of age. Burials containing N series pendants were dated to both phases of the Late Period. These ornaments are associated with the Kuksu cult, a pan- regional religious tradition observed throughout Central California, including the Yuki,
Pomo, Wintun, Maidu, Miwok, Costanoan, Esselen, and Salinan Tribes (Kroeber
1925:371). The shape is similar to that of a Kuksu dancer’s “big-head” regalia, ethnographically known to include a headpiece made of tule from which multiple sticks project two to three feet with feathers adorning the tips (Gifford 1947:21).
Dancers participating in Kuksu rituals embodied mythical beings, a potentially dangerous process involving secret knowledge and power, which was obtained either
60 through inheritance of the role or by appointment by the shaman (Kroeber 1925, 1971).
Involvement in Kuksu was prestigious, and graves including items related to this tradition are often quite wealthy. Unfortunately, most traditional regalia for Kuksu rituals was perishable (e.g., feathered headpieces, dance skirts or capes and wooden drums), and has not survived in the archaeological record (Bates 1982; Kroeber 1925). Although ethnohistoric literature stresses that these organizations were secret societies restricted to initiated men (Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1984; Jones 1971; Kroeber 1925, 1971; Moratto
1984), suggestions of Kuksu membership, such as the banjo pendants (e.g., Bennyhoff
1977), have been found in the archaeological record with the remains of infants, children, and women as well, suggesting regional or temporal variation in practice. The spread of secret societies and related indicators of wealth and prestige during the Late Period indicates significant interaction across regions and language groups, and a new opportunity for social differentiation.
The Augustine pattern is also seen at the last site to be considered in this review, the Holiday Inn site (CA-SCL-128). Based on radiocarbon dates and artifact types, this site was used from at least 1700 ± 110 years BP through the Historic Period to the present day (Winter 1978). Excavation at CA-SCL-128 consisted of two salvage projects during 1973 and 1977, each completed under suboptimal circumstances for archaeological recovery of the site. Before construction was halted, significant damage had been done and many burials and artifacts were lost or severely disturbed. In spite of these many impediments, Joseph Winter and colleagues produced a tremendous site report (Winter 1978), including analysis of recovered skeletal remains, prehistoric artifacts (shell beads, chipped stone, projectile points, and ground stone), botanical and
61 faunal remains, and historical material (glass trade beads, historic ceramics, glass bottles, and other items).
In 1977, most burials were removed by earthmoving equipment before the archaeological team could begin work, but nine were recovered from the sidewalls of the trench. All were damaged, and some were crushed by the heavy machinery, but much of the context was still assessed and recorded (unfortunately burial posture and orientation are not included in the report). Within this small sample, shell beads and Haliotis pendants were found with adult males, adult females, adults of indeterminate sex, and subadults, consistent with the trend of ascribed status seen at the Ryan Mound. Haliotis pendants and pendant fragments recovered from both the spoils and burials included the banjo/Kuksu style, further indication that this tradition extended into the South Bay. One of the nine intact burials, a female estimated to be around 15 years of age (Burial 9) had three associated N series Haliotis pendants. Nineteen additional banjo pendant fragments were recovered from the backdirt pile (Winter 1978:98).
Overview of South San Francisco Bay Region Archaeology. Excavation at these and several other sites in the South San Francisco Bay region has revealed considerable change through time in burial style and the types and quantities of burial associations. From the earliest sites in the region, little is known regarding social organization. Isolated burials at Stanford (Stanford Man I and II), the San Francisco Civic
Center BART station, and Sunnyvale (Sunnyvale Woman) include only a few grave goods, and little evidence to indicate differentiated wealth or status.
Organized cemetery and ritual spaces have been identified from Early Period sites (used between 3450 and 2450 BP), which include a frequency of associated grave
62 goods with burials as high as 80 percent. Goods are found with males, females, and subadults, but caches are rarely large (the largest being 1,182 shell beads with one male at University Village). Burials were flexed, and no preferred compass orientation was noted. Assemblages seen during this period are consistent with the Early San Francisco
Bay Pattern, as described by Gerow (with Force 1968), and include chipped stone tools made of chert, bone tools, Olivella shell beads, and frequent use of red ochre (cinnabar).
Some differentiation in social roles or status is suggested, based on variation in associated grave goods.
During the EMT and Middle Period (2450-940 BP), mound sites first appeared along the South and East bayshore. Sites following the Early San Francisco Bay
Pattern or Berkeley Pattern have few burial associations, with prevalence as low as 11 percent at SCL-732 or 33 percent at ALA-328. Cemetery organization is apparent, and patterned variation in mortuary context and associated goods appears within sites. The few indicators of wealth are found with subadults and females, sometimes more frequently than with males. Most burials at these sites are still flexed, with variable orientation, although a preference for easterly orientation is noted for extended burials at
SCL-732.
The Middle Period was a dynamic time, including greater movement of people and the contemporaneous expression of distinct ethnic identities. The Meganos
Aspect reflects the intermixing of Windmiller-like traditions and Berkeley/Early SF Bay traditions within sites, and is seen in scattered locations along the East and South Bay.
These sites are characterized by a mix of burial styles, including both extended and flexed postures, and less concern about directional orientation than is seen at earlier
63
Windmiller pattern sites. Grave goods are associated with up to 60 to 70 percent of burials at Santa Rita Village (CA-ALA-413), including the wealthiest burial found in
California, and with as few as 11 percent of burials at Skyport Plaza (CA-SCL-478).
Goods are found with males, females, and subadults, and inherited social prestige is suggested.
During the MLT and Late Period (940-230 BP), a greater variety of burial contexts are seen, but fewer individuals are buried in extended positions. Observations in sites of the South and East Bay regions are consistent with the Augustine Pattern, and include primary and secondary cremations as well as primary and secondary burials, oriented with no clear preference to compass direction. Caches of grave goods are larger than they were in earlier periods, and include finely finished groundstone objects and abundant Olivella beads and Haliotis ornaments. These objects are associated with males, females, and subadults, although the assemblage at Tamien Station (CA-SCL-690) suggests that ritual objects associated with shamanism are included with only adult burials. The introduction of the Kuksu cult is associated with secret societies and a new social and ritual complexity in Central California.
The cumulative work of these many researchers describes a different chronology in the San Francisco Bay region than was anticipated by earlier academics such as Alfred Kroeber. Change is evident in cemetery organization, burial preparation, mortuary ritual, artifact assemblages, and the frequency and types of burial associations.
These changes reflect developments in sociopolitical organization and individual identity though time.
64
Recent Perspectives on South Bay Archaeology and Shellmound Analysis
Discovery of new sites and reconsideration of known datasets have only recently begun to inspire new ideas about the use of mounded space in California’s prehistoric past. Following early shellmound interpretations by Nelson (1909, 1910,
1996), Uhle (1907), Loud (1924), Schenck (1926), and Kroeber (1909, 1925), mounds are still commonly described as villages and kitchen middens, built from long term incidental accretion of refuse. A classic example is seen below in an excerpt from The
Archaeology of California, published in 1984:
The shell mound was built up over 3,000 years as the debris from food, fire hearths, and toolmaking accumulated around the village. An artificial mound, or kitchen midden, nearly 20 feet deep (6 meters) developed over the centuries, preserving evidence of the development of prehistoric life along the bay’s shore. San Francisco was ringed by over five hundred of these mounds; only a handful survive. [Chartkoff and Chartkoff 1984:230, describing CA-MRN-10 in Marin County]
The earliest critique of Central California mounds as village sites was not published until 1987, when Clement Meighan questioned the interpretation of Early
Period (Windmiller) earth mounds in the Sacramento Valley (Meighan 1987).
Considering his own experience excavating at the Blossom Mound, (CA-SJO-68),
Meighan reexamined previous descriptions of the site. He found that the “physical nature of the site deposit, arrangement and disposition of burials, the scarcity of domestic artifacts in the site, the scarcity of food refuse in the site, and the occurrence of unquestionable midden sites elsewhere,” did not support the original site interpretation
(Meighan 1987:29). Rather, evidence from the Blossom Mound suggested use as a dedicated mortuary and ceremonial place, and not a place of habitation. Meighan
65 elaborated that, “the fact that some midden-derived material is present in a mound does not prove that the mound is a village or a midden” (Meighan 1987:34).
Meighan’s ideas were embraced in 1993 by Alan Leventhal, who was the first to propose specialized use of a San Francisco Bay Area mound site in his analysis of the
Ryan Mound (CA-ALA-329). Leventhal used a direct historical approach, focusing on the correlation between ethnographic reports of funerary and annual mourning ceremonies and the mortuary patterning and archaeological assemblages revealed within the mound (Leventhal 1993:2-3). His review of ethnographic sources found
no evidence that Native American tribal groups deliberately lived immediately on top of their dead (especially on cemeteries containing the remains of those relations who died during living memory), in an analogous shellmound village fashion, anywhere in North America without evidence of earlier village abandonment. [Leventhal 1993:203]
Leventhal noted that most artifacts recovered at the Ryan Mound (96%) were associated with burials, and that domestic refuse and possible “house features” were far too sparse to be the result of eighteen hundred years of habitation (Leventhal 1993:113). Analysis of mound stratigraphy suggested intentional construction with imported soils, rather than incidental accretion of refuse (Leventhal 1993:259). He concluded that the Ryan Mound had been used continuously as a dedicated cemetery site for individuals of high lineage and wealth and as a ceremonial space for observance of mortuary rituals, but never as a residential site. His analysis introduced a challenge to the persistent view of mounds as villages which has yet to be fully accepted by many Bay Area archaeologists.
Over the past 20 years, a few archaeologists have explored other spatial, ceremonial, and symbolic implications for the use of mounded space in the Central
California past. Scholars such as Kent Lightfoot, Edward Luby, and Mark Gruber have
66 proposed that most Bay Area mounds were used as both residential and ceremonial places, and that site use varied temporally and from mound to mound (Lightfoot 1997;
Luby and Gruber 1999; Lightfoot and Luby 2002; Luby et al. 2006). Upon considering the nature of mounded space, burial placement, concentration of domestic refuse, occupation history, and regional settlement patterns, these authors have incorporated the potential symbolic and ceremonial functions of shell mounds into a discussion of evolving social complexity in the region. Additionally, efforts were made to understand and consolidate historical classification of mound sites, including variation in nomenclature, mound composition, and site construction (Luby et al. 2006).
All authors in this group agree that Bay Area mounds were at least partially built through accretion as a result of continuous occupation as village sites over many hundreds or thousands of years. They suggest that mounds were used as habitation sites during the Early and Middle Periods, then abandoned between 700 and 1100 AD, and later repurposed during the Late Period as dedicated mortuary and ceremonial sites
(Lightfoot and Luby 2002). The oldest and largest mound in each region may have served as a political and ceremonial center and as a mortuary site for local elites, while surrounding smaller mounds were either permanent or seasonal village sites (Lightfoot
1997). Lightfoot and Luby (2002) correlated changes in social organization, population density, and political complexity in the region during the MLT to the abandonment and repurposing of mound sites, noting changes in grave wealth distribution and the introduction of cremations in mound site burials during the Late Period.
As residential spaces, the raised terrain would have served additional purposes such as elevating villages above the nearby floodplain or tidal waters and providing
67 convenient access to estuarine resources (Lightfoot 1997). Additionally, the elevated space would form territorial markers visible across the valley, especially important as the local population density and competition for resources increased. To enhance these qualities, Lightfoot (1997) suggested that the mounds were at least partially constructed through intentional deposition of materials, including the dumping of “rocks, sands, and clay onto sites” (Lightfoot 1997:139).
The ceremonial significance of mounded space was central to the interpretations of Luby and Gruber (1999), particularly the potential for large social gatherings, feasting, and aggrandizement of local elites. These authors viewed shell mounds as “intentional cultural features rather than accidental aggregates of shell refuge that happen to contain artefacts” (Luby and Gruber 1999:195). They focused on the cosmological and symbolic significance of these earthworks, and noted meaningful connections between the remains of foods in the matrix, the human remains interred within this matrix, the living community that would gather and feast above, and the ritual and sociopolitical power that would be generated by this convergence.
While early interpretations of shellmounds use were perhaps limited by global comparison, a recent return to cross-regional comparisons now has the potential to enhance understanding of California mound structures (Luby and Gruber 1999; Luby et al. 2006; Sassaman 2004). By situating California shellmounds within the context of prehistoric earth works from other regions, new investigations of planned monumental construction and spatial patterning are available. This approach allows other regions with perhaps better site preservation or less disrupted ethnohistoric narratives to provide proxies for potential interpretation of California sites, an important consideration because
68 of the challenges of missionization, historic landscape modification, and the relative lack of research driven excavation in Central California. Sassaman (2004) provides an example, noting the “uncanny similarities . . . between the shell mounds of San Francisco
Bay and those of northeast Florida” (Sassaman 2004:249). In both regions, Sassaman notes that mounds may have been used as symbolic space for ceremonial feasting, including redistribution of wealth and mitigation of inequality. This interpretation supports his thesis that social and political transformation occurred in the American
Southeast without significant change in subsistence economies, and by extension, that mounds in Central California may have served similar purposes.
At present, there remains a lack of agreement as to the use and history of mounded space in Central California, although the discussion has expanded to include probable variation in site use and construction across space and through time. Mounds are no longer viewed as evidence of a simple and static culture which lived on top of their accumulating garbage for hundreds of years. The re-imagining of mounds as intentionally constructed earthworks and symbolic centers has transformed discussion and introduced social complexity into the interpretive milieu. The fact that all Central California mound sites were also repositories for the dead enhances their symbolic value, but confuses interpretation about use as residential sites.
While there is little potential for discovery of an undisturbed Central
California mound site for future research-based excavation, information from past excavations and ongoing CRM work will continue to inform these discussions. Cross- regional comparisons may also introduce new interpretive possibilities for the past. The most significant transformations in the interpretation of San Francisco Bay Area
69 prehistory since the early 20th century are the acknowledgement of cultural change through time, of social complexity and transformation, and of regional continuity as well as variation in site use, socio-political organization and ceremonialism. These factors are all considered in the present interpretation of the Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38), as individual dietary composition and mortuary contexts are evaluated as evidence for social differentiation.
CHAPTER III
THE YUKISMA MOUND SITE
(CA-SCL-38)
Introduction
The Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38, also known as the Alms House Mound and the Elmwood Mound) is an archaeological site in the Santa Clara Valley, first recorded in 1952 (Meighan 1952), surveyed and further defined in the 1980s (Cartier
1981, 1985, 1987, 1988c) and principally excavated between 1993 and 1994 (Bellifemine
1997). Aspects of these excavations have been reported in three master’s theses
(Bellifemine 1997; Morley 1997; Wu 1999), and one published article (Jurmain 2001).
All other records are in the grey literature (e.g., Cartier 1985, 1987, 1988c; Jurmain
2000). Funding for the archaeological analysis of CA-SCL-38 was unfortunately cut prior to completion of the site report; therefore, no complete analysis of these findings has been published. To support the current project, it was necessary to review the original excavation documents in detail and to synthesize multiple accounts of the site contents and associations.
The Yukisma Mound site (CA-SCL-38) is located on the bank of Lower
Penetencia Creek, two miles southeast of the San Francisco Bay. This location falls within the USGS Milpitas 7.5’ quadrangle. Although originally located on the eastern
70 71 bank of the Lower Penetencia Creek, the site is now on the western side due to channelization of the creek during the 1940s.
This chapter will present the archaeological data recovered from CA-SCL-38, framed within the context of nearby sites and the regional history of archaeological interpretation. A review of historic land use and excavations at the site will include a brief survey of available literature and archaeological documents. The temporal context will be considered and new radiocarbon dates will be presented (see also Appendix C).
Burial records will be reviewed and reconciled, and associated artifacts catalogued (see also Appendices A and B). The environmental context, botanical and faunal remains, and ethnohistoric bases for interpretation will be presented in Chapter V, which addresses indirect sources of evidence for paleodiet.
Historic Impacts and Early Archaeological Interpretations
Following the establishment of Mission Santa Clara in January of 1777 and the Pueblo of San Jose Guadalupe in November of that same year, the South Bay was occupied by a growing population of colonists. Alta California was ruled by Spain until
1821, then by Mexico for 27 years. It became a territory of the United States in 1848, and was admitted as a state two years later. Throughout this time, the landscape of Santa
Clara Valley was transformed into an important agricultural and pastoral base, supplying grain, produce, and beef to the nearby missions, pueblos, and presidios.
The parcel of land to the east of Lower Penetencia Creek, including the
Yukisma Mound site, was known as Rancho Milpitas, and was deeded to Nicolás
Berryessa in 1834 by the alcade of San José, then to José María Alviso in 1835 by the
72 governor of Alta California (Munzel 2000). Despite challenges from Berryessa and his heirs, the Berryessa family never regained rights to the property (U.S. 337 – Alviso v.
United States, 1869). The land near the creek was used for cattle ranching, and may have also supported small garden plots from local settlers and squatters (Munzel 2000). The first commercial property in Milpitas was built in 1855, just half a mile north of the
Yukisma Mound site, and development in the historic downtown continued over the next
150 years (Munro-Fraser 1881). By 1870, settlers Joseph and Kate Kelley built a home and established a garden adjacent to the mound site (U.S. Census 1870, Thompson and
West 1876). Crops typically grown in lowland areas of the Milpitas Rancho included berries (strawberries, blackberries and raspberries), many varieties of tree fruit, and vegetables (San Jose Mercury News 1975). By 1876, railroad tracks were installed between San Jose and Alviso, passing within half a kilometer of the Yukisma Site
(Munro-Fraser 1881:439; Thompson and West 1876; see Figure 7).
The land to the west of Lower Penetencia Creek was part of Rancho Rincón de los Esteros, deeded to Ignacio Alviso in 1838. The property was split into three parcels in 1852, with the easternmost portion, including the land between Lower Penetencia
Creek and Coyote Creek, granted to the family of Charles White. After Charles’ death in the explosion of the steamboat “Jenny Lind” the following year, his widow Ellen continued running the ranch, and was granted official title to the property in 1862 (BLM document PLC 139). Like Rancho Milpitas, this land was also primarily used for cattle grazing.
The property later passed to another Irish immigrant, John O’Toole, who built an elaborate twenty-room Victorian mansion (Figure 8), raised thoroughbred horses,
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FIGURE 7. Map detail of Milpitas settlements in 1876. The Yukisma Mound location is indicated with a red circle.
Source: Thompson and West, 1876, New Historical Atlas of Santa Clara County, California, Drawn and Published from Personal Observation and Surveys. San Francisco, CA: Thompson and West.
planted orchards, grew hay and other crops, and planted two rows of stately elm trees along the driveway to the house. The mansion and land were sold to James Boyd in 1893, who held them for just one year before selling them to Santa Clara County for a $3,000 profit (Munzel 2000).
The county converted the mansion into an alms house to house and care for a growing population of indigent poor. Able-bodied alms house residents continued the farming tradition on the land, raising crops to sell for income. In the 1940s, the county
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FIGURE 8. The O’Toole Mansion, converted to the Santa Clara County Alms House in 1894.
Source: Photo circa 1900, courtesy of History San José, San Jose, California. Assession # 1997-300. Reprinted with permission.
began housing low-security prisoners at the alms house. During the next decade, many of the old buildings were torn down, new buildings and barracks erected, and the creek channelized along the eastern border of the property. The meander of the creek that encircled the Yukisma Mound was eliminated in favor of a straight channel, effectively moving the Yukisma Mound site to the western shore and bringing it within the property of the alms house.
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The Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38) was first recorded by Clement Meighan in
1952, at which time it was called the Alms House Mound. In the Archaeological Site
Survey Record, Meighan described SCL-38 as “an extensive habitation site marked by a low, almost not discernable mound,” approximately 300 feet (91 meters) in diameter and four feet (1.2 meters) deep. The identification as a habitation site was based on midden deposits and scattered artifacts (e.g., bone whistles and charmstones), but no house floors were found, nor any other features directly associated with habitation. Meighan noted that a hay crop was currently growing on the mound, and that the area was subject to annual plowing. Inmates and staff at the alms house reported that human bone was often found when plowing and landscaping and was scattered on the surface in the orchard area on the eastern perimeter of the property. Additionally, it was reported that burials found during construction had been “excavated and re-interred by a local Ohlone group a few years ago” (Meighan 1952). The site survey record from 1952 mentions a small excavation by San Jose State College in 1950, in which deer bone, shell, vitreous clay, charmstones, and bird bone whistles were recovered, but this project is otherwise undocumented.
While surveying SCL-38 in 1952, Meighan along with colleagues Ellison,
Curren, and Treganza, excavated six burials and one feature. All burials were recovered from within the “midden mass.” The burials were all primary interments, each including one individual, aligned in various compass orientations. All burials were flexed or tightly flexed. One was positioned on the left side, one on the right side, one in a seated position, two dorsally, and one was disturbed before it could be documented. No pathology was noted in any of the individuals. The group included one adult male, three adult females,
76 and two subadults. The only associated artifacts were a large mortar, positioned over the skull of one female, a bone fish hook near the pelvis of another female, and a shell covering the face of one child. The “bone fish hook” was later reclassified in the Phoebe
A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology at UC Berkeley as a faunal canine tooth (PAHMA, catalog # 1-140633). The feature identified by Meighan was a possible cache of shells, 24 inches wide, 21 inches long, and 6 inches deep. Other items collected from non-burial contexts and catalogued at the Hearst Museum included 47 samples of unmodified animal bone, 13 soil samples, 2 pestles or pestle fragments, 2 antler wedges, 2 samples of unmodified shell, 2 needles (one of which may be an awl), 1 mortar, 2 scapula saws, 1 scraper, and 1 unknown artifact (PAHMA).
In 1962, the land was converted to a prison and the last eight alms house residents were evicted. The historic mansion was torn down, but the elm trees remained until 2005, when they were removed for the convenience of construction crews building nearby condominiums. The prison became known as Elmwood, and this name was also used to describe the archaeological site within the grounds until around 1992.
During the 1980s, plans for expansion at the prison led to additional archaeological surveys. In 1985, Larry Weigel and colleagues submitted another
Archaeological Site Record for CA-SCL-38, describing it as an “extensive habitation site on (a) slight mound, much of which has been graded or damaged by building construction” (Weigel et al. 1985). They noted that the assemblage was consistent with
Late Horizon occupation, with a possible Middle Horizon component. They also commented on the midden, visible in the bank of the channelized creek, which at that point was only 1.5 to 3 feet thick. No artifacts were collected as part of this survey, but
77 obsidian projectile points (c.f. Stockton serrated), a heat-treated chert flake, groundstone fragments (including pestles, a shallow bowl mortar or metate and charmstones) and shell
(Haliotis, Cerithidea, and Ostrea) were noted in the midden. Ongoing collection of artifacts was reported among staff and inmates, and the midden concentration appeared reduced from observations made by Cartier in 1981 (Weigel et al. 1985).
Several reports were prepared by Archaeological Resource Management during the 1980s, evaluating the scope and nature of the site (Cartier 1981, 1985, 1987,
1988c). As before, the site was described as “a large habitation site with human burials and a midden rich in artifacts” (Cartier 1985:3). Surface surveys revealed prehistoric midden with fire-altered rock, chipped lithics, groundstone fragments, shell and bone fragments. In 1988, two small (1x1 meter) units and 28 auger samples (4 inches wide and up to 1.2 meters deep) were examined to evaluate the extent and nature of the archaeological deposit. Of the shell recovered, 79 percent was California hornsnail
(Cerithidea californicus) and 21 percent was California oyster (Ostrea lurida). Only 13 grams of faunal bone were recovered, too fragmented to be identified to species. Stone artifacts included three chipped stone debitage flakes, one intact handstone with significant use-wear, and several undescribed groundstone fragments. Fire-altered rock and vitrified earth were interpreted as cooking debris. One radiocarbon date was obtained, based on a sample of Cerithidea shell from the midden, yielding an uncorrected date of 500 ± 60 years BP (Beta-24408). The 1988 study concluded that the site was a
Late Period village with a cemetery component, and that the “location of Native
American graves at the Elmwood deposit is in the same area as the prehistoric habitation site” (Cartier 1988c:14).
78
The persistence in classifying the deposits at CA-SCL-38 as a village or habitation site is interesting, and should be met with some degree of skepticism based on the lack of evidence for house floors or significant deposits of non-burial associated artifacts. Traditionally, Bay Area shell- and earth-mounds have been interpreted as village sites with interspersed mortuary components (e.g., Bickel 1981; Chartkoff and
Chartkoff 1984; Gifford 1916; Nelson 1909, 1910, 1996; Wilson 1993). Conversely,
Alan Leventhal (1993) presented a persuasive argument reconsidering site use at the
Ryan Mound (CA-ALA-329), a contemporaneous site just 14 kilometers (8.5 miles) to the north of the Yukisma Mound. Leventhal concluded that the Ryan Mound was not a habitation site at all, but rather was used for mortuary, commemorative and ceremonial purposes, that associated cooking features were the product of ceremonial feasting, and that the accumulated deposits in the mound were not the accreted debris of long-term habitation, but rather were discrete layers of sediments intentionally deposited to build and maintain the mound structure. Leventhal’s methods and observations are an important counterpoint to traditional site-use interpretations in the Bay Area, and may be applicable to other local mound sites as well.
In a 1993 site survey of SCL-38 by Ohlone Families Consulting Services
(OFCS, the CRM arm of the Muwekma Ohlone tribe), Leventhal and colleagues respond to Cartier’s assumptions about site use. Given the presence of multiple burials, the lack of faunal debris, the sparse artifact assemblage, and the many vitrified clay features, the
OFCS team concluded that this site was most likely a cemetery where annual mourning ceremonies were held, and not a habitation site (Leventhal et al. 1993). While vitrified clay features are often interpreted as evidence of food preparation, experimental
79 archaeology has demonstrated that the minimum temperature required to vitrify local
Santa Clara Valley clays (melting them and converting the silica inclusions to glass) would be 1,200ºC, a temperature consistent with cremation practices and impractical for food preparation (Parsons and Leventhal 1981). Although determining the prehistoric function(s) of the Yukisma Mound is outside the scope of the present study, it should be said that there is no clear evidence available to this author for use as a permanent or seasonal habitation site, and such classification seems more likely to be a product of habitual modes of thinking about the California past than of objective observation.
Excavations of 1993-1994
In 1993, a renovation was proposed at the Elmwood Correctional Facility, which was to include demolition of existing structures and construction of a new large barracks building in the southeastern corner of the prison. Before the project began, an archaeological survey was requested to comply with CEQA regulations. Ohlone Families
Consulting Services (OFCS) completed a test excavation program in April of 1993 to assess significance and scope of the archaeological site, including eight one-by-one-meter hand-excavated test units and 16 auger bore holes across the proposed construction area
(Leventhal et al. 1993) (Figure 9). OFCS found at least some cultural material in all test units, and recovered one burial within test unit 5 (Burial Feature 1). Isolated human bones found in two other test units suggested that human activities during the historic period caused significant disturbance to the site. The team concluded that CA-SCL-38 was culturally and historically significant and that it “should be preserved, or (if preservation
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FIGURE 9. Auger testing during the OFCS Archaeological Test Excavation Program at CA-SCL-38 in 1993. (Photo courtesy of OFCS and the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe.)
was not possible) . . . a monitoring and archaeological data recovery program should be developed and implemented” (Leventhal et al. 1993:25).
It is in the OFCS report of the 1993 test excavation program that the term
Yukisma is first used in reference to the site. Yukisma is the Ohlone name for the creek which came to be known as Lower Penetencia during the Mission period (Hall 1871:13).
The creek was named Penetencia by the Spanish because it was a meeting place for confessions of priests from Missions San Jose and Santa Clara (Hall 1871:13).
As the Elmwood barracks construction commenced, OFCS was hired for monitoring and recovery (Figure 10). Excavation was conducted primarily as a salvage operation, with monitors halting the earth moving equipment each time a burial or
81
FIGURE 10. The 1993-1994 OFCS excavation at CA-SCL-38. (Photo courtesy of Ohlone Families Consulting Services and the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe.)
82 sensitive feature was encountered. Between August of 1993 and October of 1994, 243 discrete burial features were identified. All archaeological materials encountered at the site were recorded, boxed and transported to San Jose State University (SJSU) for further analysis.
The human remains from CA-SCL-38 were studied over a period of seven months in the SJSU Physical Anthropology and Archaeology Laboratory by a team led by Robert Jurmain, and including several SJSU students and staff as well as Suzanne
Rodriquez, a member of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe. In October of 1996, the remains were repatriated, along with many of the artifacts from the site (Figures 11 and 12).
FIGURE 11. Repatriation of CA-SCL-38 skeletal material and artifacts, October 1996. (Photo courtesy of Ohlone Families Consulting Services and the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe.)
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FIGURE 12. Repatriated materials from CA-SCL-38, October 1996. (Photo courtesy of Ohlone Families Consulting Services and the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe.)
Selected artifacts were retained for tribal education and display purposes, as well as future analysis. These artifacts are curated by San Jose State University the
Muwekma Ohlone Tribe. In addition, the tribe agreed to retain a single rib or other small bone from each viable individual for future analysis. As a result, bone samples from 202 discrete individuals are available for ongoing studies, including stable isotope analysis,
DNA studies, radiocarbon dating, and other research techniques, even after the rest of the remains have been repatriated. This innovative compromise is an excellent model for empowering living Native California populations to both protect their heritage and to take advantage of modern techniques to learn more about their past.
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Previous Studies about CA-SCL-38
Unfortunately, funding for the OFCS analysis of the CA-SCL-38 assemblage was cut before a formal report was completed. Although there is no site report, six topical reports have been published. The technical report of osteological and dental analysis was released in 2000 by Robert Jurmain. Jurmain also published a study of traumatic injuries the following year (Jurmain 2001). Three masters’ theses include Susan Morley’s paleodemographic reconstruction of the SCL-38 mortuary community (Morley 1997),
Viviana Bellifemine’s analysis of mortuary patterning and cemetery organization
(Bellifemine 1997), and Victoria Wu’s study of pathological lesions in the vertebrae of six individuals from the site (Wu 1999). Most recently, a study of breastfeeding and weaning patterns, using stable isotope data from the present study, was published by the author and colleagues (Gardner et al. 2011). Data from all of these sources, as well as the original 1993-1994 field notes, burial records, photographs, artifact catalog, and site maps, will be synthesized in the present study to reconstruct burial context for the individuals interred in the Yukisma Mound.
Demographic Data from CA-SCL-38
Although previous studies have included estimations of the number of unique individuals recovered at CA-SCL-38 as well as their biological sex and ages at death, there are significant discrepancies between the demographic details presented in each source. The interpretation of skeletal material from this recovery is complicated by taphonomic, cultural, and historic impacts to the site. Of the 243 gravelots identified by
OHFS, four contained no human bone (Burials 2, 22, 199, and 200). Of the remaining
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239 gravelots, 86 (34%) contained elements from more than one individual. Observed commingling may indicate the in situ burial of more than one individual, but might also be the product of disturbance caused during the excavation, or earlier digging or soil repurposing by ranchers, farmers, developers and inmates, or even prehistoric reuse of cemetery soils for new burials. Ambiguity is also a product of researchers’ goals in evaluating the data. Jurmain (2000) sought to estimate the most likely minimum number of individuals represented. Morley (1997) was interested in a maximum number for her demographic analysis. Bellifemine incorporated aspects of both studies in her study of mortuary context, and focused on individuals for whom the burial location was noted
(1997). For the present study, I reviewed the osteological notes and logic of these researchers and reconciled them with the original burial records. The details of reconciliation are presented in Appendix A.
My reconciliation found that an estimated 248 unique individuals were recovered from the CA-SCL-38 site during the 1993 to 1994 OFCS excavations. Of the
204 adults, 63 were female, 99 were male, and 42 were of indeterminate sex. Among the
43 identified subadults, 15 were infants, 10 were young children (3-5 years old), 12 were children between 6 and 10 years of age, and 5 were adolescents (see Tables 4 and 5). Age could not be estimated for the last subadult. The age categories used in this study are defined in Appendix A, Table A.2
Because the 1993-1994 excavation at the Yukisma Mound was a salvage effort, the scope of which was determined by construction plans, it is certain that this is only a portion of the burial population from the site, and these individuals may not be fully representative of the entire burial population. Nonetheless, some interesting patterns
86
TABLE 4. Demographic Summary of Unique Individuals from CA-SCL-38
Age Class (Years) Male Female Indeterminate Sex Total
Subadults
Infants (0-2) 15 15
Young Children (3-5) 10 10
Children (6-10) 12 12
Adolescents (11-15) 5 5
Subadult Unknown 1 1
Total Subadults 43 43
Adults
Adults (16-40) 78 28 40 156
Elders (Over 41) 21 35 2 58
Total Adults 99 63 42 204
Unknown 1 1
Total 99 63 86 248
are apparent. The underrepresentation of subadults in this collection suggests that some individuals may have been interred in other locations (Morley 1997:136). With a male-to- female sex ratio of 1.6:1, it is surprising that 58 percent of all elders recovered at the site were female (35 of 60). Female survivorship appears to exceed that of males, with 56 percent of represented adult females surviving beyond the age of 41, whereas only 21
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TABLE 5. Age Classification by Sex for Adults from CA-SCL-38
Age Range Females Males Indeterminate Sex Total
Over 16 0 1 10 11
16-20 5 10 12 27
16-30 2 3 0 5
21-30 9 21 4 34
20+ 3 2 13 18
21-40 2 12 1 15
31-40 6 29 0 35
30+ 1 0 0 1
31-50 6 9 0 15
Over 41 5 0 0 5
41-50 19 12 2 33
Over 51 5 0 0 5
Total 63 99 42 204
percent of represented males lived past their 30s. Morley suggests that low female mortality during childbearing years may indicate that women were well cared for during pregnancy and childbirth, or alternatively, that women who did not survive might be buried elsewhere (Morley 1997:137). She also suggests that high mortality of adult males may be due to interpersonal aggression or regional conflict (Morley 1997:137). Jurmain
(2001) analyzed patterns of trauma at CA-SCL-38, and also concluded that violence and
88 interpersonal aggression were quite common. The disparity of representation in the cemetery led Morley to suggest that CA-SCL-38 may have been a “special purpose cemetery where members of a specific status were interred, specifically males and older females.” She further states that, “if this is true, the distribution of burial associated artifacts may eventually support this theory as ongoing research unfolds” (Morley
1997:138). The intention of the current study is to follow up on this suggestion by correlating mortuary patterns suggesting differential social status or social roles with dietary patterns to better understand social organization of these early inhabitants of the
Santa Clara Valley.
Mortuary Context at CA-SCL-38
Several aspects of mortuary context are considered here, including funerary methods, cemetery organization, and burial associations. The first section below will review funerary methods observed at the Yukisma Mound site, including variation in interment types (primary or secondary), associated burials, burial posture, burial position, burial orientation, and special burial preparation (including pre- or post-interment burning, cremation, and grave furnishings such as rock cairns). The second section will address cemetery organization, including the spatial clusters identified by Bellifemine
(1997). The third section will present frequencies of burial associations, including unworked organic materials and artifacts made of bone, stone, and shell. Unfortunately, no artifacts made of perishable materials (e.g., wood, feathers, fur, reeds or fibers) were preserved, although these surely would have been present at the time of burial. This chapter will present tables indicating the frequencies of artifact presence by type, but not
89 the specific quantities of artifacts found with each individual. A detailed accounting of mortuary context and associations by burial is available in Appendix B. Further analysis of indications of wealth and social diversification will be presented in Chapter IV.
Funerary Methods
Overall, 248 distinct individuals were recovered from 239 gravelots during the
1993-1994 excavations at the Yukisma Mound. The vast majority of these were primary burials, but some secondary (redeposited) burials were also observed (see Table 6). All secondary burials involved burning, but only 7 of the 13 secondary burials are classified as cremations (see discussion of special burial preparation below).
TABLE 6. Interment Type Frequencies at CA-SCL-38
Unique Individuals A n Primary (%) Secondary (%) Disturbed (%)
Adults
Males 99 93 (94) 3 (3) 3 (3)
Females 61 56 (92) 3 (5) 2 (32)
Indeterminate 29 22 (76) 5 (17) 2 (7)
Total Adults 189 171 (90) 11 (6) 7 (4)
Subadults 31 24 (77) 2 (6) 5 (16)
Unknown 1 1 (100) -- --
Total 221 196 (89) 13 (6) 12 (5)
AIndividuals where interment type could be observed.
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Eighty-six gravelots included elements from more than one individual
(Jurmain 2000:6). However, much of the observed commingling could have been caused by prehistoric and historic disturbance to the burial soils. After excluding fragmentary remains, only 50 distinct individuals were classified as part of 25 double burials and 10 individuals were associated with 3 multiple burials (see Table 7). One hundred-seventy- six burials were single interments. Twelve burials were part of the “160s” burial cluster, which will be discussed in the cemetery organization section to follow.
TABLE 7. Associated Burials at CA-SCL-38
Unique Individuals A n Single (%) Double (%) Multiple (%) Cluster (%)
Adults
Males 99 72 (73) 12 (12) 6 (6) 9 (9)
Females 63 53 (84) 9 (14) -- 1 (1)
Indeterminate 42 29 (69) 8 (19) 4 (9) 1 (2)
Total Adults 204 152 (75) 29 (14) 10 (5) 11 (5)
Subadults 43 21 (49) 21 (49) -- 1 (2)
Unknown 1 1 (100) ------
Total 248 176 (71) 50 (20) 10 (4) 12 (5)
APresence/absence of associated burials could be observed for all unique individuals.
Burials were almost always in flexed postures at CA-SCL-38 (see Table 8).
Of the 196 individuals where burial posture could be observed, all but five were in a
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TABLE 8. Burial Posture at CA-SCL-38
Unique Tightly Flexed Semi- Extended Disorganized n Individuals A Flexed (%) (%) Flexed (%) (%) (%)
Adults
Males 92 80 (87) 3 (3) 6 (7) 2 (2) 1 (1)
Females 59 52 (88) 2 (3) 4 (7) -- 1 (2)
Indeterminate 23 18 (78) 4 (17) -- 1 (4) --
Total Adults 174 150 (86) 9 (5) 10 (6) 3 (2) 2 (1)
Subadults 22 20 (91) 1 (5) 1 (5) -- --
Unknown 0 ------
Total 196 170 (87) 10 (5) 11 (6) 3 (2) 2 (1)
AIndividuals where burial posture could be observed.
flexed position. The most common observation was that burials were tightly flexed, with the angle between the torso and thighs less than 45 degrees; this included 87 percent of all individuals, approximately the same percentage for adult males and females, and an even greater frequency among subadults (20 of 22 observed, or 91%). Only three individuals were in extended positions, including two adult males and one adult of indeterminate sex (Burials 52, 142, and 143). None of these burials followed the patterning of a Windmiller or Meganos style interment. For Burial 52, no lower limbs were recovered, so the observation of an extended position is uncertain. Burials 142 and
143 were included in a multiple burial at the site (along with 141 and 144), which has
92 characteristics suggesting that these four individuals were not part of the local population
(see the discussion of population affinity in Chapter IX and burial image in Figure 58).
Two individuals were categorized as “disorganized” (haphazardly positioned or not formally arranged) including one adult male (Burial 144) and one adult female (Burials
183). Burial 144 is included in the multiple burial mentioned above and was splayed on his back. Burial 183 was also dorsally positioned with lower limbs extending up the side of the burial pit. Burial posture observed at CA-SCL-38 is consistent with the Early San
Francisco Bay Culture of the Early Period, the Berkeley Pattern of the Middle Period, or the Augustine Pattern of the Middle-to-Late-Transition and Late Period, but not with
Windmiller or Meganos Patterns (see Chapter II for a review of temporal burial patterns).
The position of interred individuals also varied within the site (see Table 9).
The most common burial position was on the side with almost half of observed individuals positioned in this way (93 of 196 observed, or 48%). Slightly more individuals were laid to rest on the right side than on the left side. Side burials were the most typical position for subadults (75%, n = 15 of 20). The next most common burial position for all individuals was dorsal placement (35%, n = 68 of 196). Interment on the back was more frequently seen for adults (38%, n = 66 of 176) than subadults (10%, n =
2 of 20). Burials were also positioned on the stomach with the legs flexed beneath in a kneeling position. Thirteen percent of all burials were ventral, including a larger proportion of adults (14%, n = 24 of 174) than subadults (9%, n = 2 of 22). Less common were seated burials, where the lower limbs were tightly flexed and the torso leaned against them in a relatively upright posture (4% of all burials, n = 7 of 196). Six adults and one subadult were found in seated positions. Two individuals were buried head
93
TABLE 9. Burial Position at CA-SCL-38
Unique Right side Left Dorsal Ventral Seated Other n Individuals A (%) side (%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
Adults
Males 94 19 (20) 21 (22) 36 (38) 13 (14) 4 (4) 1 (1)
Females 59 17 (29) 13 (22) 20 (34) 6 (10) 2 (3) 1 (2)
Indeterminate 23 5 (22) 3 (13) 10 (43) 5 (22) -- --
Total Adults 176 41 (23) 37 (21) 66 (38) 24 (14) 6 (3) 2 (1)
Subadults 20 9 (45) 6 (30) 2 (10) 2 (10) 1 (5) --
Unknown 0
Total 196 50 (26) 43 (22) 68 (35) 26 (13) 7 (4) 2 (1)
AIndividuals where burial position could be observed.
and shoulders first with the pelvis and lower limbs flexed above. This adult male (Burial
8) and adult female (Burial 145) are included here in the “other” category.
The directional orientation of burials often has cultural significance, and is particularly diagnostic of Windmiller style burials, which are almost invariably oriented toward the west (Moratto 1984:203). At CA-SCL-38, the compass orientation of the cranial end of the spine was noted for 202 burials. The burial orientation of these individuals is compared in Table 10 by generalizing cardinal directions to include all coordinates using that compass point as a reference (e.g., an individual oriented towards the northeast is counted for both north and east). This method compensates for
94
TABLE 10. Burial Orientation at CA-SCL-38 A
North East South West Unique n NW-N-NE NE-E-SE SE-S-SW SW-W-NW IndividualsB (%) (%) (%) (%)
Adults
Males 93 38 (41) 50 (54) 38 (41) 39 (42)
Females 58 24 (41) 25 (43) 24 (41) 24 (41)
Indeterminate 26 11 (42) 11 (42) 13 (50) 14 (54)
Total Adults 177 73 (41) 86 (49) 75 (42) 77 (44)
Subadults 25 17 (68) 9 (36) 6 (24) 15 (60
Unknown 0 ------
Total 202 90 (45) 95 (47) 81 (40) 92 (45)
AIndividuals are tallied by cardinal direction of the cranial end of the spine. When burial position lies between cardinal directions (e.g., northeast), both directions are tallied (e.g., both north and east). BIndividuals where burial orientation could be observed.
inconsistencies in directional notation in the excavation records, and highlights trends of orientation. However, some individuals are tallied twice as a consequence.
In general, no clear patterns in directional preference are seen among the
Yukisma Mound burials. A possible exception is the orientation of subadults, which are most commonly oriented towards the north or west, although there is considerable variation. Of the 17 subadults oriented towards the north, 8 are toward the northeast, 1 is due north, and 8 are northwest. Of the 15 subadults oriented towards the west, 7 are to the
95 northwest, 1 is due west, and 7 are to the southwest. It is not clear whether the trend of northerly or westerly oriented subadult burials is significant.
All interments at CA-SCL-38 were found in unlined pit graves with indistinct sidewalls. While many special mortuary preparation techniques may have been practiced, few are visible in the archaeological record. For example, bodies may have been wrapped in a blanket of furs, laid to rest on reed mats, or even wrapped within basketry bundles, but if so, none of these materials have survived. Special preparation that is visible in the archaeological record includes evidence of burning and the construction of rock cairns.
Fire was a common component of mortuary practice, and included pre- or post-interment fires as well as cremations. Pre-interment fires were apparent when a layer of charcoal was found beneath the skeleton, but without evidence of burning on the human remains. Post-interment fires were noted in the archaeological record when a layer of soil separated the remains from a layer of charcoal, sometimes including charring of the remains as well. Localized burning was also noted when a small area of the grave included charcoal or a small portion of the skeleton exhibited signs of burning. Several burials which included evidence of burning also included charred faunal materials, suggesting that offerings of food or goods may have been burned in the grave as part of the mortuary process. For comparison in the present study, all of these types of burning have been combined into one category. Cremations and partial cremations are included in the burning category, and also considered separately. In Table 11, the frequencies of burning, cremation, and rock cairns at CA-SCL-38 are considered for the 242 burials where context was recorded.
96
TABLE 11. Special Mortuary Preparation Frequencies by Type at CA-SCL-38
No Observed Unique BurningB CremationC Rock CairnD n Special IndividualsA (%) (%) (%) Preparation (%)
Adults
Males 98 59 (60) 10 (10) 5 (5) 38 (39)
Females 61 40 (66) 4 (6) -- 21 (34)
Indeterminate 40 27 (68) 16 (40) -- 13 (33)
Total Adults 199 126 (63) 30 (15) 5 (3) 72 (36)
Subadults 42 28 (67) 4 (10) 4 (10) 14 (33)
Unknown Age 1 1 (100) 1 (100) -- --
Total 242 155 (64) 35 (14) 9 (4) 86 (36)
AIndividuals where burial orientation could be observed. BIncludes burials with evidence of pre-interment burning, post-interment burning, vitrified clay, and/or cremations. CAll burials classified as cremations are also included in the burning category. DAll individuals with rock cairns also have associated burning with the exception of one adult male.
Overall, 63 percent of burials at CA-SCL-38 involved burning of some kind.
Evidence for this included charring on human or associated faunal bones, charring on other grave goods, and/or the presence of vitrified clay. Vitrified clay is produced when local Santa Clara Valley clays have been heated to temperatures over 1,200ºC (Parsons and Leventhal 1981, see discussion earlier in this chapter), and suggests a fire built for purposes of incineration, rather than food preparation. Evidence of burning is almost
97 equally common for adults (62%, n = 126 of 202) and subadults (67%, n = 28 of 42), and almost equal between males (60%, n = 59 of 99) and females (63%, n = 40 of 63).
Of the 155 individuals where burning was noted, 35 were classified as cremations. Cremation was slightly more common for adults (15%, n = 30 of 202) than for subadults (10%, n = 4 of 42). Due to the transformational effects of cremation on bone, no meaningful observations can be made regarding frequency of cremation for males and females. More than half of cremated adults could not be identified by sex.
However, of those identified, there are more males (10%, n = 10 of 99) than females
(6%, n = 4 of 63).
Rock cairns were unusual at the site, and were noted for only nine burials
(4%, n = 9 of 242) when a quantity of rocks, cobbles, or chunks of vitrified clay was found above, below, or around the human remains. Notably, burials with rock cairns were exclusively those of adult males (5%, n = 5 of 99) or of subadults (10%, n = 4 of 42). No adult females or adults of indeterminate sex had associated rock cairns. Of the nine individuals with rock cairns, all but one (Burial 202, an adult male) also had associated burning. Two adult males with rock cairns were cremations (Burials 25 and 204). Rock cairns were not exclusively constructed for primary burials. Two of the interments with associated rock cairns were secondary (redeposited) burials, including an adult male
(Burial 188) and a subadult between seven and ten years of age (Burial 203).
Mortuary customs, in any place and time, are a richly symbolic reflection of belief systems about life and death. Observed variation in the placement, positioning, orientation, or preparation of the dead is a product of the relationship between the social identity of the deceased and the traditions of the people who buried them, possibly
98 influenced by extenuating factors as well (e.g., weather, location and/or season of death).
Change in mortuary customs through time is certainly a possibility too, but cannot yet be properly examined with this data set (see discussion of temporal context to follow). A more complete discussion of the potential social significance of mortuary context will be presented in Chapter IV (see also Bellifemine 1997 for a thorough investigation of mortuary variability at CA-SCL-38).
Cemetery Organization
While the scope of excavation at CA-SCL-38 was driven by the parameters of construction rather that site dimensions, analysis of mortuary patterning in the excavated portion did reveal spatial organization and statistically significant clustering by demographic variables and artifact density (Bellifemine 1997). In particular, there was an overrepresentation of all artifact types in Spatial Cluster 5, the central ring. This cluster included almost half of the individuals for which coordinates were available (47%, n =
115 of 245). Figure 13 presents the boundaries of Bellifemine’s spatial clusters.
Membership and description of the clusters is summarized in Table 12.
In addition to the spatial clusters identified by Bellifemine, one group of burials was so closely associated that it was noted as a cluster during excavation (see
Table 7. This cluster was called the “160s” cluster in the field, and included Burials 161 through 169 plus Burials 148 and 184 (all within Spatial Cluster 5). This group was primarily composed of adult males (75% of individuals in the cluster, n = 9 of 12), but also included an adult female, an adult of indeterminate sex, and one subadult (Burial
169, a child between 3.5 and 5.5 years of age). The “160s” cluster included no rock cairns, one partial cremation (Burial 163, an adult male), and six other burials with
99
FIGURE 13. Spatial cluster distribution.
Source: Viviana Bellifemine, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University. Used with permission.
TABLE 12. Spatial Cluster Membership at CA-SCL-38
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 No Cluster # Around Outer ring, Around Around Center ring Around Outer ring, Outer ring, Total Location center ring East (%) center ring, center ring, (%) center ring, South (%) Northeast DataB (%)A East (%) South (%) West (%) (%)
Adults
Males 11 (34) 2 (25) 2 (18) 12 (36) 55 (48) 3 (33) 4 (33) 8 (32) 2 99 Females 12 (38) 3 (38) 4 (36) 13 (39) 19 (17) 2 (22) 5 (42) 5 (20) -- 63 Indeterminate 3 (9) 3 (38) 2 (18) 1 (3) 26 (23) 2 (22) 1 (8) 4 (16) -- 42
Total Adults 26 (81) 8 (100) 8 (73) 26 (79) 100 (87) 7 (78) 10 (83) 17 (68) 2 204
Subadults 6 (19) -- 3 (27) 7 (21) 14 (12) 2 (22) 2 (17) 8 (32) 1 43
Unknown ------1 (1) ------1
Cluster Total 32 8 11 33 115 9 12 25 3 248 A Percentages represent the composition of each spatial cluster. BField coordinates were not recorded for burials 201, 229, and 229A, so no spatial cluster could be assigned.
Source: Data from Viviana Bellifemine, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, and personal communication, April 28, 2011. 100
101 evidence of burning (Burials 161, 164, 166, 167, and 168, all adult males, plus one adult of indeterminate sex, Burial 167A). This cluster within Spatial Cluster 5 may suggest additional levels of spatial organization within the Yukisma Mound cemetery.
Burial-Associated Artifacts
The objects placed within the grave of an individual may have been personal possessions, or could be offerings made by the living. Regardless, the nature and quantity of items associated with the deceased is related to their social role during life. Items associated with burials from the Yukisma Mound are here divided into unworked organic remains and artifacts. For the purposes of this paper, artifacts are defined as items in which labor has been invested to produce a useful object, or items which are associated with burials but have no obvious utilitarian value, such as distinctive minerals or crystals.
Quantity of artifacts and association with burials were compiled based on the Artifact
Catalog from Ohlone Families Consulting Services and the detailed descriptions and tables in Bellifemine (1997). Where discrepancies were present between sources, Burial
Record Forms and photos from the excavation were consulted. When these did not resolve the conflict, the information from Bellifemine was privileged as she had the opportunity to directly examine many of the artifacts. The artifact collection from SCL-
38 is jointly curated between San Jose State University and the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe.
Additionally, many artifacts were reinterred when the human remains were repatriated in
1996 (see Figure 12). All artifact descriptions to follow rely heavily on the work of
Bellifemine (1997), as well as direct observations when possible.
At the Yukisma Mound, unworked organic materials were associated with the majority of burials (81%, n = 202 of 248). These materials include shell, faunal bone, and
102 botanical remains, and may have been funerary offerings or remnants of a funerary feast.
Additionally, they may have been midden components, inadvertently associated with burials as part of grave fill soils or as a result of bioturbation or other soil disturbance.
Without a way to clearly differentiate between intentional offerings and inadvertent inclusions, all burial-associated organic materials which are not described as culturally modified in some way are included in Table 13.
Shellfish remains were by far the most commonly associated material, and were found in 75 percent of graves (n = 186 of 248). Associated shellfish included the
California horn snail (Cerithidea sp.), the California oyster (Ostrea lurida), both bentnose
(Macoma nasuta) and boring clams (not described by species in the artifact log), mussels
(Mytilus sp.), and abalone (Haliotis sp.). Of these species, the horn snails were the most common, appearing in 66 percent of burials (n = 164 of 248). Mussels, whole abalone, crab, fish remains, and turtle shell were found infrequently. Unworked faunal bone was associated with more than half of the burials (57%, n = 142 of 248). Thirteen burials
(5%) had some type of associated botanical remains, including bulbs and seeds
(sometimes charred), wood fragments, and fibers. Bird bone was called out independently from faunal bone in 31 cases (13%), and is included here if no indication was made in the artifact log that the bone was a tube or whistle.
Overall, adults were more likely to have unworked organic burial-associated materials than subadults. Thirty percent of subadults had no associated unworked organic materials at all (n = 13 of 43), compared to only 16 percent of adults (n = 33 of 204).
While subadults are represented in most categories, the frequency of associations is always less than that for adult burials. Males and females were almost equally likely to be
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TABLE 13. Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Materials at CA-SCL-38
Total All Unique Associated Organic Males Females Indet. Subadults Unknown Adults Individuals Material (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) n 99 63 40 202 45 1 248
ShellfishA 81 (82) 51 (81) 27 (68) 158 (78) 27 (60) 1 (100) 186 (75)
Horn snails 72 (73) 48 (76) 23 (58) 142 (70) 21 (47) 1 (100) 164 (66) (Cerithidea sp.) Oysters (Ostrea 53 (54) 37 (59) 17 (43) 107 (53) 24 (53) 1 (100) 132 (53) lurida) Clams (Macoma nasuta and 24 (23) 15 (24) 7 (18) 46 (23) 7 (16) -- 53 (21) boring clams) Mussels (Mytilus 2 (2) 2 (3) -- 4 (2) -- -- 4 (2) sp.) Abalone (whole) -- 1 (2) 2 (5) 3 (1) 1 (2) -- 4 (2) (Haliotis sp.) Crab claws -- 1 (2) 1 (3) 2 (1) -- -- 2 (1)
Fish bones 6 (6) 5 (8) 1 (3) 12 (6) 2 (4) -- 14 (6)
Turtle shell 1 (1) -- -- 1 (< 1) -- -- 1 (< 1)
Faunal boneB 66 (66) 41 (66) 16 (40) 123 (61) 18 (40) 1 (100) 142 (57)
Botanical remainsC 5 (5) 4 (6) 2 (5) 11 (5) 2 (4) -- 13 (5)
Bird boneD 13 (13) 6 (9) 5 (13) 24 (12) 7 (16) -- 31 (13)
None 11 (11) 6 (9) 16 (40) 33 (16) 13 (29) -- 46 (19) AShellfish category includes all individuals with associated horn snails, oysters, clams, mussels, or whole abalone shells. BFaunal bone category includes all individuals with associated unworked mammal or unidentified non- human bone. CBotanical remains include bulbs, seeds, wood, and fiber. DBird bone is presumed to be unworked unless specifically described as a bone tube or whistle.
associated with shellfish, fish bones, faunal bone, or botanical remains. Males were not found with whole abalone shells or crab claws. Females were not associated with turtle shells. Males were slightly more likely to be associated with bird bone. As many of these
104 materials are only rarely encountered at this site, it is unclear whether the subtle differences of distribution between sexes are significant.
Several types of artifacts were associated with burials at CA-SCL-38 including items made from worked bone, chipped stone, ground stone, polished stone, and worked shell. These items were found with 61 percent of burials (n = 151 of 248); the remaining individuals had no burial associated artifacts (n = 97 of 248), although some of these individuals were associated with unworked organic materials. Both the quantity and variety of artifacts varied significantly between individuals.
Table 14 reports the diversity of artifact types found with unique individuals at CA-SCL-38. This table does not reflect the quantity of associated artifacts, but rather counts how many types of artifacts are associated with each burial. Types include scapula saws, bone strigils (sweat scrapers), bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, other bone implements, projectile points, other chipped stone artifacts (excluding debitage), mortars, pestles, manos, abraders, stone beads, Haliotis pendants, clam shell pendants, bone pendants, shell beads, bone tubes or whistles, stone pipes, stone spoons, charmstones, magic stones, cinnabar, stingray points, antler, and claws or non-human teeth. Projectile points are counted only if they are not directly associated with traumatic injury
(imbedded or otherwise very suggestive of traumatic association). Descriptions of each artifact type are included in the detailed review of artifact presence later in this chapter.
All but 14 individuals (6%) had four artifact types or fewer. Of the 14 most diverse artifact caches, 7 were associated with males, 4 with females, 2 with adults of indeterminate sex, and only 1 with a subadult (Burial 178, a child between two and four years of age). The significance of variation in artifact type distribution will be explored
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TABLE 14. Number of Artifact Types with Burials at CA-SCL-38
Associated Indet. Total All Unique Males Females Subadults Unknown Artifact Adults Adults Individuals (%) (%) (%) Age (%) TypesA (%) (%) (%)
0 29 (30) 21 (33) 17 (40) 67 (33) 30 (70) -- 97 (39) 1 21 (21) 18 (29) 15 (36) 54 (26) 6 (14) -- 60 (24) 2 16 (16) 13 (21) 3 (7) 32 (16) 4 (9) -- 36 (15) 3 15 (15) 4 (6) 5 (12) 24 (12) -- -- 24 (10) 4 11 (11) 3 (5) -- 14 (7) 2 (5) 1 (100) 17 (7) 5 3 (3) 1 (2) -- 4 (2) 1 (2) -- 5 (2)
6 3 (3) 1 (2) 1 (2) 5 (2) -- -- 5 (2)
7 1 (1) 1 (2) -- 2 (1) -- -- 2 (1) 8 ------9 -- -- 1 (2) 1 (< 1) -- 1 (< 1) 10 -- 1 (2) -- 1 (< 1) -- -- 1 (< 1) Totals 99 63 42 204 43 1 248 AArtifact types include scapula saws, bone strigils, bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, other bone implements, projectile points not directly associated with traumatic injury, other chipped stone artifacts (excluding debitage), mortars, pestles, manos, abraders, stone beads, Olivella shell beads, Haliotis pendants, clam shell pendants, bone pendants, bone tubes or whistles, stone pipes, stone spoons, charmstones, magic stones, cinnabar, stingray points, antler, and claws or non-human teeth. Unworked faunal and botanical materials are not included in this metric. Each type listed here is counted as 1 toward the total artifact type regardless of how many of these items were associated with the burial. Specific descriptions of each artifact type are presented elsewhere in this text.
further in Chapter IV when considering indicators for social differentiation. Variation in quantity of associations will also be discussed in Chapter IV.
As a first step towards thinking about the many types of artifacts present at
CA-SCL-38, I have divided them according to the categories proposed by Binford
(1962). The first category is technomic artifacts, which includes functional, practical objects associated with meeting the basic needs of life (e.g., procurement of food and shelter, protection). The second category is sociotechnic artifacts, which are symbols of
106 social status, functioning “as the extra-somatic means of articulating individuals one with another into cohesive groups capable of efficiently maintaining themselves and of manipulating the technology” (Binford 1962:219). The third category is ideotechnic artifacts, which are ritual objects whose “primary functional context (is) in the ideological component of the social system” (Binford 1962:219). When categorizing artifact types, I have chosen the more conservative interpretation of artifact function when more than one option is possible.
Technomic Artifacts. Among the artifact types classified here as technomic are bone implements (scapula saws, awls, needles, antler wedges, and other bone), chipped stone artifacts (projectile points not associated with trauma, and other chipped stone), and groundstone artifacts (mortars, pestles, manos and abraders). The frequency for each artifact type is presented in Table 15.
Technomic Bone Artifacts. The following is an overview of burial-associated artifacts from SCL-38 made of worked bone or antler.
1. Scapula saws. These objects are created from faunal scapulae, with serrations along the axillary or coricoid borders, intact glenoid fossae, and often use-wear polish along the edges. Their significance is uncertain, but the most promising interpretation comes from Bennyhoff (1953:269), who proposed that these implements were used in the
Bay Area to cut grass (tule). Other interpretations include use as fleshers (Gifford 1940;
Schenck 1926) or bark shredders (Harrington 1933). At SCL-38 they are found only with adults, and as commonly with males as with females. An example is provided in Figure
14.
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TABLE 15. Unique Individuals with Burial-Associated Technomic Artifacts at CA-SCL- 38
Burial-Associated Total All Unique Males Females Indet. Subadults Unknown Technomic Adults Individuals (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Artifacts (%) (%) n 99 63 42 204 43 1 248
Bone Artifacts
Scapula saws 5 (5) 4 (6) -- 9 (4) -- -- 9 (4)
Bone strigils -- 3 (5) 1 (2) 4 (2) -- -- 4 (2)
Bone awls 8 (8) 2 (3) 1 (2) 11 (5) -- -- 11 (4)
Bone needles 2 (2) 1 (2) -- 3 (1) -- -- 3 (1)
Antler wedges 2 (2) 1 (2) 1 (2) 4 (2) -- -- 4 (2)
Other bone 3 (3) -- 1 (2) 4 (2) -- -- 4 (2) Any technomic 18 (18) 8 (13) 4 (10) 30 (15) -- -- 30 (12) bone
Chipped stone
artifacts Projectile pointsC 9 (9) 3 (5) 5 (12) 17 (8) -- -- 17 (7) Other chipped 16 (16) 7 (11) 5 (12) 28 (14) 3 (7) -- 31 (13) stoneD Any chipped stoneE 23 (23) 10 (16) 9 (21) 42 (21) 3 (7) -- 45 (18)
Groundstone artifacts Mortars 9 (9) 8 (13) 2 (5) 19 (9) 1 (2) 1 (100) 21 (8)
Pestles 12 (12) 11 (17) -- 23 (11) 4 (9) 1 (100) 28 (11)
Manos -- 2 (3) 1 (2) 3 (1) -- -- 3 (1)
Abraders 1 (1) -- 1 (2) 2 (1) -- -- 2 (1)
Any groundstoneF 18 (18) 15 (24) 1 (2) 34 (17) 3 (7) 1 (100) 38 (15)
No technomic 56 (57) 39 (62) 31 (74) 126 (62) 37 (86) -- 163 (67) artifacts ADefinition of technomic from Binford 1962. BAny technomic bone category includes scapula saws, bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, other bone. CProjectile point count excludes points embedded in bone or very likely involved in traumatic injury. DOther Chipped Stone includes flakes, cores, and cobbles. Materials include chert, obsidian, rhyolite, and basalt. EAny Chipped Stone totals all individuals with projectile points and/or other chipped stone. FAny Groundstone includes mortars, pestles, manos and abraders.
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FIGURE 14. Technomic bone implements from CA-SCL-38. (Top): Scapula saw, isolate. (Bottom left): Bone awls associated with B93 and B132. (Bottom right): Needles associated with B179. Photos by author.
2. Strigils. A strigil is a serrated side-bladed scraper made from a mammal rib, with one end worked “to a rounded point” (Gifford 1940). At SCL-38, all strigils were serrated ribs from large mammals, but species could not be determined (see Figure 15).
Gifford describes these tools as sweat removers. In 1775, Fages noted of the Rumsen
(southern Ohlone) that these tools were “always carr(ied) for the purpose of scraping off their perspiration while in the bath and during the fatigue of their marches” (Fages
1937:65-67, as cited in Milliken 1987:24). Fages also observed that these “spatulas of bone” were used for conflict resolution in ritualized battles, where quarrels were ended with the first drawing of blood, whereupon the combatants “become reconciled as
109
FIGURE 15. Bone strigil found with B93, CA-SCL-38. (Illustration by Glen Wilson)
Source: Viviana Bellifemine, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University. Used with permission.
friends, even when redress of the greatest injury is sought” (Fages 1937:65-67, as cited in
Milliken 1987:24). In the assemblage at SCL-38, a total of four strigils were found with burials, associated with three adult females (burials 63, 67, and 93) and one young adult of indeterminate sex (burial 225).
3. Bone awls. Awls are single-pointed bone implements without eyes or grooves for cord attachment (Figure 14), thought to be used for making coiled basketry or weaving nets or fish traps, and possibly perforating of hides (Gifford 1940:168; Stimpson
2007:168). At SCL-38, bone awls were found only with adults and more frequently with males than females.
4. Bone needles. Bone needles are smaller than awls and are perforated (Figure
14). They may have been used to pass cord through basketry or to suspend the tool around the neck or from another object (Gifford 1940). Needles were found with three adults at SCL-38, one female and one male with one needle each, and one male with two needles.
110
5. Antler wedges. Antler wedges are sharpened at the distal end, and may have been used to split planks or lumber (Gifford 1940:182). Locally, they are most commonly associated with Middle Period sites and are typically found with males (Hylkema
2007:310). At SCL-38, a wedge was found with two males, one female, and one adult of indeterminate sex. Again, no subadults were buried with antler wedges.
6. Other bone implements. Of the three other bone objects with adult males, one was a bipointed tool (with B97), one a bone pin with groove (with B182, probably a needle of a different form), and the last was described only as “worked bone” (with B69).
The bipointed tool and bone pin were likely used for basketry, weaving of nets or fish traps, or hide preparation. The other bone object with an adult female (B122) was also only described as “worked bone.” The object with the indeterminate adult was identified as a bullroarer in the artifact catalog, and this item merits further discussion.
The young adult buried with the possible bullroarer (B227) was found to be of indeterminate sex and between 15 and 19 years of age at the time of death by Jurmain
(2000:130), although identified by Morley (1997) as female. This individual had a severe cleft palate, described as follows:
Very deformed palate, deep and narrow, open at midline (at max. separation = 5 mm). Also appears open on facial view; anterior dentition is crowded; nose also deformed; nasal aperture remodeled superiorly with hypertrophic bone on right superior margin. [Jurmain 2000:146]
A congenital defect such as this would have affected appearance and the ability to speak.
Without tissue closure at the roof of the mouth, problems with articulation of consonants as well as control of air pressure for speech would make normal diction impossible, and compensation with grunts or growling sounds is common in children with unrepaired
111 palates (Cleft Palate Foundation 2001). Additionally, ear infections are common in children with cleft palates, which can further impair language acquisition.
A bullroarer is a worked piece of bone or wood suspended at the end of a cord, which is spun rapidly to produce sound that carries across great distances. This particular object was 21 centimeters long, made of bone (possibly sea mammal), hollowed and flanged (Bellifemine 1997:167) (see Figure 16). The use of bullroarers by northern
Costanoan groups was noted by Harrington (1942) based on interviews with tribal members in the early twentieth century. Harrington classifies these items as musical instruments and amusements (Harrington 1942:28).
The classification as a technomic object in this case is my interpretation of the object’s probable use in this context. I believe this item may have been an innovative adaptation, providing an alternative voice for this individual. There may have been ritual or spiritual implications as well, however no other worked artifacts or ideo-technic objects were found with this individual, making a utilitarian interpretation more parsimonious.
Technomic Chipped Stone Artifacts. The following is an overview of burial- associated non-imbedded projectile points and other chipped stone tools. A discussion of tool form and function is included in Chapter V. Burial associations are presented in
Appendix B. See Bellifemine (1997:133, Table 4-17) for details of projectile point and biface attributes.
1. Projectile points. Sixteen obsidian projectile points and four obsidian biface tool fragments were included with burials at SCL-38. Two of these were found lodged between vertebrae (B140 and B171), and so are excluded from this artifact count due to
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FIGURE 16. Bullroarer found with B227. (Illustration by Glen Wilson)
Source: Viviana Bellifemine, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University. Used with permission.
the high probability that they were introduced by traumatic injury rather than included as grave offerings. Four additional point fragments were imbedded in bone (Burials 91, 142,
143, and 161) and are also excluded from the present count. The remaining eighteen points or bifaces were found within or near human remains, but cannot unambiguously be considered as evidence of interpersonal violence. At the same time, in no case does the burial context rule out violence or clearly suggest that the implements were grave
113 offerings. Projectile points were associated only with adults, and more frequently with males than females, although five points (31%) were associated with adults of indeterminate sex. Individuals found with projectile points and no other chipped stone included seven adult males, three adult females, and four adults of indeterminate sex. One adult male (Burial 81) had two associated non-traumatic points.
2. Other chipped stone. Chipped stone tools found with burials at SCL-38 included 24 cores, 4 assayed cobbles, 12 utilized flakes, and 5 modified flakes. A hammerstone is used to break flaked tools off of a stone core. Cores which are no longer useful are assayed cobbles (Hylkema and Leventhal 2007). Utilized flakes are the primary stone tools generated while knapping and possess one or more sharp edges, useful for cutting, shaving, whittling, or scraping. Modified flakes have been retouched to produce specialized edges or contours (Hylkema and Leventhal 2007:332). Additional discussion of chipped stone functions and reconciliation with Bellifemine (1997) are presented in Chapter V.
Chipped stone tools were primarily found in association with adults, and males were slightly more likely than females to be interred with these items, although
Bellifemine found no statistical correlation between chipped stone tools and either age or sex (Bellifemine 1997:129). Three subadults were associated with chipped stone tools, including an infant (B155) and an adolescent (B75), each buried with a utilized flake, and a young child (B177) buried with an assayed cobble (Bellifemine 1997:127).
Technomic Groundstone Artifacts. Ground stone tools are those shaped by pecking or grinding to create a smooth, sculpted surface. A more thorough analysis of
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SCL-38 groundstone is presented in Chapter V, as artifactual evidence of subsistence
(also see Bellifemine 1997; Buonasera 2012).
1. Mortars. Mortars are concave ground stone forms used as receptacles for grinding, crushing, or pounding of foods (e.g., acorns, nuts, grass seeds, or small mammals) or other materials (e.g., pigments, minerals, or medicines) (Mikkelsen 1985).
Twenty-two mortars were recovered at SCL-38, associated with 21 graves (for reconciliation with Bellifemine (1997) and details of non-burial-associated mortars, please see discussion of mortars in Chapter V). Mortars at SCL-38 were predominately made of greywacke sandstone, but materials also included softer sandstone (the small mortar found with B21) and red andesite (the large show mortar found with B240).
Mortar types used in identification follow the classification system of Buonasera (2012), with the quantity of burial-associated mortars from SCL-38 noted after the definitions:
A. Small cobble mortars which can be held in one hand (n = 1).
B. Dished mortars with a gently sloping concavity (consistent with
“hopper” forms, but avoiding the specific use-associations of that term) (n = 7).
C. Conical mortars with concavities which are cone-shaped or parabolic
(n = 3).
D. Bowl mortars with concavities which are U-shaped (n = 3, see Figure
17).
E. Flower-pot mortars, which are formally shaped both inside and out, with
straight sides or a slight-waist, a formal rim with a beveled interior, straight interior
walls, and a flat or parabolic well base (n = 5, see Figure 18).
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FIGURE 17. Bowl mortar associated with B45 and pestle from B28, CA-SCL-38. (Photo by author)
FIGURE 18. Show mortar with shell appliqué on rim, associated with B240, CA-SCL-38. (Photo by author)
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F. Other mortars which do not fit in the previous categories (n = 1,
unfinished).
The frequency of mortar association with adult males and females is essentially the same, and a mortar was associated with one subadult (B137, age three to four years).
Additionally, one mortar placed over the remains of an adult female (B120) held the bones of an infant (B119). Flower-pot mortars may be symbols of status, and were associated with two adult males (B13 and B240), one adult female (B72), one child of three to four years (B137), and an individual of indeterminate age and sex (B40). The small cobble mortar may have been a ritual object, and was associated with an adult of indeterminate sex (B21).
2. Pestles. Pestles are elongated groundstone forms, round or ovate in cross- section, used in conjunction with mortars to grind or pound materials. At SCL-38, 41 pestles and pestle fragments were associated with 28 human burials. All of these were made from greywacke sandstone. (Again, please see Chapter V for reconciliation of pestle quantity and further detail about form and function). Of the burial-associated pestles which could be measured, thirteen were of “medium length,” between 11 and 35 centimeters, and 24 were “long,” measuring as much as 64 centimeters. Medium length pestles were likely used to grind or pound foods in mortars, although one found with a child (artifact B178-10) had pigment residue on one end (Bellifemine 1997:142). Long pestles are more likely to have been associated with preparing large quantities of foods for feasts, or may have served symbolic purposes as mortuary goods (see Figure 17 for an example). Pestles were more frequently found with adults than subadults, including both males and females, and there was no clear correlation between pestle length and sex.
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3. Manos. Manos or handstones are rounded cobbles, shaped to fit comfortably in the hand, used for grinding foods or other materials. Three burial-associated manos were found at SCL-38, all made from greywacke sandstone beach cobbles. All were associated with adults, including two females and one adult of indeterminate sex.
4. Abraders. Abraders are unmodified sandstone cobbles, used for crushing or grinding. Of the two abraders found with burials, one is a small sandstone pebble (with
B21, an adult of indeterminate sex) and the other was a rhyolite cobble (with B121, an adult male) (Bellifemine 1997:148).
Sociotechnic Artifacts. The artifact types classified here as sociotechnic are those which seem to be unambiguously associated with social identity, social status, or wealth, including beads made of shell or stone and pendants made of shell or bone. These classifications are based on both ethnohistoric accounts and the consensus of archaeologists who have worked in this region (e.g., Bellifemine 1997; Cartier et al.
1993; Hylkema 2007; Leventhal 1993). Because these objects served symbolic functions, their forms may have been heavily influenced by cultural trends and agents of power.
Additionally, most of the materials and the beads and pendants themselves were imported
(Eerkens 2009), and so are subject to fluctuations in trade networks and the preferences of distant polities. Consequently, bead and pendant forms appear to have changed over time, and are used as a proxy for dating in California archaeology (this will be explored later in Chapter III). The presence of each sociotechnic artifact type is noted in Table 16.
The variation in quantity of beads and pendants found with individuals is introduced in
Table 17 and will be discussed further in Chapter IV.
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TABLE 16. Presence of Burial-Associated Sociotechnic Artifacts at CA-SCL-38
Burial-Associated Total All Unique Males Females Indet. Subadults Unknown SociotechnicA Adults Individuals (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Artifacts (%) (%)
n 99 63 42 204 43 1 248
Beads Shell (Olivella) 45 (45) 23 (37) 14 (35) 82 (41) 10 (22) 1 (100) 93 (38) Stone beads 2 (2) -- 1 (2) 3 (1) -- -- 3 (1) Any beadsB 45 (45) 23 (37) 14 (35) 82 (41) 10 (22) 1 (100) 93 (38)
Pendants or Ornaments Abalone (Haliotis) 29 (29) 14 (22) 9 (23) 52 (26) 5 (11) 1 (100) 58 (23) Mussel or clam shellC 3 (3) -- -- 3 (1) -- -- 3 (1) Bone pendants -- 2 (3) 1 (3) 3 (1) -- -- 3 (1) Any Pendants or 30 (30) 14 (22) 10 (25) 54 (27 5 (11) 1 (100) 60 (24) OrnamentsD
No sociotechnic artifacts 47 (47) 33 (52) 22 (55) 102 (50) 35 (78) -- 137 (55) ADefinition of sociotechnic from Binford 1962. BAny Bead category includes all individuals with Olivella shell beads or stone beads. All individuals with associated stone beads at CA-SCL-38 also have Olivella shell beads. CPendants are described as clam shell in the Artifact Catalog and Bellifemine (1997), but the example viewed by the author was a freshwater pearl mussel (Margaritafera margaritafera), see Figure 21. DAny Pendants or Ornaments category includes all individuals with Haliotis, clam shell or bone ornaments or pendants.
At SCL-38, 38 percent of individuals were buried with beads, and 23 percent with pendants or other ornaments. Slightly more than half of all individuals (55%) were buried with no beads or ornaments whatsoever. The presence of both beads and ornaments is more common in adult burials (40% and 26% respectively), but was also noted with subadults (23% and 12% respectively).
1. Shell and stone beads. Bead types were classified by Bellifemine (1997:70-
74), following Bennyhoff and Hughes (1987) with minor practical modifications (see
Figure 19). Four classes of Olivella shell beads were identified, including spire-lopped
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TABLE 17. Burial-Associated Shell Beads by Bead Quantity at CA-SCL-38
Burial-Associated Total All Males Females Indet. Subadults Unknown Unique SociotechnicA Adults (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Individual Artifacts (%) s (%)
n 99 63 42 204 43 1 248
# Shell Beads None 54 (55) 40 (63) 27 (64) 121 (59) 34 (79) -- 155 (63) 1-10 10 (10) 12 (19) 7 (17) 29 (14) 4 (9) 1 (100) 34 (14) 11-50 3 (3) 1 (2) 2 (5) 6 (3) 1 (2) -- 7 (3) 51-100 3 (3) 1 (2) 3 (7) 7 (3) 1 (2) -- 8 (3) 101-500 11 (11) 7 (11) 3 (7) 21 (10) 3 (7) -- 24 (10) 501-1000 9 (9) 2 (3) -- 11 (5) -- -- 11 (4) Over 1000 9 (9) -- -- 9 (4) -- -- 9 (4)
(Class A), callus or bushing (Class K), thick rectangle (Class L), and thin rectangle (Class
M).
Description and further discussion of bead types is included in the temporal analysis, later in this chapter (see also Bellifemine 1997). Details of bead association quantities by individual are presented in Appendix B, Table B.2.
Quantities of beads found with individuals varied by sex and age (see Table 17). Of the 33,081 total shell beads found at the site, more than 28,000 (67%) were associated with males. The seventeen individuals with the largest caches of shell beads were all male, and together possessed 20,602 beads (7% of total unique individuals with 62% of all beads found at the site). Ten subadults (22%) were found with associated beads. Half of these subadults had less than ten beads, but a few had more than 100. Burial 41, a child about ten years of age, had 109 shell beads, but no other artifact types. Burials 137 and
178, both young children under five years of age, had larger bead lots (381 and 299,
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FIGURE 19. Olivella shell beads from CA-SCL-38. (Top left): Type A4/A5, provenience unknown. (Top right): Type K2 (Bushing) beads with B53. (Bottom left): Type L beads, provenience unknown. (Bottom right): Type M1 and M2 beads with B166. (Photos by author)
respectively), and also several other associated artifact types. The disparity in bead lots by sex suggests differential access to wealth. Caches of beads and other artifacts with subadults suggest that wealth may have been inherited. See Chapters IV and IX for additional discussion.
Three individuals were recovered with small stone beads (Burials 53, 65, and 117, see Figure 20). All of these individuals were adults, also possessing Olivella shell beads and Haliotis pendants. The stone beads found with Burials 53 and 117 (the two males) were magnesite. The five magnesite beads found with Burial 5 had a diameter of 4.0 mm,
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FIGURE 20. Magnesite stone beads from CA-SCL-38 with B53. (Photo by author)
a thickness of 2.2 mm, and a perforation 1.7 mm across. They were strung together with type K Olivella beads and were of a similar size (Bellifemine 1997:157). Burial 117 had only one magnesite bead, but it was larger, measuring 8.1.mm across, 2.4 mm thick, and with a perforation diameter of 3.1 mm (Bellifemine 1997:158). Burial 117 is not considered a unique individual, and may be part of Burial 130 (also possessing a cache of artifacts including separately tallied shell beads). The stone bead found with Burial 65 was made of steatite, but was otherwise similar in form to the magnesite beads, and measured 5.6 mm across, 2.4 mm thick, with a perforation measuring 2.2 mm
(Bellifemine 1997:158). Stone beads of steatite and magnesite have been specifically associated with ascribed status in Central California (C. King 1978:62).
2. Pendants. Pendants made from abalone shell (Haliotis spp.) were found with
58 burials at SCL-38 (see Figure 21). Associations and classifications are based on the analysis of Bellifemine (1997:183), with types based on Gifford (1947). Seven shapes of
Haliotis pendants were identified, including rectangular (S or Z type), circular (type K), semi-circular (type AB), trapezoidal (Q and AA types) banjo (type N), crescent (type
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FIGURE 21. Haliotis and Margaritafera shell pendants from CA-SCL-38. (Top left): Rectangular, incised Haliotis pendants with B84. (Top right): Round, incised Haliotis pendants with B171. (Middle left): Trapezoidal Haliotis pendant with B86. (Middle right): Crescent Haliotis pendants with B230. (Bottom left): Banjo Haliotis pendants with B64 and B164. (Bottom right): Margaritafera pendant with B168. (Photos by author)
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AP), and triangular (type U) forms. Each will be discussed briefly below (see Bellifemine
1997 for additional detail). A record of Haliotis pendant associations by burial is presented in Appendix B, including reconciliation with previous publications.
The most common shape of Haliotis pendants found at SCL-38 was rectangular
(Gifford S or Z type, n = 345), and these were associated with 76 percent of the burials with Haliotis pendants (44 burials). Rectangular pendants measured between 1.5 and 6.5 cm long and 0.3 to 4.5 cm wide. Two-thirds of the rectangular pendants included incising around the edges. Most had a single perforation near a narrow edge, but some were perforated at both narrow edges. One had two perforations at the same end (artifact 95-9).
Three adult males had more than 25 rectangular pendants each (Burials 53, 58, and 71), and another adult male (Burial 84) had 83 pendants of this type. Interestingly, three of these four males were young adults, in their late teens; the fourth (Burial 53) was in his thirties.
Circular pendants were the next most common form (Gifford type K, n = 100), and were associated with 11 burials (19%). These pendants were typically incised around the edges (87% of circular pendants), and had diameters ranging from 2.5 to 8.0 centimeters.
One or two perforations were located near the edges of each, either near each other or on opposing sides. Large caches of circular pendants (more than thirty) were found with
Burial 171, an adult male in his thirties, and Burial 175, an adult male in his twenties.
Ninety-three trapezoidal pendants (Gifford types Q and AA) were associated with 8 burials (14%), including seven adult males and one infant (Burial 156). Again, most trapezoidal pendants have incised edges and one or two perforations. Size and shape of these pendants varied.
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Banjo pendants (Gifford type N) were next most common, with twenty examples at
SCL-38. This style is also called effigy or Kuksu pendants, based on the shape which resembles a large head and narrow body. The significance of these pendants will be discussed further in Chapter IV. The banjo pendants were found only in association with adults, including five males (Burials 51, 64, 71, 164, and 219), one female (Burial 189), and 1 adult of indeterminate sex (Burial 65). Age of these individuals ranged from young adults to elders.
Three shapes of Haliotis pendants were rarely found in the assemblage. One triangular pendant (Gifford type U) was included in each of four burials (3, 13, 73, and
125), including two adult males, an elder female, and a child, age eight to ten years. All triangular pendants have plain edges and a single perforation on the edge opposite the point. Seven crescent shaped pendants (Gifford AP type) were recovered with four adult burials, including two females (Burials 63 and 230), one male (Burial 132) and an adult of indeterminate sex (Burial 21). Perforation of crescent pendants varied in that three have a single perforation at one end, two are not perforated, and one has two perforations in the center. Finally, a single example of a semi-circular pendant (Gifford type AB) was found with an adult male (Burial 87). It was incised and perforated once near the middle of the straight edge.
In addition to Haliotis pendants, shell pendants were sometimes crafted from clam or mussel shell. These are described in the Artifact Catalog and in Bellifemine
(1997:193) as clam shell pendants; however the example photographed by this author was a freshwater pearl mussel shell (Margaritafera margaritafera, see Figure 21). It is not clear whether multiple species were represented or if all were actually mussel shell
125 pendants. Regardless, twenty of these items were found in association with the burials of three adult males (Burials 163, 168, and 224). All were singly perforated at one end and polished but otherwise unmodified. The 18 mussel and/or clam pendants found with
B168 were arranged near his feet.
The last type of pendant identified at the Yukisma Mound site was made of polished elk bone (see Figure 22). Sixteen elk rib pendants were found in association
FIGURE 22. Elk bone pendants from CA-SCL-38. (Left): Two pendants from B63. (Right): Pendant from B230. (Photos by author)
with two adult females, Burial 63 with nine pendants and Burial 230 with six pendants.
Additionally one pendant was found with Burial 185, and adult of indeterminate sex.
These pendants measure between 20 and 35 centimeters long and are biconically drilled or grooved at one end. Those associated with Burial 230 are darker in color, and may have been treated with heat.
Ideotechnic Artifacts. The artifact types classified here as ideotechnic are those which are associated with ritual or symbolic functions, including bird bone tubes or whistles, stone pipes, stone spoons, charmstones, “magic” stones, cinnabar (also called
126 ochre), stingray points, antler, or faunal teeth or claws. Each of these will be briefly described below. Ideotechnic artifacts were relatively rare in the SCL-38 assemblage, found with only 18 percent of burials (see Table 18). Individuals found with these artifact types included 23 adult males, 9 adult females, 6 adults of indeterminate sex and 3 subadults. All adult age categories were represented for both males and females but 22 percent of the males were elders over 40 years of age (n = 5 of 23), whereas twice the percentage of females with these objects were elders (n = 4 of 9, 44%).
TABLE 18. Presence of Burial-Associated Ideotechnic Artifacts at CA-SCL-38
Burial-Associated Total All Unique Males Females Indet. Subadults Unknown Ideotechnic A Adults Individuals (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) Artifacts (%) (%) n 99 63 42 204 43 1 248
Bone Artifacts Bird bone tubes 13 (13) 6 (10) 3 (8) 22 (11) 1 (2) -- 23 (9) or whistles
Stone Artifacts Stone pipes 5 (5) -- 1 (3) 6 (3) -- -- 6 (2) Stone spoons -- 1 (2) -- 1 (< 1) -- -- 1 (< 1) Charmstones 9 (9) 1 (2) 2 (5) 12 (6) 1 (2) -- 13 (5)
“Magic” stones 2 (2) -- 1 (3) 3 (1) -- -- 3 (1)
Minerals Cinnabar 3 (3) 1 (2) -- 4 (2) 2 (4) -- 6 (2) (“ochre”) Faunal Remains Stingray points -- -- 1 (3) 1 (< 1) -- -- 1 (< 1) Antler 1 (1) 2 (3) -- 3 (1) 1 (2) -- 4 (2) Faunal teeth or 3 (3) 2 (3) -- 5 (2) -- -- 5 (2) claws No ideotechnic 73 (74) 54 (86) 36 (86) 163 (80) 40 (93) 1 (100) 204 (82) artifacts ADefinition of ideotechnic from Binford 1962.
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1. Ideotechnic bone artifacts. Ideotechnic bone artifacts include bird bone tubes and whistles. Bird bone tubes were found with eight adults, including three males
(Burials 42, 49, and 52), three females (Burials 63, 93, and 103, and two teenagers of indeterminate sex, one an adolescent (Burial 75), the other a young adult (Burial 134).
The tube found with Burial 52 was incised with a crosshatched triangle design and had asphaltum residue at one end (see Figure 23). This type of tube is likely to have been an
FIGURE 23. Bird bone tubes and whistles from CA-SCL-38. (Top): Incised bird bone tube in 2 pieces, found with B52. (Left): Bird bone whistles found with B97. (Right): Bird bone whistles found with B182. (Photos by author)
ear or nose ornament with decorative feathers or beads attached at the end (Bennyhoff
1953:271). All other bird bone tubes were undecorated, and may have been blanks for
128 whistles (Bellifemine 1997:168), unadorned ear or nose tubes (Bennyhoff 1953:271), sucking tubes used by shamans in healing ceremonies (Bates 1992:99), or storage tubes for cinnabar or other precious substances (Stimpson 2007:173). These undecorated tubes were made from the tibiae, ulnae, or radii of cranes (Grus sp.), swans (Cygnus sp.) or geese (Chen sp.) (Bellifemine 1997:168).
Approximately 150 bird bone whistles were found with 17 burials. Individuals with whistles included ten adult males (Burials 33, 62, 94, 97, 105, 162, 164, 166, 182, and
224), four adult females (Burials 63, 37, 90, and 93), and three adults of indeterminate sex (Burials 100, 134, and 225). Adults in all age groups were represented, but no subadults were found with bird bone whistles. Whistles from SCL-38 are typical of those found in Central California; they had a single hole placed about one third the length from the proximal end or in the middle of the shaft and measured between 8 and 23 centimeters long (Bellifemine 1997:171). Also most retained the usual asphaltum stops at the distal end and plugs near the orifice (Bellifemine 1997:172; Bennyhoff
1953:271). All were made from ulnae of birds. Of the 88 whistles where species could be identified, the majority were swan (Cygnus sp., 61%), but crane (Grus sp., 22%), pelican
(Pelicanus sp., 11%), and great blue heron (Ardea herodius, 5%) were also present.
Most bone whistles were unadorned, but eleven had evidence of decoration. Four whistles found with Burial 90 and two found with Burial 105 were decorated with shell beads, affixed with asphaltum. Asphaltum is also present on one whistle from Burial 93, two from Burial 164 and two from Burial 166; the latter two sets also retained impressions of cordage in the asphaltum (Bellifemine 1997:172). Bird bone whistles are
129 most commonly associated with music and dance accompaniment, but were also a part of healing ceremonies in many parts of California (Bennyhoff 1953:271).
2. Ideotechnic stone artifacts. Stone artifacts used for ritual purposes fall into two main categories: stone that has been ground and polished into a new form for specific use (e.g., pipes, spoons, and charmstones) and exotic stone that is unmodified (e.g., crystals or other “magic” stones). With the exception of one charmstone tip found with
Burial 178, a child between two and four years of age, ideotechnic stone artifacts were found only with adults. Males were far more likely to possess artifacts in this category (n
= 14, 70% of individuals with ideotechnic stone), however two adult females, Burial 63 in her thirties and Burial 93, an elder, also possessed stone ritual objects. Four adults of indeterminate sex are also included in this group.
a. Stone pipes. Seven stone pipes were found with seven individuals,
including five adult males (Burials 33, 82, 97, 167, and 170), one adult female
(Burial 93) and one adult of indeterminate sex (Burial 19). The objects were made
of either sandstone (with Burials 33 and 170) or serpentinite (all others, see Figure
24). They were tubular in form and drilled from both ends with lengths between 6.5
and 27 centimeters. Five of the pipes had flanged necks; exceptions were the pipe
with Burial 167, which had a contracting neck, and that with Burial 93, which had a
barrel shape. Those with Burials 19, 33, and 167 were “killed” (broken) as part of
the mortuary process; the others were found intact (Bellifemine 1997:156-157).
Stone pipes of this sort have been observed at many other nearby contemporaneous
sites (e.g., CA-ALA-329, CA-SCL-674, and CA-SCL-690), are thought to have
been used for smoking wild tobacco (Hylkema and Fitzgerald 2007; Leventhal
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FIGURE 24. Ideotechnic stone artifacts: stone pipes made of serpentinite, found with burials 53 and 97. (Photo by author)
1993; Walsh 2007). Tobacco use is ethnohistorically described as a community
event (e.g., Hylkema and Fitzgerald 2007) and also as a shamanic practice
(Harrington 1942; Hylkema and Fitzgerald 2007).
b. Stone spoon. One stone spoon was recorded at SCL-38, found with an
adult female (Burial 63). This object is not available for examination nor is it
described in available sources (e.g., the artifact catalog or Bellifemine 1997).
Additionally, to this author’s knowledge, stone spoons have not been
described at other nearby sites. A spoon carved from stone would have been an
unusual object, requiring substantial time investment to create, and is therefore most
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likely to have been crafted for special use purposes. Additionally, this individual
was interred with other ideotechnic objects, including bone tubes, a bone whistle,
and an eagle claw, further suggesting she held a spiritual role in the community.
c. Charmstones. Thirty-eight charmstones from SCL-38 were associated
with 13 human burials, 1 was associated with a faunal burial (B2, an elk), and 5
were isolates (see Figure 25). Charmstones were found with nine adult males
FIGURE 25. Charmstones from CA-SCL-38. Found with burials 91, 97, 148, 130, 134, 160, and 175 (left to right). (Photos by author)
(Burials 13, 71, 73, 97, 130, 140, 148, 160, and 175), one elder female (Burial
93), two young adults of indeterminate sex (Burials 91 and 134), and one young
child (Burial 178). All of these ground stone objects were crafted from
Greywacke sandstone except the charmstone found with Burial 140, which was
made of blueschist (Alan Leventhal, personal communication, January 16, 2013).
All were elongate forms with tapered ends and bulbous centers (see Figure
25). None were perforated. Bellifemine (1997) identified 11 specimens of the
“squat” form (Type IIB1a, Davis and Treganza 1959), including the blueschist
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charmstone. Thirty-one charmstones and fragments were identified as “piled
plummets” (no type identified). This group includes an isolate which had a unique
bi-lobed body (artifact 44-4). Finally, two specimens were identified as “piled”
(Type IIB1b, Davis and Treganza 1959).
The significance of charmstones is not clear, and has been the subject of
considerable debate. It has been proposed that these finely crafted stones were used
as sling stones, as personal ornaments, as levels, as game pieces, as weights for
weaving, as sinkers for fishing tackle, and as sacred implements (Elsasser and
Rhode 1996, Foster 1887, Henderson 1872, Yates 1889). Ethnographic sources
suggest that these objects held power which could be harnessed to control weather,
influence hunting or fishing outcomes, and heal the sick (Sharp 2000). In Northern
California, they were also reported to “control social phenomena such as love,
gambling, and war” (Sharp 2000:235). An extensive survey of ethnographic
literature by John Sharp (2000) overwhelmingly associated these objects with
shamanism.
d. Magic stones. “Magic” stones were found with three individuals at SCL-
38, two adult males with one stone each (Burials 175 and 188) and one adult of
indeterminate sex with a magic stone broken into two pieces (Burial 21). The stone
with Burial 175 is identified as an agate in the artifact catalog. The stone with
Burial 188 identified in the catalog as scoria, a dark igneous rock with large air
bubbles. The stone fragments with Burial 21 are green schist (Bellifemine
1997:137). These exotic rocks may have been power objects, used in shamanic
practice (Bean 1992).
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Cinnabar. Nuggets of cinnabar (a red pigment, also called ochre in the
archaeological record) were associated with the burials of three adult males (Burials
61, 73, and 132), one elder female (Burial 93), and two subadults (Burial 135, a
child between eight and ten years old, and Burial 178, a child between two and four
years old). Of these, Burials 61, 93, and 135 had a single nugget of cinnabar, Burial
73 had three nuggets, and Burial 132 had a large cache of 48 nuggets. The cinnabar
associated with the young subadult was residue on a pestle. Cinnabar residue was
also found on the distal end of a small pestle buried with the remains of an elk
(Burial 2).
Cinnabar was an extremely important ceremonial element in Central
California, commonly found in burials in the Early Period (Gerow with Force
1968:109) and persisting at least through the nineteenth century (Hall 1871:44).
This pigment was likely sourced from the New Almaden mine (Heizer and
Treganza 1972), located about 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) south of the Yukisma
Mound site.
3. Faunal remains (ideotechnic). A few distinctive faunal elements were found with burials, and are likely to have had symbolic significance. At SCL-38, these items include stingray points, elk or deer antlers, faunal teeth, and claws from mammals or birds. Antlers, claws and teeth of mammals and bird of prey are likely to be totemic symbols, especially when not associated with other bones of these animals that might suggest alimentary use. Elements of esteemed animals may have been retained by individuals as a form of contagious magic, with the hope that the essence of the animal or associated spirit would be imparted to the person who wore them. Alternatively, they
134 could have been symbols of identity, associated with moieties or lineages (and therefore should be sociotechnic instead). Each type of symbolic faunal artifact will be discussed individually.
At SCL-38, one individual was buried with seven stingray points (Burial 21, and adult of indeterminate sex and age). Stingray points are not well documented in Central
California, but are strongly associated with ritual practice in Mesoamerica, where they were used by the Maya as lancets for bloodletting (Schele and Miller 1986:175). This individual was also buried with the small cobble mortar and a “magic” stone, supporting the interpretation of the stingray points as ritual items.
Four burials were associated with antlers. Burial 33, an adult male, and 217, a subadult between five and six years of age, each had an antler or antler fragment in their burial assemblage. Burial 101, an elder female, had a full antler rack buried above her.
Burial 99, an adult female, was interred immediately above the antler feature. In the case of Burials 33 and 217, these antlers may have been possessions or grave offerings. For the two females, the antler feature was clearly an offering. Deer and elk were important food resources, but the burial of the antlers alone suggests ritual significance, and may be related to moiety (clan) affiliation. This possibility will be explored further in Chapters
IV and IV.
One adult male (Burial 182) and one elder female (Burial 184) were buried with animal teeth (n = 4 with B182, n = 2 with B184). The teeth are not otherwise described in the artifact catalog or burial record. One adult male (Burial 80) had four animal claws with him. No further description of these items is available either. Two individuals, an adult male (Burial 224) and an adult female (Burial 63) were buried with one eagle talon
135 each. These individuals all had other grave goods, but only the two individuals with eagle talons both had other ideotechnic artifacts (bird bone whistles and a stone spoon, respectively). The male with animal claws had no other ideotechnic items, but did have a large cache of shell beads (n = 427, bead class 3). The two individuals with animal teeth had different associations; the male had bird bone whistles (ideotechnic) and a large cache of shell beads (n = 1135, bead class 4) as well as a bone tool; the only other items with the female were two shell beads. The mixed associations complicate the interpretation of this group of artifacts.
Artifact Presence Summary. The division of burial associations into unworked organic materials, technomic artifacts, sociotechnic artifacts, and ideotechnic artifacts is based upon this author’s interpretation of the probable significance of these items. This interpretation will be used in Chapter IV to determine possible indicators of social roles, which will then be used as a basis for dietary comparison in Chapters VII and IX. Both the quantity and diversity of burial associated artifacts, as well as the presence of some specific artifact types, may contribute to the interpretation of social roles. The intention of this section is delineate which artifact types are present and provide some general context for their interpretation as possible markers of social identity. For a more detailed exploration of artifact types found at SCL-38, the reader is again directed to the analysis of Bellifemine (1997). Additional detail regarding ground stone artifacts from this and other Bay Area sites can be found in Buonasera (2012).
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Dating the Site
Several sources will be considered when estimating the temporal context of the Yukisma Mound site. Radiocarbon dates are available from earlier studies and new ones were run in 2010 and 2012 to support this research. Obsidian hydration estimates were produced in 1995 by Glen Wilson. Finally, Olivella bead types and Haliotis pendant styles with temporal significance will be considered. These sources are listed here in descending order of dating precision. Burials with direct temporal context are included as well as those associated with dated burials (e.g., from double or multiple interments).
Radiocarbon (14C) Dating
Prior to the current study, 27 radiocarbon dates were available for CA-SCL-
38. The first was a single radiocarbon date obtained in 1988 by Robert Cartier, in support of archaeological research commissioned by the County of Santa Clara (Cartier 1988c).
The sample submitted was 227 grams of mixed Cerithidea shell, obtained from Unit #2 at a depth of 10 to 20 centimeters. A comparison of maps suggests that Unit #2 from the
1987 survey was approximately 75 meters north of the 1993-1994 excavation. This date was processed by Beta Analytic (BETA-24408). Unfortunately, the result is problematic.
Although the uncorrected date is 500 years before present (± 60 years), shell dates are subject to correction for the marine reservoir effect, which causes marine-based foods
(and those who consume them) to date several hundred years older than they really are
(see Appendix C for a discussion of the marine reservoir effect). When corrected, this date is actually too recent to be calibrated.
Twenty-four additional 14C dates were processed in 1996 at the Washington
State University (WSU) Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory, submitted by Alan Leventhal of
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San Jose State University (SJSU) on behalf of Ohlone Families Consulting Services
(OFCS). Three samples were associated with non-burial features, one with a faunal burial
(B22) and twenty with human burials. The material used for dating this group was primarily charcoal, although a bone sample was submitted for the faunal burial (B22).
Results of the 1996 radiocarbon dates run at WSU were published as uncorrected dates in
Bellifemine (1997:209) and as corrected dates in Hylkema (2007:401), with the exception of the result for B50, which was not published in either, and the results for B4 and B166, which were excluded from Hylkema because contamination was suspected. The result for
B4 was far too recent, suggesting a modern time period; the date for B166 was 4230 ±
200 uncorrected years BP, far older than the others obtained for this site. Both B4 and
B166 were tested again in the new batch of radiocarbon dates run in 2010, reported below.
Additionally, two shell beads from SCL-38 were included in Randy Groza’s
(2002) recalibration of California chronology using Olivella shell bead forms. These dates were both processed in 2001 at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory
(LLNL) in the Center for Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (CAMS). In both cases, the beads came from burials which have been radiocarbon dated through other means (one in the 1996 WSU batch, the other in the 2010 LLNL CAMS batch).
In support of the present study, fourteen new radiocarbon dates were processed at the LLNL CAMS laboratory. The sample material for these dates was human bone collagen, already purified for the stable isotope analysis portion of the research project. All samples were prepared for radiocarbon dating by the author in the
LLNL CAMS laboratory in 2010. A linear mixing model with regionally specific end
138 points was used to calculate percent marine. Calibration was accomplished using the
CALIB 6.1.1 program, following the guidelines of Stuvier and Reimer (1993). Details are presented in Appendix C.
One additional date was obtained in 2012 in support of Tammy Buonasera’s dissertation research (Buonasera 2012). A bone collagen sample from the present stable isotope study (B45) was provided as source material. This date was processed at the
University of Arizona AMS facility.
All radiocarbon dates are presented below in order of burial number (Table
19) and then sequenced by date (Table 20). Radiocarbon dates which yielded modern results are excluded from the date sequenced table, as they were likely contaminated.
Where more than one date is available for a burial, AMS dates are privileged because this newer technology is more likely to produce an accurate result (see Appendix C for a discussion of radiocarbon dating history and methods).
Obsidian Hydration
The excavations at CA-SCL-38 yielded 27 obsidian samples associated with burials, all of which were measured for hydration bandwidths by Glen Wilson in 1995.
Sources were confirmed in 1996 by Craig Skinner of the Northwest Research Obsidian
Studies Laboratory in Corvalis, Oregon, using X-ray fluorescence (XRF). All obsidian found at the Yukisma Mound came from the Napa Valley source, with the exception of the sample from burial 73, which came from Annadel in Sonoma County (Bellifemine
1997:212). Results of the testing are presented by sample ID in Table 21 and grouped by temporal period in Table 22.
TABLE 19. Radiocarbon Dates for CA-SCL-38 Listed by Burial or Feature Number
Sample ID CalibratedF Test 14C Age C CorrectedD CalibratedE Date Isotope (Burial or Test LabA MaterialB midpoint Year (BP) Date (BP) Date (BC/AD) SourceG Study Feature #) (BC/AD)
4 WSU 1996 CH 108 ± 1.39 -- -- 1842 LBH X LLNLH 2010 HBC 365 ± 25 365 ± 51 AD 1510-1602 1569 KG X 5 LLNL 2010 HBC Modern -- -- 1900 KG X 8 LLNL 2010 HBC 405 ± 25 405 ± 53 AD 1620-1672 1646 KG X 13 WSU 1996 CH 450 ± 50 465 ± 50 AD 1331-1458 1433 LBH X 21 WSU 1996 CH 860 ± 150 860 ± 150 AD 783-1394 1179 LBH X 22 I WSU 1996 FBC 680 ± 70 890 ± 70 AD 1000-1280 1158 LBH X 35 LLNL 2010 HBC 910 ± 25 910 ± 53 AD 1214-1280 1250 KG X 40 WSU 1996 CH 470 ± 200 485 ± 225 AD 1041-1950 1427 LBH 45 UA-AMS 2012 HBC 769 ± 43 -- AD 1181-1291 1249 TB X 50 WSU 1996 CH 410 ± 240 410 ± 480 AD 1209-1954 1544 AL X 51 WSU 1996 CH 440 ± 160 455 ± 160 AD 1260-1950 1436 LBH X SHB LLNL 2001 1225 ± 40 1225 ± 30 J AD 1306-1398 1385 KG X (M2a) 63 WSU 1996 CH 1160 ± 150 1175 ± 150 AD 579-1187 787 LBH X 64 WSU 1996 CH 440 ± 230 455 ± 230 AD 1045-1950 1436 LBH X 84 LLNL 2010 HBC 830 ± 30 830 ± 66 AD 1291-1401 1350 KG X 90 LLNL 2010 HBC 690 ± 25 690 ± 51 AD 1296-1399 1351 KG X
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TABLE 19 (Continued)
Sample ID CalibratedF Test 14C Age C CorrectedD CalibratedE Date Isotope (Burial or Test LabA MaterialB midpoint Year (BP) Date (BP) Date (BC/AD) SourceG Study Feature #) (BC/AD)
91 WSU 1996 CH 690 ± 220 705 ± 220 AD 890-1650 1280 LBH X 93 WSU 1996 CH 620 ± 60 635 ± 60 AD 1260-1420 1372 LBH 97 LLNL 2010 HBC 815 ± 25 815 ± 54 AD 1275-1323 1306 KG X 107 WSU 1996 CH 735 ± 85 750 ± 85 AD 1042-1393 1268 LBH X 117 WSU 1996 CH 1540 ± 180 1555 ± 180 AD 70-860 473 LBH X 120 LLNL 2010 HBC 670 ± 25 670 ± 52 AD 1308-1366 1353 KG X 132 LLNL 2010 HBC 790 ± 25 790 ± 51 AD 1263-1307 1286 KG X 144 WSU 1996 CH 230 ± 50 245 ± 50 AD 1512-1950 1652 LBH X 166 WSU 1996 CH 4230 ± 200 2280 BC LBH X LLNL 2001 SHB (M1a) 1390 ± 25 1390 ± 25 J AD 1215-1288 1256 RG X LLNL 2010 HBC 840 ± 35 840 ± 75 AD 1286-1401 1348 KG X 167 WSU 1996 CH 1130 ± 170 1145 ± 170 AD 560-1255 891 LBH X 171 WSU 1996 CH 340 ± 300 355 ± 30 AD 1442-1641 1492 LBH X 178 WSU 1996 CH 880 ± 280 895 ± 280 AD 601-1620 1157 LBH 179 WSU 1996 CH 1710 ± 200 1725 ± 200 172 BC-AD 670 293 LBH X 182 LLNL 2010 HBC 805 ± 25 805 ± 53 AD 1277-1325 1312 KG X 209 LLNL 2010 HBC 370 ± 40 370 ± 81 AD 1611-1686 1650 KG X 210 LLNL 2010 HBC 295 ± 35 295 ± 70 AD 1628-1687 1669 KG X
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TABLE 19 (Continued)
Sample ID CalibratedF Test 14C Age C CorrectedD CalibratedE Date Isotope (Burial or Test LabA MaterialB midpoint Year (BP) Date (BP) Date (BC/AD) SourceG Study Feature #) (BC/AD)
227 LLNL 2010 HBC 520 ± 25 520 ± 51 AD 1420-1472 1444 KG X 230 WSU 1996 CH 1210 ± 120 1225 120 AD 600-1021 794 LBH X 240 WSU 1996 CH 1790 ± 180 2205 ± 170 790 BC-AD 130 218 BC LBH 814-1K WSU 1996 CH 1250 ± 130 1265 130 AD 540-1018 725 LBH X 814-2K WSU 1996 CH 830 ± 70 845 ± 70 AD 1020-1280 1210 LBH X 850 K WSU 1996 CH 1790 ± 180 1805 ± 180 346 BC-AD 637 190 LBH X ATest laboratories: LLNL = Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory Center for Accelerator Mass Spectrometry; WSU = Washington State University, Department of Geology, Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory; UA-AMS = University of Arizona AMS Laboratory; BA = Beta Analytic, Inc. BMaterial: CH = charcoal; FBC = faunal bone collagen; HBC = human bone collagen; SH = shell; SHB = shell bead (with bead type in parentheses). C14C Age: Radiocarbon age is the uncalibrated result reported from the laboratory in years before present (BP). Following convention, present is 1950 AD. DCorrected Date: produced by the calibration program, the corrected date is reported in years before present (BP). All ranges are 2-sigma except for dates from Groza 2002, reported in 1-sigma. For previously published dates, reported values are as published. The WSU date for B50 and the Beta-Analytic date for Unit 2 were not previously calibrated. Calibration for all dates not previously calibrated, including new dates, was done by KG using CALIB 6.1.1. See Appendix C for details. ECalibrated Date: produced by the calibration program, the calibrated date is reported in years BC/AD. All ranges are 2-sigma except for dates from Groza 2002, reported in 1-sigma. FCalibrated midpoints are all AD except where noted otherwise. GDate Source: AL = CA-SCL-38 site documentation curated by Alan Leventhal, San Jose State University. KG = newly reported dates in this thesis; LBH = CA-SCL-38 site documentation curated by Alan Leventhal, San Jose State University, 14C Age reported in Bellifemine (1997), calibrated dates in Hylkema (2007); RC = Cartier et al. (1988); RG = Groza (2002); TB = Buonasera (2012). HBolded dates: Where more than one date exists for a burial, the most reliable date is bolded. IB22 is a faunal burial, a grizzly bear (Ursus arctos californicus). JCorrected and calibrated dates from Groza 2002 are presented in 1-sigma ranges, following the original publication. KNon-burial-associated features or midden samples from CA-SCL-38.
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TABLE 20. Radiocarbon Dates for CA-SCL-38 Listed by Temporal Period
Calibrated Sample Uncalibrated Corrected Calibrated Isotope Period A Test LabC Test Year MaterialD midpoint H IDB 13C Age E (BP) Date F (BP) Date G (BC/AD) Study (BC/AD)
Late Period 210 LLNL 2010 HBC 295 ± 35 295 ± 70 AD 1628-1687 1669 X 2A 144 WSU 1996 CH 230 ± 50 245 ± 50 AD 1512-1950 1652 X 209 LLNL 2010 HBC 370 ± 40 370 ± 81 AD 1611-1686 1650 X 8 LLNL 2010 HBC 405 ± 25 405 ± 53 AD 1620-1672 1646 X 4 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 25 365 ± 51 AD 1510-1602 1569 X 50 WSU 1996 CH 410 ± 240 410 ± 480 AD 1209-1954 1544 X
Late Period 171 WSU 1996 CH 340 ± 300 355 ± 30 AD 1442-1641 1492 X 1C 227 LLNL 2010 HBC 520 ± 25 520 ± 51 AD 1420-1472 1444 X 51 WSU 1996 CH 440 ± 160 455 ± 160 AD 1260-1950 1436 X 64 WSU 1996 CH 440 ± 230 455 ± 230 AD 1045-1950 1436 X 13 WSU 1996 CH 450 ± 50 465 ± 50 AD 1331-1458 1433 X 40 WSU 1996 CH 470 ± 200 485 ± 225 AD 1041-1950 1427
Late Period 51 LLNL 2001 SHB (M2a) 1225 ± 40 1225 ± 30 I AD 1306-1398 1385 X 1B 93 WSU 1996 CH 620 ± 60 635 ± 60 AD 1260-1420 1372 120 LLNL 2010 HBC 670 ± 25 670 ± 52 AD 1308-1366 1353 X 90 LLNL 2010 HBC 690 ± 25 690 ± 51 AD 1296-1399 1351 X 84 LLNL 2010 HBC 830 ± 30 830 ± 66 AD 1291-1401 1350 X 142
TABLE 20 (Continued)
Calibrated Sample Uncalibrated Corrected Calibrated Isotope Period A Test LabC Test Year MaterialD midpoint H IDB 13C Age E (BP) Date F (BP) Date G (BC/AD) Study (BC/AD)
Late Period 166 LLNL 2010 HBC 840 ± 35 840 ± 75 AD 1286-1401 1348 X 1B (cont.) 182 LLNL 2010 HBC 805 ± 25 805 ± 53 AD 1277-1325 1312 X 97 LLNL 2010 HBC 815 ± 25 815 ± 54 AD 1275-1323 1306 X 132 LLNL 2010 HBC 790 ± 25 790 ± 51 AD 1263-1307 1286 X 91 WSU 1996 CH 690 ± 220 705 ± 220 AD 890-1650 1280 X 107 WSU 1996 CH 735 ± 85 750 ± 85 AD 1042-1393 1268 X
Late Period 166 LLNL 2001 SHB (M1a) 1390 ± 25 1390 ± 25 I AD 1215-1288 1256 X 1A 35 LLNL 2010 HBC 910 ± 25 910 ± 53 AD 1214-1280 1250 X
Late Period 45 UA-AMS 2012 HBC 769 ± 43 AD 1181-1291 1249 X 1A 814-2J WSU 1996 CH 830 ± 70 845 ± 70 AD 1020-1280 1210 X
MLT 21 WSU 1996 CH 860 ± 150 860 ± 150 AD 783-1394 1179 X 22 K WSU 1996 FBC 680 ± 70 890 ± 70 AD 1000-1280 1158 X 178 WSU 1996 CH 880 ± 280 895 ± 280 AD 601-1620 1157
Late Middle 167 WSU 1996 CH 1130 ± 170 1145 ± 170 AD 560-1255 891 X Period 230 WSU 1996 CH 1210 ± 120 1225 120 AD 600-1021 794 X 63 WSU 1996 CH 1160 ± 150 1175 ± 150 AD 579-1187 787 X 143
TABLE 20 (Continued)
Calibrated Sample Uncalibrated Corrected Calibrated Isotope Period A Test LabC Test Year MaterialD midpoint H IDB 13C Age E (BP) Date F (BP) Date G (BC/AD) Study (BC/AD)
Terminal Middle 814-1J WSU 1996 CH 1250 ± 130 1265 130 AD 540-1018 725 X Period
Intermediate Middle 117 WSU 1996 CH 1540 ± 180 1555 ± 180 AD 70-860 473 X Period
Early Middle 179 WSU 1996 CH 1710 ± 200 1725 ± 200 172 BC-AD 670 293 X Period 850J WSU 1996 CH 1790 ± 180 1805 ± 180 346 BC-AD 637 190 X
EMT 240 WSU 1996 CH 1790 ± 180 2205 ± 170 790 BC-AD 130 218 BC AScheme D (Groza 2002). BSample IDs listed exclude dates with modern results (likely contaminated) and those where retesting has produced a more reliable result. CTest laboratories: LLNL = Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory Center for Accelerator Mass Spectrometry; WSU = Washington State University, Department of Geology, Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory; UA-AMS = University of Arizona AMS Laboratory; BA = Beta Analytic, Inc. DMaterial: CH = charcoal; FBC = faunal bone collagen; HBC = human bone collagen; SH = shell; SHB = shell bead (with bead type in parentheses). E14C Age: Radiocarbon age is the uncalibrated result reported from the laboratory in years before present (BP). Following convention, present is 1950 AD. FCorrected Date: produced by the calibration program, the corrected date is reported in years before present (BP). All ranges are 2-sigma except for dates from Groza 2002, reported in 1-sigma. For previously published dates, reported values are as published. The WSU date for B50 and the Beta-Analytic date for Unit 2 were not previously calibrated. Calibration for all dates not previously calibrated, including new dates, was done by KG using CALIB 6.1.1. See Appendix C for details. GCalibrated Date: produced by the calibration program, the calibrated date is reported in years BC/AD. All ranges are 2-sigma except for dates from Groza 2002, reported in 1-sigma. HCalibrated midpoints are all AD except where noted otherwise. ICorrected and calibrated dates from Groza 2002 are presented in 1-sigma ranges, following the original publication. JNon-burial-associated features or midden samples from CA-SCL-38. KB22 is a faunal burial, a grizzly bear (Ursus arctos californicus). 144
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TABLE 21. Obsidian Hydration Rim Measurements by Sample ID
Hydration Obsidian Years Burial Sample # Description A Band Source BP B (microns)
1 1-1 Biface fragment Napa 1.9 532 4 4-1 Biface fragment Napa 2.3 780 10 10-1 Biface fragment Napa 2.3 780 21 21-1 Stockton serrated point Napa 2.0 590 21-21 Biface fragment Napa 2.0 590 42 42-5 Biface fragment Napa 2.2 714 58 58-4 Flake Napa 1.7 426 72 72-1 Stockton serrated point Napa 1.5 332 73 73-14 Biface fragment Annadel 1.7 426* 82 82-3 Serrated lanceolate point Napa 1.8 478 86 86-8 Stockton serrated point Napa 2.9 1240 86-9 Stockton serrated point Napa 1.9 532 92 92-6 Stockton serrated point Napa 2.1 650 100 100-4 Flake Napa 2.0 590 140 140-6 Large contracting stem point fragment Napa 1.9 532 144 144-4 Projectile point fragment, serrated Napa 2.0 590 144-10 Flake Napa 1.5 332 149 149-4 Stockton serrated point Napa 1.8 478 150 150-1 Projectile point fragment, serrated Napa 1.8 478 152 152-3 Serrated lanceolate point Napa 1.7 426 156 C 156-5 Flake Napa 1.8 478 168 C 168-9 Point, serrated Napa 2.2 714 171 171-7 Serrated lanceolate point fragment Napa 1.8 478 171-21 Flake Napa 1.9 532 218 218-1 Serrated lanceolate point Napa 1.6 377 225 225-6 Projectile point fragments (from same Napa 1.9 532 225-14 point) 2.3 780 AData compiled from original report from San Jose State University Obsidian Hydration Laboratory and Bellifemine 1997, Tables 4-17 and 4-29. BYears before present (BP) based on obsidian hydration band measurements for Napa Obsidian in the San Jose Area, per Glen Wilson, original report from San Jose State University Obsidian Hydration Laboratory, 1995. * Date for Annadel sourced sample reported based on conversion for Napa. CData for projectile points 156-5 and 168-9 were not reported in Bellifemine 1997.
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TABLE 22. Obsidian Hydration Dates for CA-SCL-38 Listed by Temporal Period
Hydration Period Obsidian Years Burial Sample # Description Band (Scheme D) Source BP A (microns)
Late Period 58 58-4 Flake Napa 1.7 426 2A 72 72-1 Stockton serrated point Napa 1.5 332 73 73-14 Biface fragment Annadel 1.7 426 144-10 Flake Napa 1.5 332 144 Projectile point fragment, 144-4 Napa 2 (590) serrated 152 152-3 Serrated lanceolate point Napa 1.7 426 218 218-1 Serrated lanceolate point Napa 1.6 377 Late Period 1 1-1 Biface fragment Napa 1.9 532 1C 86-9 Stockton serrated point Napa 1.9 532 86 86-8 Stockton serrated point Napa 2.9 (1240) 149 149-4 Stockton serrated point Napa 1.8 478 Projectile point fragment, 150 150-1 Napa 1.8 478 serrated 156 156-5 Flake Napa 1.8 478 Serrated lanceolate point 171-7 Napa 1.8 478 171 fragment 171-21 Flake Napa 1.9 532
225-6 Projectile point fragments Napa 1.9 532 225 225-14 (from same point) Napa 2.3 (780) Late Period 21-1 Stockton serrated point Napa 2 590 1B 21 21-21 Biface fragment Napa 2 590 92 92-6 Stockton serrated point Napa 2.1 650 100 100-4 Flake Napa 2 590
Late Period 42 42-5 Biface fragment Napa 2.2 714 1A 168 168-9 Point, serrated Napa 2.2 714 MLT 4 4-1 Biface fragment Napa 2.3 780 10 10-1 Biface fragment Napa 2.3 780 AWhere there was more than one result from a single burial, the more recent value (smallest hydration band) is used because older obsidian flakes may have been found objects, heirlooms, or introduced through disturbance of burial soils. Bold indicates date used; parentheses indicate older date for same burial.
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Bead and Pendant Temporal Significance. Regional surveys have confirmed that styles of Olivella shell beads and Haliotis pendants changed through time. The work of Bennyhoff and Hughes (1987), calibrated by Groza (2002), provides another important tool for evaluating temporal context in Central California archaeological sites.
Olivella shell beads were found in association with 93 of the 248 burials
(38%) at the Yukisma Mound. Of these, four bead classes were identified by Bellifemine
(1997) including Class A (spire-lopped), Class K (callus or bushing beads), Class L
(thick rectangles) and Class M (thin rectangles). All shell bead classifications and temporal associations follow the typology defined in Bennyhoff and Hughes (1987).
Haliotis pendants were found with 56 (23%) of burials at SCL-38, including seven burials with the distinctive and temporally significant “banjo” style. These were also classified by Bellifemine (1997:215), following the typology of Gibson and Fenenga
(1978:148).
Among the Class A spire-lopped Olivella beads associated with Yukisma site burials, the following three types were identified: type A1, “simple spire-lopped,” type
A4, “punched spire-lopped,” and type A5, “appliqué spire-lopped.” The type A1 beads were further divided by size, where A1a were small beads (3.0-6.5 mm), A1b were medium beads (6.51-9.5 mm), and A1c were large beads (9.51-14.0 mm) (Bellifemine
1997:71). Of the Class A beads, only type A5 have temporal significance, suggesting the
Protohistoric to Historic period in the San Joaquin Valley and Delta regions (Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987:119). Timing for these is not clear for the Santa Clara Valley, but a relatively recent incidence seems probable. Type A5 beads were found in association with Burials 162, 163, 164, and 176.
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Class K callus beads found with burials at SCL-38 included two types: K1, which are cupped, and K2 which are bushing beads. The cupped type are markers for
Phase 1 of the Late Period in Central California (Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987:137). This type of beads was found with Burials 13, 50, 52, 53, 65, 80, and 167. Bushing beads (K2) are tiny cylindrical beads used like a washer against another surface with threads or fibers passing through them, and may also simply be strung as beads. Type K2 beads are considered a marker for Phase 2 of the Late Period (Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987:137), and occur at Yukisma with Burials 13, 50, 53, 65, 80, and 167.
Three types of rectangular beads were found at SCL-38. Type L2 are small, thick rectangles, recovered with Burials 166, 178, and 179. Unfortunately, the Type L2 beads are not specifically associated with any single period in Central California
(Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987:139). Type M beads are thinner rectangles, also called sequin beads. M1 beads are “normal” sequins, perforated in the center. Type M2 beads are ‘pendant” beads, perforated near one end and often sewn in overlapping rows to a garment (Bennyhoff and Hughes 1977:141). Both types M1 and M2 are diagnostic of
Phase 1 of the Late Period in Central California, where M1 appears during early and middle Phase 1, the two occur together during middle Phase 1, and M2 persists into late
Phase 1, and occasionally into Phase 2 of the Late Period (Bennyhoff and Hughes
1987:141). Two class M beads were included in Groza’s (2002) radiocarbon study of bead dates: a type M1 bead from Burial 166 which dated to Late Period Phase 1A/1B
(AD 1215-1288, calibrated, 1-sigma), and a type M2 bead from Burial 51 which dated to
Late Period Phase 1B/1C (AD 1218-1418, calibrated, 1-sigma). These results support the temporal expectations of Bennyhoff and Hughes. Eleven burials from SCL-38 had
149 associated type M1 beads, but no M2 beads (Burials 63, 68, 71, 93, 97, 106, 163, 164,
167, 169, and 184). Seven burials included both M1 and M2 types (Burials 13, 50, 69, 88,
94, 105, and 168). Two burials included type M2, but not M1 (Burials 51 and 87).
Haliotis “banjo” pendants (so named because their shape resembles the tuning pegs of a banjo, with a rounded “head” and narrow body) were found with seven burials at the Yukisma Mound (Burials 51, 64, 65, 71, 164, 189, and 219). Based on the stylistic analysis of Bellifemine (1997:215), variants of types N1a, N1b, N2a, N4a, N6a, and N6b were present. All of these types are typical of the Late Period Phase 1B or 1C.
Summary of Temporal Information for SCL-38
Figure 26 summarizes the results from calibrated radiocarbon dates, obsidian hydration dates, and temporally significant bead and pendant associations. Burials dated using more than one method are listed once as directly dated (in the column of the date deemed most reliable), and then as either “Repeated (same)” if another method produced the same result, or “Repeated (different)” if another method suggested a different temporal period. For burials dated with multiple methods, radiocarbon dates are generally prioritized first, followed by obsidian hydration results, then bead typology. Burials associated with dated burials (e.g., double or multiple interments) are listed below those directly dated in each temporal period.
Overall, the vast majority of dates from all three methods fall into the Late
Period, particularly Phase 1 (46 of 80 dates, or 57.5%). Phase 2 of the Late Period includes twenty-four dated burials (30%). The Middle-Late Transition includes three burials (4%), dated with both radiocarbon and obsidian hydration results. Seven burials
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Temporal Burials Burial Burials Dated with Burials Dated with Burials Dated with Period per AssociationA Radiocarbon Obsidian Hydration Beads & Pendants (Scheme D) periodB 13, 50, 53, 65, 80, Directly dated 4, 8, 144, 209, 210 58, 72, 73, 152, 218 162, 163, 164, 176 LATE 141, 142, 143 13A & 83 (w/13 & PERIOD 2 Associated (w/144) 50); 52 (w/53) 440-230 BP 25 AD 1510- Repeated 50 144, 210 1720 (same) Repeated 167 (different) 35, 40, 45, 51, 64, 1, 42, 82, 86, 92, 68, 69, 71, 87, 88, 84, 90, 91, 93, 97, Directly dated 100, 140, 149, 150, 94, 105, 106, 169, 107, 120, 132, 166, 156, 168, 225 184, 189, 219 171, 182, 227 LATE 90A (w/90); 119 PERIOD 1 151 (w/149 & 150); 105A (w/105); 220 Associated (w/120); 740-440 BP 155 (w/156) (w/219) 48 226 (w/227) AD 1210- Repeated 1510 171 51, 64, 93, 97, 168 (same) 13, 50, 52, 53, 63, Repeated 13 21 65, (different) 80, 163, 164, 167 MLT Directly dated 21*, 178 10 940-740 BP 3 AD 1010- Repeated 4 1210 (different) MIDDLE 63*, 117, 167*, Directly dated PERIOD 179, 230 2160-940 130 (w/117); 167A 8 BP Associated (w/167); 230A 210 BC- (w/230) AD 1010 EMT 2450-2160 Directly dated 240* 1 BP 500-210 BC Total by 39 20 26 85 MethodC ABurial Association: Directly dated = burials referenced for date; Associated = burials associated with dated burials (e.g., double or multiple interments); Repeated (same) = burial directly dated using another method with the same result; Repeated (different) = burial directly dated using another method which yielded a different result, explained in text. BBurials per period is the total of directly dated and associated burials in each temporal period and excludes all repeated burials. CTotal by method is the total of burials directly dated using each method as well as their associated burials, but excludes all repeated burials. *Burial date assigned based on radiocarbon results, but problematic due to artifact assemblage, explained in text.
FIGURE 26. Summary of temporal information for CA-SCL-38.
151 were placed before the MLT, all from radiocarbon dates from the 1996 batch. The lack of other temporal verification of these earlier dates is concerning, and several of these early
14C results actually conflict with other dating methods which suggest a later temporal assignment.
Thirteen burials presented dilemmas for temporal classification (Burials 4, 13,
21, 50, 52, 53, 63, 65, 80, 163, 164, 167, and 240). Burial 4 was dated with both radiocarbon (in 2010) and obsidian hydration, but the obsidian date is much older.
Because AMS dates are considered to be very reliable and obsidian associations may be heirlooms or retouched flakes, the more recent radiocarbon date is used.
Burials 13 and 50 are part of a multiple interment and so are expected to have the same date. However, the 1996 14C results placed these burials in different phases of the Late Period (burial 13 in Phase 1C and burial 50 in Phase 2A). Additionally, both burials had associated bead types consistent with both LP1 and LP2. Burial 13 had five associated magnesite stone beads, which appear in the archaeological record during Phase
2 of the Late Period (C. King 1978:62). Accordingly, in this case, the bead chronology will resolve the dilemma presented by the radiocarbon dates, placing both burials in LP2 along with their associated burials (13A and 83).
Burials 21, 63, 167, and 240 were all part of the 1996 14C dating batch, which yielded very early dates, but each has other indicators suggesting a later temporal assignment. Burial 21 contains obsidian dated to LP1, but the 14C date suggests MLT.
Burials 63 and 167 both have 14C dates placing them in the Middle Period, but contain bead types consistent with the Late Period. Burial 240 yielded the earliest 14C date from the site, yet included the red andesite show mortar with bead appliqué, clearly produced
152 during the Late Period (Tammy Buonasera, personal communication, June 3, 2011).
These burials are provisionally classified according to their 14C dates, but are marked with an asterisk to note that the dates are suspicious.
The last group of problematic classifications includes burials which contain beads diagnostic of both Phase 1 and Phase 2 of the Late Period (Burials 65, 80, 163, and
164). In each case, it was determined that older beads could be retained in more recent burials, so each of these was assigned to LP2.
In summary, the temporal information available for SCL-38 is substantive, but still insufficient to accurately classify the use of this site through time. Radiocarbon dates from the 1996 batch indicated that the site was used for more than 2000 years (c.f.
Bellifemine 1997; Morley 1997). However, no other dating source has confirmed site use earlier than 780 years BP (during the MLT). Data from obsidian hydration, artifact typology, and new radiocarbon dates suggest that the Yukisma Mound may have been used as a cemetery site for less than 600 years, from the end of the MLT through Late
Period Phases 1 and 2.
Conclusion: The Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38)
The low earth mound mortuary site which has come to be known as the
Yukisma Mound has a long story of traditional use and historical impacts. The site was primarily used as a cemetery during the Middle-Late Transition and Late Periods
(roughly AD 1010 through 1720), but may have been used during earlier periods as well.
Additional temporal studies would be helpful to better understand the depth of this site.
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During the excavations of 1993 and 1994, approximately 248 unique individuals were removed from the path of construction. There was little differentiation in their mortuary traditions, but significant differentiation in the accompanying grave goods. More than 60 percent of these individuals were buried without artifacts of any kind. However, a few individuals had large and diverse caches of useful, socially significant, and/or ritual goods. The interpretation of this diversity or richness will be the subject of Chapter IV.
CHAPTER IV
FOOD AND IDENTITY IN PREHISTORY:
THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL
APPROACHES
Introduction
At its core, this work attempts to reconstruct the lived identities of individuals buried at the Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38) based on the evidence they left behind.
Material culture (artifacts), mortuary context (mode of interment) and bioarchaeology (skeletal morphology and chemical composition) all reflect aspects of social identity. Yet, no combination of archaeological evidence can fully represent the personalities, aspirations, challenges, or interpersonal connections between these individuals. The discussion of identity in archaeological terms is necessarily limited by issues of preservation and representation, and shaped by our own concepts of individuality and personhood (Fowler 2004). This chapter explores the aspects of identity available in the archaeological record and the theoretical framework shaping their interpretation in this work.
Theoretical Considerations
This project, like most in biological anthropology, was grounded in the pragmatic, hypothesis-driven, observation- and experiment-based theory of processual
154 155 archaeology (Binford 1962). Correlation between observed mortuary context, artifact associations, bioarchaeological evidence, and stable isotope evidence was tested to evaluate hypotheses about dietary patterns in the past. Clarity of method and reproducibility of results were prioritized. However, when addressing issues of identity and social organization in the past, explanatory models beyond those in available in the processual toolkit were necessary.
Both middle-range theory (sensu Binford 2001), which uses ethnographic analogy to interpret archaeological evidence, and the culture-historical approach, which projects ethnohistoric information into prehistoric contexts, rely on risky premises. In the first case, there is an assumption of universalism and progressive cultural evolution, in the second, of cultural stasis through time. Both approaches can produce useful suggestions about possibility in the archaeological record, but should not be used as limiting factors for interpretation. Ethnographic analogy was used sparingly in the present work, with the intention of illustrating diverse possibilities, rather than diagnosing particular outcomes based on archaeological context. The culture-historical approach has been particularly common in the interpretation of California prehistory (see discussion in
Chapter II). While consideration of ethnohistoric accounts is a part of the interpretation of social organization (later in this chapter) and dietary patterns (Chapter V), this evidence is regarded as a snapshot of experience, particular to a specific time, place, informant, and recorder, and not necessarily reflective of the lifeways of those buried at the Yukisma
Mound.
A degree of flexibility in interpretation is necessary to visualize the nuances of changing cultural expression and individual variation from archaeological evidence. To
156 this end, theoretical components of post-processual and interpretive archaeology were also included. The pursuit of identity in the archaeological record is enriched by the concept of individual agency, clarified by reflexivity, and strengthened by the expanded perspectives of feminist anthropology and queer theory.
Because processual archaeology draws from ecosystem theory, there is an emphasis on the effects of systems (environmental, cultural, evolutionary) on populations. In this way, innovation is muted, the agency of individuals is obscured, and the dynamics between sub-populations (e.g., gender, class, and factions) are often missed
(Brumfiel 1992). Post-processual archaeology shifts the focus from whole populations and adaptive systems to the agency of individuals and the negotiation of power between sub-populations (Watson 2008). The fields of feminist archaeology and queer theory draw from many theoretical bases to advocate awareness of gender in interpretations of the past, including the perspectives and priorities of women as well as those of genders which do not align with binary sex designations (Hegmon 2003). Additionally, post- processual archaeology highlights the power of the archaeologist in shaping interpretation and advocates reflexive clarity, making the reader aware of the interpretive frame of reference. These are all important refinements to archaeological interpretation, and will be included in this work.
A final aspect of post-processual archaeology to be highlighted in this review is multi-vocality—the awareness that many interpretations of the past are possible and that none has absolute claim on truth. In response to this aspect, I call upon interpretive archaeology, which limits possible interpretations and negotiates between stakeholders as follows:
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Archaeologists need to retain the authority to be able to say that a particular interpretation does not fit the data, but they also need to be open to dialogue and conflicts with vested interests other than their own and to understand the social implications of the knowledge they construct. [Hodder 1991:16]
I agree that an awareness of other voices is an important component of interpretation, particularly the voices of descendant populations. For this reason, I am extraordinarily grateful for the ongoing involvement of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe in this research, and look forward to a continuing dialogue about these interpretations for a long time to come.
The relatively new field of social bioarchaeology infuses traditional bioarchaeological research with social theory, enabling broader interpretations of social dynamics and individual life experience (Agarwal and Glencross 2011). Social bioarchaeology treats human remains as a cultural artifact, one which has been shaped by the activities of life and built of the foods consumed. Through both intentional and unintentional actions, the form and composition of bones are modified throughout life.
Each human skeleton is a unique product of an individual’s life path, a synthetic result of genetic, nutritional, and activity patterns, and thereby inscribed with evidence of the stresses, triumphs, and everyday patterns of life. The body, thereby, “can be regarded as a form of material culture” (Sofaer 2006:xv). Social bioarchaeology seeks to integrate empirical interpretation of the skeleton (features such as biological sex, age, and pathological conditions) with an awareness of the body as a social construction. Using this integrative suite of evidence, deeper questions of social identity can be addressed and the imprints of power and social organization can be visualized, even at the level of individuals and sub-populations (Agarwal and Glencross 2011; Tung 2012). “The body is the locus through which agendas are constructed and contested, and as bioarchaeologists,
158 we have privileged access to those narratives” (Tung 2012:17-18). The theoretical toolkit used in this project is ultimately a synthesis of all of these points of view, including the pragmatic science of processualism, the interpretive awareness and inclusiveness of post- processualism, the refinement of interpretive archeology, and the practical applications of social bioarchaeology. The views expressed in this work are ultimately those of the author, with hopes of incorporating the multi-vocal perspectives of descendent populations and other collaborators in future publications.
Identity
Social identity is an amalgam of an individual’s characteristics framing his or her place within the community. The process of identity formation is culturally specific and may be primarily self-actualized (manifested from a sense of individual awareness and achievement) or relationship-based (reliant on interactions and interdependencies with others) (Fowler 2004). Likewise, the characteristics which are prioritized in identity formation are culturally mediated and may vary through time.
The term “social identity” is used here following the definition established by
Saxe (1970), which was based on Goodenough (1965), with modifications. Goodenough proposed that social identity was “any aspect of self that makes a difference in how one’s rights and duties distribute to specific others” (Goodenough 1965:3). Saxe used the term more generally to refer to “a category of persons or what has been called a social position or status” (Saxe 1970:4). Any individual may hold multiple social identities simultaneously. For example, a woman, born to a high status family, who is an elder and a specialist in basketry, can also be a mother and grandmother and wife and advisor to
159 the chief. Goodenough frames social identities in terms of rights and duties, best applied in ethnographic contexts, while Saxe expands his classifications to mortuary analysis
(Goodenough 1965; Saxe 1970). Goodenough and Saxe both use the term “social persona” to refer to the “composite of social identities selected as appropriate to a given interaction” (Goodenough 1965:7; Saxe 1970:7). Binford applied the concept to the archaeological record, stating that the social persona of the deceased is “the composite of the social identities maintained in life and recognized as appropriate for consideration at death” (Binford (1971:17). The primary dimensions of the social persona affecting mortuary treatment, as recognized by Binford, were age, sex, rank, and affiliation with
“membership segments of the broader social unit” (Binford 1971:17). Additionally, he points out that the circumstances of death may affect mortuary practices and obscure the social persona of the deceased. For example, burial practice may be different for individuals killed in battle, or individuals who died far from home.
In discussing social identities in the past, archaeologists must be pragmatic about identifying characteristics of identity in the archaeological record, and then test these against other criteria to interpret social relevance. Identification is contingent upon available evidence – many signifiers of social roles or relationships may be unavailable in mortuary contexts or may not have survived in the archaeological record. Building upon the categories recognized by Binford, aspects of social identity to be considered in this project include social age, sex and gender, disabilities, specializations, status, and population affinity.
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Identity and Archaeology
Social Age
For the purpose of understanding social identity, age is more than a matter of seasons of life on the planet; the social categories of age must be considered as well.
Three meanings of age, described by Ginn and Arber (1995) are relevant to archaeological interpretation (Sofaer 2006:119). The first two, chronological age and biological age, are closely associated in osteological interpretation. Chronological age refers to the years since birth; biological age refers to the apparent years since birth manifested in bodily tissues. Biological age may differ from chronological age, based on stress, trauma, nutrition, and variation. However, in absence of other documentary evidence, biological age serves as a proxy for chronological age in archaeological contexts. Social age is the socially-constructed expectation for behavior and responsibilities, based on flexible cultural categories of childhood and adulthood.
Estimations of biological age (and chronological age) are based upon osteological analysis, focusing on observations of developmental stages for subadults
(dental eruption and epiphyseal fusion), and of deterioration for adults (morphology of the pubic symphyses, auricular surfaces or sternal rib ends, evidence of osteoarthritis, fusion of cranial sutures). Archaeological interpretation also requires an awareness of social age. Variation in associated artifact types or quantities may provide clues as to the age at which a subadult transitions to the social role of an adult and clarify transitioning roles of post-reproductive or elder individuals within the community.
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Sex and Gender
Like age, the aspects of biological sex and social gender are more complex than can be addressed with only bioarchaeological data. Osteological analysis provides evidence of biological sex, based on morphology of the pelvis, cranium, and dimensions of long bones. However, gender roles are socially constructed guidelines to behavior and interaction which may include multiple and flexible options beyond binary biological sex designations. “Gender is a process that changes over the life course in a socially recognized manner; people are constrained by society’s view of who they are but are able to negotiate and alter their perception in relation to pre-existing configurations” (Sofaer
2006:98). Because reproduction is an important facet of identity, correlation between biological sex and gender identity options may be stronger during reproductive years, particularly for females, although this too may be influenced by cultural variation and individual agency. In the literature of social bioarchaeology, as in the present project, the terms male and female are used to describe biological sex, whereas word such as man, woman, third-gender, two-spirit, or berdache are used to describe gender roles.
One of the primary bases for differentiation of masculine and feminine roles in California archaeology is the division of labor in food and craft production. Hunting and fishing are thought to have been primarily the work of men, although women were involved in hunting of small game and in communal drives in many parts of California
(Willoughby 1963). Collection of plant foods (e.g., acorns, tubers, greens, seeds) was primarily the responsibility of women (Jackson 2004) and of children of both sexes, but men assisted during seasonal harvests (Jacknis 2004; Willoughby 1963). Usually women collected insect foods (grubs, insects, and larvae), but men-only collection trips for
162 specific species were reported by the Pomo (Willoughby 1963). Processing of meat and hides was done by men in most areas of California, and processing of vegetable foods done by women, but many exceptions are noted. Cooking was primarily done by women, but men sometimes were responsible for roasting tubers or cooking meat (Willoughby
1963). Overall, considerable variation in the delegation of subsistence tasks seems to have been present among Native California populations and few tasks were exclusively the responsibility of a single gender. Social age was also a factor, as children and older men often shared the food collection and preparation responsibilities with women
(Willoughby 1963).
Responsibilities for craft production may also have been divided between gender roles. Willoughby reports that among the Costanoans, men were responsible for stone working, woodworking, canoe building, and dressing of hides, whereas women were responsible for basketry, and both men and women made cordage (Willoughby
1963:49). Elsewhere in California, men were primarily responsible for weaving nets, building traps, weirs, and snares, building weapons, and crafting horn or bone implements. Women were primarily responsible for weaving mats. Both men and women were involved in construction of houses, and in production of mortars and pestles
(Willoughby 1962:49). From the archaeological record, occupational specializations can be discerned based on burial-associated artifacts and bioarchaeological evidence of activity patterns.
Sandra Hollimon has done extensive research on gender roles in prehistoric
California, and has found evidence of third gender (two-spirits) individuals among the
Chumash, Yokuts, Mono, and Tubatulabal (Hollimon 2005). These populations live in
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Southern and Central California; the Northern Valley Yokuts are just east of Ohlone territory, in the San Joaquin Valley. Ethnohistoric accounts from these tribes depict two- spirits individuals (previously called berdaches) as mortuary specialists, usually men dressed in women’s attire, responsible for digging graves, depositing the dead, and watching over mortuary ceremonies (Hollimon 2005). Reports of two-spirits were recorded in the ethnohistoric literature of thirty-four of forty-four California tribes in
Willoughby’s (1963) survey, including the Costanoans. Two-spirits were designated as exclusively of male sex in eighteen tribes (including Costanoan), as primarily male but sometimes female in four tribes, and as individuals of both male and female sex in twelve tribes. Willoughby notes that “instances where the trait was denied are probably a reflection of recent attitudes” rather than confirmation that this practice was regionally absent (Willoughby 1963:57). Two-spirits were reported to do the work of women, but sometimes also participated in hunting, a masculine task (Willoughby 1963).
Bioarchaeological evidence for third gender individuals has been noted in patterns of osteoarthritis and traumatic injury. Two biological males from a Chumash population displayed vertebral osteoarthritis typical of female patterns in the region, and likely related to activities of digging. These individuals were also the only males at the site buried with digging stick weights (Hollimon 2005). Additionally, “manly-hearted women” with evidence of traumatic injuries consistent with violent combat are noted in the archaeological record of North America (Joyce 2008:61-62). Calling them “women warriors,” Joyce suggests that this is evidence of fluidity in gender classifications or non- binary gender role options. Hollimon suggests the following archaeological tests for identifying two-spirit burials: individuals buried with artifacts typically associated with
164 the other sex, individuals buried in a section of the cemetery associated with the other sex, individuals buried with clothing and/or ornaments associated with the other sex or with a third gender identity, or individuals buried with tools associated with a third- gender identity activity (e.g., digging sticks and digging baskets) (Hollimon 2005:187).
Disabilities
Individuals with disabilities experience limitations to sensory, physical, cognitive, or social skills, which may be congenital or developed through life due to disease or injury (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2010). Any barrier to normal participation in life activities would inevitably be a component of an individual’s social identity, further negotiated based on community response and mitigated by individual agency. Many types of disability would be invisible in the archaeological record, but some may be observable based on pathologies of the skeleton. Further, archaeological associations may provide evidence about social adaptations and accommodations for individuals with disabilities.
Specialization
Specialization of social roles is an aspect of complex social organizations where select individuals expand on areas of personal expertise and often are relieved of some subsistence responsibilities. Two types that are detectable in the archaeological record of California are craft specialization and ritual specialization. Craft specialization is defined as “the production of substantial quantities of goods or services well beyond local or personal needs, and whose production is generally organized, standardized, and carried out by persons freed in part from subsistence pursuits” (Arnold and Munns
1994:475). Of all California Indian populations, the greatest reputation for craft
165 specialization belongs to the Chumash of the Santa Barbara Channel region. Evidence of specialized production of shell beads, plank-canoes, and microdrills has been observed in the archaeological record, based on large accumulations of production debris displaying standardization of form (Arnold 1987). This evidence has been used as a proxy for complex social and political organization among the Chumash.
Ritual specialization, or shamanism, has always been an important component of California Indian social organization (Bean 1992a; Heizer 1978; Kroeber 1925).
Within shamanic practice, sub-specializations have been reported in the ethnographic literature, including sucking doctors, soul-recovering shamans, weather controlling shamans, rattlesnake shamans, bear shamans, herbalists, and midwives (Bean 1992a;
Levy 1978; Willoughby 1963). Shamanic roles among the Ohlone were most typically held by men, but sometimes by women (Harrington 1942). An exception was made for midwives, who were reportedly always female (Willoughby 1963). Ritual specialists may have obtained their roles by being called to service, but often these positions ran in families, particularly families which already had influence and power in the tribe (Bean and Vane 1992). Shamans had to follow strict food taboos (Jacknis 2004:103). These dietary limitations may be evident in the stable isotope values of their bones.
Archaeological associations with ritual specialists would likely include objects for the symbolic capture and control of power, such as quartz crystals, charmstones, totem objects like eagle claws or bear bones, or transformed trophy objects (e.g., modified human bones). They would also likely possess objects used in healing practices, such as sucking tubes or medicinal herbs. A third category of objects would be associated with their roles in ceremonies, including pigments and other regalia. Finally, they are
166 expected to have objects reflecting their esteemed status in the group (see discussion of status below).
Status
Social status is an important component of social identity in ranked or complex social organizations. Status is defined here as a difference in prestige or power relative to other members of a group (cf. Ames 2008:488). An individual’s status may be associated with prestige, wealth, or power, each of which may have distinct archaeological correlates. Social status is a factor of social complexity, and a product of social organization. This review will focus on the types of social status which are viewed archaeologically, including prestige, wealth, and power, and the evidence for these aspects in the archaeological record of Central California.
A complex social system is one which is composed of many interrelated parts
(cf. Price and Brown 1985:7). Social complexity further implies a condition of permanent social inequality between those parts (Ames 2008:490). Permanent social or institutional inequality exists when differences between individuals, whether based on lineage, ability, or physical traits (beyond age or sex), are invested with social meaning causing some individuals to be denied access to opportunities, prestige, or social roles. Using this definition, any ranked or hierarchical social organization is complex. A ranked society is one in which there is differential access to status and prestige, but equal access to the means of production. Stratified societies have differential access to status and prestige, and also to means of production. Because of the distinction between ranked and stratified societies, the definition of complexity developed by Jeanne Arnold, based on her study of the Chumash of southern California, will not be used in this study. In that definition,
167 social complexity “first and foremost means institutionalized control by some individual(s) over nonkin labor” (Arnold 1996:93). The control of labor is pertinent to stratified societies (like the Chumash), but not to ranked societies.
Although the early literature in California archaeology favored interpretation of California Indian social organization as egalitarian, this was largely an artifact of colonial biases (see Chapter II) and a long-standing supposition that complexity required the presence of agriculture (cf. T. King 1978). Egalitarian social organization is frequently observed in ethnographic studies of small foraging (“hunter-gatherer”) groups such as the Ache, the Dobe Ju/’Hoansi, and the Hadza (Hill and Hurtado 1996; Howell
2000; Lee 1979; Marlowe 2010). In an egalitarian social organization, all individuals do not necessarily have the same amount of goods, food, prestige, or authority, however there is “equal access to food, to the technology needed to acquire resources, and to the paths leading to prestige” (Kelly 2007:296, emphasis added). The prevalence of egalitarian organization among modern foragers was long used as evidence that all foragers in the past would have the same organization.
However, a few ethnographic studies of foraging populations have demonstrated that more complex models of social organization are possible now, and would have been in the past as well. Ranked and/or hierarchical societies have been observed among the Tlingit and Haida of the Pacific Northwest, the Ainu of Japan, and the Chumash of southern California (Kelly 2007). The potential for social complexity, the markers of complexity, and the forces contributing to social diversification within foraging communities have been the subject of substantial discussion, but these topics are beyond the scope of the present project (but see Bellifemine 1997 for a literature review).
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Scholars who have spent more years than this author thinking about such things seem to agree that the Native People of Central California lived in complex, ranked societies (Bean 1976; King 1970, 1978; Lightfoot et al. 2013; Wiberg 1988). For the purposes of this paper, ranked societies, chiefdoms, trans-egalitarian organizations, and middle-range societies will be considered synonymous, although subtle differences may be found in the literature. In all of these scenarios, differential access to rank and prestige are present, and these will be the attributes of focus in this project.
Status, or differential access to social privilege, may be a factor of prestige, wealth, or power. Prestige is freely given, based on respect. “Someone with prestige is listened to, their opinions are heavily weighed (not obeyed) because the person enjoys credit, estimation, or standing in general opinion” (Henrich and Gil-White 2001:168).
Prestige may be earned based on wise counsel or demonstrated skill, or inherited based on lineage or moiety affiliation.
Moieties were clan-like divisions within settlements, documented among the
Miwok, Mono, Central Yokuts, Salinan, Kitanemuk, Serrano, Cahuilla, Cupeño and
Luiseño (Bean 1976; Kroeber 1925). Often membership was based on patrilineal descent, as with the Miwok (Kroeber 1925), but in some populations moiety affiliation was chosen, as with the “pseudo-moieties” of the Pomo (Bean 1976). The moiety concept divided ritual responsibilities, animal totems, habitation areas in villages, and burial areas within cemeteries. Marriage patterns were usually exogamous, as marriage within the moiety was prohibited for five generations (Bean 1976). Cross-moiety marriages served to maintain a wide network of affiliations between villages, which also strengthened regional economic and political relationships. The totemic animals most commonly
169 associated with moieties in Central California are the bear and the deer. Ethnohistoric records support the existence of “bear” and “deer” moieties among the Costanoan
(Harrington 1942; Levy 1978), but details are sparse.
In the economy of prehistoric California, a monetized system of shell beads was used for trade, for compensation for healing or other ritual services, and as tribute.
Individuals with influence on any of these aspects of life accumulated wealth.
Additionally, access to certain groves or harvesting areas was controlled by lineages and passed to descendents through inheritance. Wealth is thought to have been very closely aligned with lineage (Bean 1976).
The exercise of power in Central California prehistory is somewhat unclear.
Ethnohistoric documents indicate that leaders had considerable influence and commanded respect (Beebe and Senkewicz 2011; Brown 2011; Crespí 1999, 2001;
Stanger and Brown 1969). Osteological evidence of interpersonal violence suggests that political disagreements sometimes led to warfare, requiring tactical organization. Four modalities of power, defined by Eric Wolf (1999:5), provide a useful vocabulary for discussion. The first mode is personal power (to compel or physically overpower). The second is social power (to influence through social interactions). The third is tactical or organizational power (to influence based on the authority of position, rather than personal attributes). The fourth is structural power (to direct resources, energy and labor).
According to this model, all individuals in a ranked society would have access to the personal power, and to some degree, to social power. Where authority is institutionalized, there is a potential for tactical power. In the case of prehistoric Central California, it is not clear whether a village chief would have power regardless of his or her personal
170 attributes. Exercise of the structural power depends on local institutions (e.g., redistribution of resources), which may have been in place.
The political organization of the ancestral Ohlone appears to have been an expansive network of settlements, forming a loose federation. Smaller settlements (often called “tribelets”) were affiliated with larger, central villages, and may have housed individuals of different lineages, social statuses, or served as bases for specialized subsistence pursuits. Each settlement had one or more leaders (chiefs), and may also have had an orator, one or more shamans, and individuals in various other social positions of authority or prestige. Some sites were hosts for feasting and ritual gatherings that included people from distant settlements, serving as nodes for intense socio-political interaction (Bean 1976). It is thought that most specialized roles (e.g., ritual, trade) and roles of power or prestige were inherited. Local ranked organizations may have also involved individuals of a middle status, such as chief’s assistants, messengers, managers, or callers. These positions were also likely inherited, but may have been achieved (Bean
1976).
When investigating social complexity in the archaeological record of
California, archaeologists have focused on patterns of mortuary treatment and associated grave goods. Models developed by Binford (1962, 1971) have proven useful in differentiating egalitarian and ranked social organization based on mortuary contexts. In evaluating mortuary context, Binford focused on three variables: (1) treatment of the body, including preparation, processing, and disposition, (2) preparation of the mortuary facility (grave), including form, orientation, and location relative to other interments, and
(3) grave furniture, including the types, quantities, and assemblages of burial-associated
171 artifacts (Binford 1971:21). Binford proposed that mortuary assemblages in egalitarian societies would have the following characteristics:
Technomic artifacts would serve as status indicators, where refined form and exotic materials may symbolize greater achievement in technological activities during life.
Sociotechnic artifacts would be associated with many individuals, with qualitative and quantitative differentiation based on demographic categories (age and sex) and no formal exclusions.
An individual’s possessions symbolizing status would be destroyed at death through interment with the deceased or outright destruction (Binford 1962:222).
Archaeological assemblages from societies with greater social complexity would reflect a greater degree of differentiation in mortuary treatment of persons with different status positions (Binford 1971:18). Archaeological indicators of ranked social organization include the following:
Fewer technomic artifacts would be associated with individuals of higher status.
Symbols of social status would be more esoteric than in egalitarian assemblages.
There would be more complexity and variation in sociotechnic artifact distribution, with some forms restricted to individuals of certain status positions.
An increase in differential treatment at death would be apparent, with variation in grave goods, orientation, and spatial distribution cross-cutting sex and age categories.
Status symbols would be more frequently inherited at death (not buried with the decedent) (Binford 1962:222-223).
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The first two studies in California to directly consider social status were Gary
Stickel’s (1968) report from Rincon (CA-SBA-1), and Linda King’s report (1969) from
Medea Creek Village (CA-LAN-243), both Chumash sites. Stickel examined mortuary context, demographic variables, and artifact associations using nearest neighbor analysis and applying Binford’s (1962) criteria for interpretation of social organization. He noted differential distribution of grave good types and quantities, heterogeneous interment procedures, and spatial organization at the cemetery by demographic groups (Stickel
1968:222). Although he reported status differentiation based on quantity of artifact associations and presence of exotic materials, he concluded that the assemblage at Rincon was consistent with an egalitarian social organization. His reasons were (1) the lack of esoteric artifact forms (all appeared to be useful), (2) the lack of distinct types of grave good associations by burial type, (3) status association with age and possibly sex, (4) destruction of grave goods indicating achieved status based on individual merit, and (5) lack of evidence for high status with infant burials (Stickel 1968:227).
Linda King came to a different conclusion about the Medea Creek cemetery, finding evidence of spatial organization consistent with family plots of differential rank, and of ascribed wealth based on grave goods associated with subadults (L. King 1969).
Cemetery organization included differences in grave depth, burial orientation, and artifact associations by sector. Artifacts considered in estimation of wealth were large lithics
(including mortars and groundstone bowls), large bead lots (> 50 beads), and caches of more than four types of artifacts (a measure of diversity) (L. King 1969).
Gamble and colleagues (2001) reported similar organization at another
Chumash cemetery in Malibu, identifying wealthy burials by grave depth, bead lot size
173 and inclusion of prestige items (ornaments and parts of plank canoes). Genetic research confirmed lineage-based organization of wealth ascription and cemetery organization
(Gamble et al. 2001).
Just north of the San Francisco Bay, the prehistoric cemetery at Tiburon (CA-
MRN-27) was the site of another important analysis of social rank and status. Tom King used Binford’s model to parse the mortuary data from this site, further refining the criteria for rank and egalitarian archaeological contexts. The organization of the cemetery at Tiburon was found to be highly structured, with a central ring including high status cremations and large quantities of sociotechnic artifacts, surrounded by a ring of male burials with no artifacts, and then an outer circle of individuals of both sexes and subadults with few artifacts. Further, artifacts were more commonly associated with females, a pattern King interpreted to imply patrilineal inheritance of wealth (T. King
1970).
A few years later, Tom King elaborated on his approach to analysis of social structure in his study of the mortuary contexts at Buchanan Reservoir (CA-MAD-106,
MAD-117, and MAD-159), located in Madeira County on the eastern edge of the San
Joaquin Valley. Drawing from both Binford (1971) and Saxe (1970), King established five test implications for ranked societies, summarized below:
A. Differentiation in mortuary treatment should crosscut age and sex classifications.
B. Clusters of burials will include both adults and subadults. Distinction in mortuary context and artifact associations will exist between clusters, but be minimized
174 within clusters. Clusters will be organized by rank, and may be associated with membership in a lineage or class.
C. Mortuary context of individuals of high rank will exhibit a greater degree of standardization in position, orientation, location, and associations than that of low ranking individuals.
D. A key structure diagram of mortuary customs should be highly redundant, meaning that evidence for social organization follows a predictable hierarchy. (The key structure diagram for King’s study was produced following the technique of Saxe (1970) and Tainter (1975), using an early program called CLUSTAN 1A for multivariate binary regression).
E. Burials with markers of high status should be clustered together in a definable space (T. King 1978).
Using these criteria, King found that the cemetery organization at Buchanan
Reservoir was patterned, with concentrated areas of burials with quantities of beads and ornaments, as well as patterning of interment style (T. King 1978).
At Santa Rita Village (CA-ALA-413), Randy Wiberg reported mixed evidence for social organization (Wiberg 1988). At this site, many sociotechnic and ideotechnic artifacts were recovered with relatively few individuals, suggesting a ranked organization. However, all burials with these objects were adults and most were older males, consistent with egalitarian patterns of achieved social roles. Mortuary treatment was also positively correlated with age. Disturbance of contexts during excavation and small sample size further complicate interpretation of this site.
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In the Santa Clara Valley, Cartier and colleagues interpreted differential social status within and between six archaeological sites along the Guadalupe River corridor
(Cartier et al. 1993). Burial-associated artifact quantity and type were proxies for status.
Objects requiring great investment of time for manufacture and those made of exotic, imported materials were given greater value. A point system of grave associations was created to compare sites statistically, giving a value to each artifact type and totaling points for each burial. Obsidian tools, ground stone mortars, large caches of Olivella beads, and any number of Haliotis pendants were given higher points. Faunal remains, chert, and other groundstone were given fewer points. The result of the comparison found patterning both within and between cemeteries, where some, such as SCL-690 (Tamien
Station), appeared to be elite cemeteries for wealthy individuals, and others, such as SCL-
128 (the Holiday Inn site), were poorer cemeteries with lower grave association scores.
Most relevant to the current work is Viviana Bellifemine’s 1997 study of mortuary context at the Yukisma Mound (SCL-38). Bellifemine calculated frequencies of presence and absence of artifact types by age and sex, including chi-square calculations where sample size was large enough. She also used cluster analysis to reveal patterning in spatial organization, mode of interment, artifact presence, and artifact diversity, and examined each cluster pattern for significance with respect to age and sex classifications.
Her results will be integrated with the discussion of dietary patterns in Chapter IX.
Population Affinity
A final aspect of social identity commonly addressed in archaeological literature is population affinity, including both ethnic identity of sub-populations within a larger society and the identification of immigrants. Typically, the techniques used to
176 evaluate population affinity are osteological markers of identity, such as epigenetic traits
(Hauser and DeStefano 1989; Sutter 2005) and cultural modifications to the shape of crania or teeth (Blakey and Rankin-Hill 2004; Blom 2005; Torres-Rouff 2009). Stable isotope analysis is also commonly used, especially focusing on strontium isotopes in tooth enamel (Beard and Johnson 2000; Knudson et al. 2005; Price et al. 2006; Wright
2005). In California, Jorgensen and colleagues (2009) used this technique to understand migration and post-marital residence patterns for individuals buried at the Marsh Creek site (CA-CCO-548) between three- and four-thousand years ago.
Recently, isotopes of sulfur have also been used to associate individuals from archaeological contexts with their homelands (Nehlich 2010; Richards et al. 2001, 2003).
The abundance and isotopic ratios of sulfur present in soils varies with local geology.
Sulfur is incorporated into plants growing in the region, and then passed along to consumers of those plants. Through local food webs, humans ingest trace amounts of sulfur, which are then retained in bodily tissues. Feeding studies have demonstrated that the ratio of sulfur isotopes within bone, teeth, hair, or nails is approximately equal to that in the local environment for individuals consuming sufficient dietary protein (Richards et al. 2003).
Finally, the range of stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values retained in the bones or teeth of a population will vary along a range of possibilities, based on local menu options. In California, analysis of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes from bone collagen of individuals who lived near San Francisco Bay, near Tomales Bay (to the north), and in the Sacramento Valley (inland and to the east) yielded distinctive isotopic ranges of values for each population (Bartelink 2006). Based on this evidence,
177 individuals with stable carbon and/or nitrogen isotope values that are more than two standard deviations from the local population mean are likely to be from another region.
Identity and Food
The connection between food and social identity has been recognized in anthropological and sociological literature since the nineteenth century, but has received particular attention over the past thirty years. Familiar statements such as, “tell me what kind of food you eat and I will tell you what kind of man you are” (Brillat-Savarin
2009:14), highlight the intuitive connection between consumption choices and social identity. Through the process of socialization, children learn which foods are appropriate for consumption, guidelines that include matters of food safety as well as implicit symbolic meanings of certain foods (cf. Beardsworth and Keil 1997). Mary Douglas explains, “If food is treated as a code, the messages it encodes will be found in the pattern of social relations being expressed. The message is about different degrees of hierarchy, inclusion and exclusion, boundaries and transactions across the boundaries” (Douglas
1972:61).
As social organization is observed, it is internalized and embodied, guiding food choices either consciously or unconsciously. Pierre Bourdieu refers to the unconscious manifestation of social structure as doxa (Bourdieu 1984:470). The concept of embodiment is used here in the sense of physical incorporation of psychological, social, or emotional experience. This is similar to somatization in the literature of medical anthropology, which is “the expression of personal and social distress in an idiom of bodily complaints” (Kleinman and Kleinman 2007), and is differentiated from the use of
178 the term embodiment in phenomenology, which refers to the ways in which perception, as mediated by the bodily senses, reflexively shapes experience (e.g., Csordas 1994).
The categories of food learned and internalized during the socialization process can be divided into five classifications, described by Jelliffe (1967). These classes provide a useful vocabulary for discussing food distinctions.
1. Cultural superfoods: the dominant staple and the focus of the greatest investment of labor for procurement and preparation.
2. Prestige foods: foods reserved for important occasions or high status individuals. These are usually proteins and foods which are exotic or rare.
3. Body-image foods: those which are associated with the physiological workings of the body, important for maintaining health and balance (such as tridosha foods in India, or hot and cold foods in Chinese medicine).
4. Sympathetic magic foods: believed to transmit attributes of the consumed plant or animal to the consumer.
5. Physiologic group foods: foods reserved for or forbidden to groups of individuals based on categories such as gender or age (Jelliffe 1967).
Of interest in the present discussion are those classifications most closely tied to social identity, particularly prestige foods and physiologic group foods. Cultural superfoods would have been consumed by all individuals, and thus provide a baseline for the general dietary pattern of the population. Evidence for body-image foods and sympathetic magic foods is likely to be elusive in the archaeological record, but may present itself in association with other indicators of specialized social role or chronic disability.
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The terms nutrition, menus, diet, and cuisine are used in this work following the definitions of Reitz and Wing (2008). Nutrition is a measure of whether the foods consumed provide the nourishment necessary for growth, healing, and reproduction. This aspect of diet is most clearly viewed in the archaeological record through bioarchaeological evidence of growth disruption or pathologies associated with vitamin deficiency (see discussion in Chapter VI). The menu is the full range of food items available to a population, regardless of whether they are eaten. Archaeological approaches to understanding prehistoric menus include paleoenvironmental reconstruction and analysis of archaeological botanical and faunal data. Diet is the range of foods actually consumed. To estimate actual diets from the prehistoric past, archaeologists use the contexts of botanical and faunal remains (e.g., archaeological associations, butchering patterns, charring, refuse disposal patterns) in conjunction with analysis of the implements used for food procurement and processing (including residues of foods on these tools). Additionally, direct evidence from coprolite analysis or stable isotope ratios in body tissues may illuminate the diet of individuals. Finally, cuisine describes the manner of preparation, style of cooking, and social rules about distribution of foods (Reitz and Wing 2008:251). Examination of cooking features and pollen analysis may provide some insight as to preparation methods and styles of cooking.
Ethnohistoric sources are also useful for guiding interpretation, but the source’s context must be considered as well. Finally, analyses such as this one may reveal patterns of food distribution within society.
In describing the social function of foods, Mintz and DuBois observe that
“food serves both to solidify group membership and to set groups apart” (Mintz and
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DuBois 2002:109). The power of food in defining and negotiating social roles and relationships is a common theme in anthropological literature (e.g., E. Anderson 2005;
Counihan 1999; Danforth 1999; Farb and Armelagos 1980; Fischler 1988; Gumerman
1997; Lupton 1996; Weissner and Schiefenhövel 1996). Distinctions at the level of diet and cuisine can be observed at the level of groups within populations or in individual dietary variation.
In any given society, we might expect to observe a degree of menu differentiation, that is, different categories of individuals within the population (defined in terms of gender, age, class, caste, etc.) would be expected or compelled to make characteristically different choices from the aliments made available within a given menu. [Beardsworth and Keil 1997:68]
The connection between food and identity was as real for the ancestral Ohlone as it is today. In his review of the use and significance of foods in California Indian culture, Ira Jacknis observed,
To a great extent, the identity of a Native Californian was defined by what, how, and with whom she or he ate. Beyond the social act of consuming a meal lies a broader arena of food as an emblem of social status and relations: gender (men or women), age (newborns or the elderly), life crises (birth, puberty, marriage, death), rank and wealth, social role (hunters, doctors, or chiefs), and ethnicity. People of differing categories may have to follow certain rules of consumption, eating differently, at least some of the time. [Jacknis 2004:92]
While a general understanding of the cultural superfoods of the ancestral Ohlone has been reached (e.g., acorns, seeds, tubers, deer, rabbits, elk, shellfish, see Chapter V), the allocation of other food classifications is not entirely clear.
Ethnohistoric sources describe situational food taboos observed during liminal or ceremonial periods. For example, women were to avoid certain foods during their menstrual periods, during pregnancies, and for a few weeks following birth (Harrington
1942; Jacknis 2004; Levy 1978). Forbidden foods may have included meat, fish, salt, and
181 grease, but reports vary regionally in California about the taboos and extent of avoidance
(Harrington 1942). Men observed similar restrictions following childbirth, but for a shorter duration (Jacknis 2004:94). Food avoidances of meat, fish, and grease may have been observed during mourning periods, lasting several days (Jacknis 2004:102).
Shamans are one of the few groups reported to have long-term food prohibitions, although the particular list of tabooed foods varied regionally (Jacknis 2004:103). No clear record of food taboos or regional cuisine is available for the ancestral Ohlone, but ethnographic reports from other California native populations may serve as guides to possible dietary patterns. Regarding distinctions by status, Jacknis says, “beyond gender and age, social status rarely correlated with food” (Jacknis 2004:102); however, in the same passage he also negates any social ranking within California Indian groups, due to the “prevailing egalitarianism throughout the region.”
An excellent example of a deeper investigation into the association between dietary practices, gender roles, social status, and biases of ethnohistoric accounts is
Madonna Moss’ (1993) study of shellfish consumption patterns of the Tlingit of
Southwest Alaska. In this, she looks past preconceptions that shellfish is universally viewed as a low-priority resource, and examines the functional and identity-associative basis for the differential use of shellfish by the Tlingit. She found that while ethnographers reported that shellfish gathering was women’s work, men not only assisted but sometimes went on exclusively male collecting expeditions. Ethnographic reports reflected an association of shellfish with poverty, low prestige, and laziness, which may be related to the relative ease of obtaining this resource. Sympathetic magic associations of the clam’s siphon and limpet shells with male and female sex organs, respectively,
182 added an association with ritual impurity to this abundant food resource. Avoidance of shellfish by high-status individuals was important to preserve moral purity and maintain social superiority (Moss 1993:642). Additionally, the risk of shellfish toxicity, a potentially fatal consequence of consuming contaminated shellfish, would have influenced the social consequences of this dietary option. Moss determined that social rank was a more significant predictor of shellfish consumption than gender, although both types of social identity figured into the cuisine designations of this important food resource, and practical exceptions to these guidelines were permitted (for example when there was not enough time to hunt).
Examinations of foodways in prehistoric Central California have focused primarily on population-based studies rather than investigations of cuisine or identity- based food choices. Archaeologists have deciphered the menu (e.g., Jacknis 2004;
Lightfoot and Parrish 2009), and modeled intensification (e.g., Broughton 1994). Some have explored differential access to foods by gender, based on division of labor (Jackson
2004). The present work seeks to expand the discussion of prehistoric foodways to include the social context of diet selection beyond categories of age and gender.
Identity and Social Bioarchaeology at CA-SCL-38
In the subsequent chapters of this thesis, I will use the available evidence from previous publications and my own research to identify patterns of dietary doxa in the archaeological record at SCL-38. This process will begin with an exploration of the available menu options in the Santa Clara Valley (Chapters V and VI). I will then present research methods and results of the stable isotope analysis used to identify dietary
183 patterns (Chapters VII and VIII). In Chapter IX, I will discuss the dietary evidence in terms of social identity with the following considerations for each identified category.
Social Age
The translation of biological age to social age is based on artifactual evidence and continuity with previous work at this site. All studies of the population from SCL-38 have placed the transition from subadult to adult at 16 years of age, and considered any individuals over 40 years at time of death to be elders (Bellifemine 1997; Jurmain 2000;
Morley 1997). The absence of utilitarian (technomic) bone artifacts with individuals under 16 years old at SCL-38 supports the hypothesis that this is was approximately the time of transition to a social identity as an adult. Consequently, this study will compare dietary patterns between individuals who were 15 years of age or younger to those of adults 16 to 40, and also to elders over 41 years of age. Additionally, dietary patterns of infants less than two years of age will be investigated to discern weaning patterns.
Sex and Gender
If grave goods represent the possessions of the deceased, and if division of labor by gender was present among the ancestral Ohlone, some differences in the patterning of burial-associated artifacts should be apparent. However, few significant differences in the distribution of technomic (utilitarian) artifact types are seen at SCL-38
(see Chapter III). Males are slightly more likely to have associated bone tools (17% of male burials versus 14% of female burials). Males are twice as likely to have associated chipped stone (21% of male burials versus 11% of females). Females are only slightly more likely to have associated ground stone (20% of female burials versus 17% of male burials). In all cases where an object appears in the mortuary contexts more than three
184 times, it was found with both males and females and also with individuals of indeterminate sex, who might skew the ratio if sex were known.
The association of technomic artifact types with individuals of both biological sexes suggests that either the division of labor for food and craft production tasks was very flexible at this site, or that grave goods may have been donated by mourners. The pattern of artifact association at SCL-38 provides little basis for identification of masculine and feminine gender roles or identification of two-spirits within the population. Unfortunately, for lack of clear markers of gender identity, the analysis of gender in this study will be limited to correlation with biological sex.
Disabilities
Evidence for physical or cognitive challenges likely to have influenced normal participation in daily activities will be gleaned from the osteological report produced by
Jurmain (2000). A few individuals from SCL-38 were observed to have distinctive congenital or pathological lesions which suggest that their activities and social interactions would have been affected.
Specializations
Limited evidence for craft specialization was found in the archaeological documentation from SCL-38. Larger caches of bird bone tubes or whistles than those likely needed for individual use were found with 11 individuals at the site. Caches of worked Olivella shells, identified as type A4 beads, may have been bead blanks (Alan
Leventhal, personal communication, April 11, 2012). If local bead production was taking place, individuals associated with these blanks would likely have had a special status within the population.
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The presence of ideotechnic artifacts with some individuals suggests that they had ritual responsibilities and may have been shamans. Dietary patterns will be examined among individuals with any burial-associated ideotechnic artifacts, as well as those with specific types (bone whistles and tubes, charmstones, cinnabar, and totemic faunal artifacts).
Status
Social status at SCL-38 will be inferred based on the presence and abundance of sociotechnic artifact types (beads and ornaments). Additionally, overall diversity of artifact associations will be considered. Further, mortuary context will be examined to see if dietary patterns, age classes, or sex designations correlate with interment type, association burials, burial posture, burial position, burial orientation, special mortuary preparation (e.g., burning), or spatial cluster affiliation (based on Bellifemine 1997).
Affiliation with moieties or lineages may be inferred from spatial organization of the cemetery as well as association with ornaments.
Population Affinity
Finally, individuals with dietary patterns which are significantly different than the majority of the population are likely to have been eating from a different menu. Stable isotope values of carbon and nitrogen will be used to determine whether all individuals buried at the Yukisma Mound were likely to have been part of the local population.
Additional data from stable isotopes of sulfur will enhance this discussion by associating the mineral content of bones with geological variation in the landscape.
CHAPTER V
APPROACHES TO PALEODIETARY
RECONSTRUCTION: INDIRECT
EVIDENCE
Introduction
Reconstruction of past foodways is a complicated endeavor, requiring multiple sources of information. To know what might have been eaten, it is important to first know which resources were available and how local resource availability might have varied through time. Dietary choices are based on maximizing caloric and nutritional return and minimizing energy required for procurement and processing (Bayham 1979;
Broughton 1994). When preferred foods are harder to procure (due to climate change, territory infringement, or over-exploitation), a broader range of foods must be considered.
Other factors enter into dietary decisions as well. Understanding what humans find “good” to eat is more complex than simply knowing which foods are available.
Cultural concepts influence choices about which species are appropriate for everyday consumption, and which foods are preferred for prestigious or ceremonial purposes.
Some potential food resources may be avoided due to preferences, taboos, traditions, or territorial access. Other species may be useful for non-culinary purposes, such as plants used for basketry or animals kept for work or companionship. The most effective dietary
186 187 reconstruction will consider cultural evidence (e.g., ethnohistorical accounts) in addition to environmental reconstruction and physical evidence of foods consumed.
This chapter will present a brief history of approaches to paleodietary analysis, the study of foodways of prehistoric peoples. Sources of dietary information are categorized as indirect (implying presence of a resource) or direct (definitive evidence of resource consumption). Available data from CA-SCL-38 and nearby sites will be presented for each indirect source of paleodietary information, including environmental reconstruction, botanical and faunal remains, and artifactual evidence for subsistence practices. Available information from ethnographic and historic sources will also be discussed. The chapter will conclude with a summary of what was likely to have been on the menu for the early inhabitants of the Santa Clara Valley. Direct sources of evidence about the diet of the ancestral Ohlone evidence will be presented in Chapter VI.
A Brief History of Paleodietary Analysis
Plant and animal remains at archaeological sites have been studied for centuries (e.g., Dall 1877; Heer 1866; Kunth 1826; Wyman 1868a, 1868b, 1875) but integrated approaches to paleonutritional analysis are relatively new (Sutton et al. 2010).
A symposium held in St. Louis in 1976, entitled, “Paleonutrition: The Reconstruction of
Diet from Archaeological Evidence,” inspired the first major book on integrative paleodietary analysis, written by Wing and Brown (1977). In this volume, the authors presented several approaches to understanding the diet of past populations, including analysis of botanical, faunal, bioarchaeological, and artifactual remains. They were the first to advocate a “coordinated reconstruction rather than isolated and unrelated
188 information” (Wing and Brown 1977:1). Eight years later, Gilbert and Mielke (1985) edited another volume, in which multiple authors addressed specific techniques of paleodietary analysis. Their work included important perspectives on approaches to paleonutrition, but lacked the integrative focus of Wing and Brown (1977).
The publication of Sobolik’s edited volume on paleonutritional analysis in
1994 was a major contribution and set the tone for future paleodietary studies. Sobolik and colleagues advocated an integrative approach and divided analytical techniques into two categories: indirect sources and direct sources. Analytical approaches which demonstrate presence of resources, but not necessarily their use as food, were categorized as indirect sources of dietary information. These included botanical evidence, faunal evidence, and tools used for food procurement, processing, and storage. Direct sources unambiguously demonstrate consumption by individual humans, and come directly from the human body in the form of paleofecal evidence (gut contents and coprolites) and bioarchaeological evidence (diet-related pathologies, trace elements in bones and teeth and stable isotope analysis of skeletal materials) (Sutton 1994:98). In the concluding chapter of this volume, Wing advocates a finer grained consideration of food dynamics within communities, including the identification of differential access to resources based on issues of gender, status and age (Wing 1994:315).
Later publications addressing paleonutrition (Sutton et al. 2010) as well as some handbooks on specific techniques (e.g., Pearsall 2008) have adopted the structure of direct and indirect approaches to paleodietary reconstruction and expanded the list of techniques in each category. From these sources, and for the purposes of my analysis to follow, the following approaches are recognized as indirect sources of information about
189 paleodiet at the household or community level: (1) remains of foods and residues including botanical evidence, faunal remains, and residue analysis from cooking tools, and (2) implements of food procurement and preparation, including groundstone and tools for hunting, fishing and gathering (Pearsall 2008:499). Additionally, other indirect sources provide evidence of diet at the extra-community or regional level, such as paleoenvironmental reconstruction, resource proximity to habitation sites, evidence of landscape modification, and food processing or kill sites outside the habitation zone
(Pearsall 2008:500). Ethnohistoric records regarding food resource use are not addressed in the above sources, but will be included in my discussion below as a valuable indirect source of insight about food preferences and traditions, particularly those of more recent generations.
The list of direct sources of dietary information has not changed significantly in recent decades, and still includes studies of paleofecal and bioarchaeological evidence, including pathologies, trace elements in bone and teeth, and stable isotope analysis of human tissues. Sutton et al. (2010) introduced two changes to the list of direct sources.
The first is the addition of DNA studies, particularly for identification of gut contents, identification of species from residues on processing tools, and identification of domesticated species (Sutton et al 2010:49). The second change is the recategorization of stable isotope analysis to the list of indirect sources of dietary information (Sutton et al.
2010:86). The reason given for this change is that non-dietary, environmental factors may influence stable isotope values in human tissues. While this is true for some stable isotopes, the authors in this chapter have conflated their discussion of dietary isotope evidence (from carbon and nitrogen values) with environmental isotope evidence (from
190 oxygen and hydrogen values in water, or strontium and sulfur values in soil). All of these elements are incorporated into the body through dietary consumption, but of these, only carbon and nitrogen (and more recently, sulfur, e.g., Craig et al. 2006; Krouse and
Herbert 1988; Nehlich et al. 2011, 2012) are typically used to understand dietary composition. By discussing all of these factors together, the relative value of specific isotopes for dietary reconstruction is missed. Additionally, while it is recognized that environment can affect the value of nitrogen isotopes within food webs, particularly in very dry, hot conditions (Ambrose 1991), this would not have been a significant factor within the environment of California’s Santa Clara Valley (see discussion of paleoenvironment below). For the purposes of this study, stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values of human bone will be categorized as a direct source of paleodietary evidence, because these values have been shown to directly relate to the composition of an individual’s diet (see discussion of stable isotope analysis in Chapter VI). The next section of this chapter will review available indirect evidence about paleodiet in the southern San Francisco Bay Area and northern Santa Clara Valley. Direct evidence will be addressed in Chapter VI.
Evidence of Food Resources near CA-SCL-38: Indirect Sources
The following paleoenvironmental reconstruction will feature evidence particular to the northern Santa Clara Valley environment, including environmental data from local studies, archaeological information from CA-SCL-38 and other nearby sites, and historical and ethnographic data particularly related to the Ohlone Indians of the northern Valley and East Bay Area. While several surveys of California Indian foodways
191 have been written, these works generalize about traditions across the Central Coast region
(Lightfoot and Parrish 2009), based on “ecological type” (Heizer and Elsasser 1980), or broadly over the entire state (e.g., M. K. Anderson 2005; Kroeber 1925; Jacknis 2004).
Generalization can be problematic, as Milliken mentioned in his “Ethnohistory of the
Ohlone People,”
Since Santa Clara Valley people spoke a Costanoan language, there has been a tendency to accept any information about any Costanoan groups as if it were pertinent to all places where Costanoan was spoken. In this review we do not automatically assume information about other Costanoan-ethnolinguistic groups describes contact period Santa Clara Valley people. There was a tremendous cultural diversity within the aboriginal Costanoan language area, and diversity renders suspect extrapolations from neighboring groups to the Santa Clara Valley groups. [Milliken 2007:48]
Following Milliken’s lead, my paleodietary reconstruction for the ancestral Ohlone in the
Yukisma area will rely on locally derived evidence, rather than assuming the that foodways there were the same as those practiced in other regions of California.
Additionally, with the help of direct evidence, I will examine the effects of adaptive or preferential variation through time. Rather than accepting generalized truisms about diet for this specific group, this study will present an evidence-based reconstruction of local foodways.
Paleoenvironmental Reconstruction
The Yukisma Mound Site (CA-SCL-38) is located within the modern city of
Milpitas, in Santa Clara Valley, California. The site lies within the Coyote Creek watershed system, on the historical shoreline of Lower Penetencia Creek. The Valley is framed by the Santa Cruz Mountains to the west and the Coastal Range to the east (also called the Diablo Range or Mt. Hamilton Range). The Pacific Ocean is just beyond the
192
Santa Cruz Mountains, about 25 kilometers (16 miles) away. The San Francisco Estuary, including the Bay and Baylands, extends to within two miles of the Yukisma Mound Site.
Historic Climate and Landforms. Central California has a Mediterranean climate, with mild, wet winters and warm, dry summers (Gilliam 2002). The surrounding mountains and estuary contribute to the particularly temperate microclimate in the northern Santa Clara Valley. Rainfall in the northern Valley averages only 16 inches per year, because it lies in the rain shadow of the Santa Cruz Mountains. By comparison, annual rainfall in Ben Lomond, in the Santa Cruz mountains, averages 42 inches per year
(Gilliam 2002).
The Santa Clara Valley is also shielded from summertime coastal fogs.
However, during the winter, radiation fog (known locally as “tule fog”) forms over marshy inland areas in the early morning hours and blankets the valley floor for periods lasting up to a few days at a time. Modern average temperatures in Milpitas range between 50 and 70 degrees Fahrenheit (approximately 10-20°C), with summertime highs occasionally reaching the low 100 degrees Fahrenheit (38-42°C) and winter lows only rarely dipping below freezing (see Figure 27). The climate experienced in the Santa Clara
Valley today is more stable and temperate than at any time during the past ten thousand years (Grossinger et al. 2008). Climate fluctuation during the Middle and Late Holocene would certainly have affected the local environment for people living in the Santa Clara
Valley. Evidence for prehistoric climate will be explored later in this chapter.
Another major component of the Central California landscape is the shifting ground itself. Three major tectonic faults run through the region, bracketing the Bay. The
Hayward and Calaveras faults lie to the east of the Yukisma Mound, at distances as close
193
110 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 Temperature Temperature 30
(In degrees Fahrenheit) (In 20 10 0 Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Record High 79 81 87 95 101 109 108 105 104 101 85 79 Average High 58 62 66 69 74 79 82 82 80 74 64 58 Mean 50 54 57 59 63 68 70 70 69 64 55 50 Average Low 42 45 47 49 52 56 58 58 57 53 46 42 Record Low 24 26 30 35 37 42 47 47 42 36 21 19 Average Precipitation 3.07 3.22 2.54 1.18 0.51 0.10 0.02 0.02 0.18 0.80 1.68 2.61 (inches)
FIGURE 27. Monthly average temperatures and precipitation in Milpitas, California (modern).
Source: Weather Channel, n.d., Monthly Averages for Milpitas, CA. http://www.weather.com, accessed May 15, 2012.
as 4 and 11 kilometers (2.5 and 7 miles), respectively. The San Andreas Fault lies to the west, and passes within 24 kilometers (15 miles) of the site (See Figure 28).
Earthquakes along these fault lines would have caused surface ruptures, as demonstrated by geologic evidence in Sunol (12 km/7.5 miles northeast), and subsidence and groundwater changes, observed in southern Santa Clara Valley (Rosenthal and Meyer
2004:41). Offsets in stream paths caused by earthquakes can still be seen along San
Ysidro Creek, about 60 kilometers (37 miles) southeast of the Yukisma Mound (Baldwin et al. 2002:18). Although there is no way to know exactly what the ancestral Ohlone thought about these unpredictable interruptions to the stability of the earth’s surface,
194
FIGURE 28. Map of tectonic faults in the San Francisco Bay area. The approximate location of CA-SCL-38 is shown as a red dot.
Source: Adapted from File: 122-38 Hayward Fault, 2004, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:122- 38HaywardFault.jpg, accessed May 15, 2012.
earthquakes would have the potential to cause both immediate damage to built structures
(e.g., homes, dance houses, acorn granaries) and long-term change to landforms and drainage systems.
The Yukisma Mound site is located on the shore of Lower Penetencia Creek, and is surrounded by a landscape of diverse micro-environments. Historical
195 documentation provides a baseline for understanding the ecological diversity of the Santa
Clara Valley prior to the massive land and waterway modification and development projects of the past two hundred years. Grossinger et al. (2006) produced an excellent survey of the historical ecology of the Coyote Creek catchment, including Penetencia
Creek, based on comprehensive review of historical documents, photographs, maps, and ecological studies. The resulting reconstruction of the local environment between AD
1769 and 1850 suggests incredible biological diversity. Five distinct landscape types were recognized in their study: the marine environments of the Bay, the intertidal
Baylands (regions submerged during high tide but exposed during low tide), the low- lying Bottomlands (areas above the reach of the tides, but frequently wet or submerged), alluvial fans and natural levees (sedimentary deposits from active or historical waterways), and the bedrock hills. Within these zones, the following habitats were identified (adapted from Grossinger et al. 2006). Relative distributions of each habitat within the Coyote Creek Watershed are presented in Table 23.
1. Tidal Flats: Part of the Baylands, this habitat is the first semi-solid surface between marine and terrestrial habitats. Clay, silt, or sandy soils are submerged at high tide. At low tide, the flats are exposed, revealing prime habitat for oysters and other shellfish.
2. Tidal Marshland: Also part of the Baylands, marshland is characterized by at least ten percent cover by vascular vegetation. Tidal marshland is also submerged during high tides, and supports plants such as tule (Scirpus spp.), cordgrass (Spartina foliosa), pickleweed (Salicornia pacifica) and saltgrass (Distichlis spicata). Habitat elements within the marshlands include marsh plains, marsh pannes (shallow ponds), salinas
196
TABLE 23. Estimated Historical Habitat Acreages in the Coyote Creek Watershed, Circa 1800 AD
Habitat Acreage % of area
Tidal Flat 1300 1.9%
Tidal Marshland 10000 14.7%
Wet Meadow 7500 11.0%
Saltgrass-Alkali Meadow 4000 5.9%
Perennial Freshwater Ponds 20 Trace
Willow Groves 400 0.6%
Sycamore Grove 200 0.3%
Valley Oak Savanna 15000 22.0%
Dry Native Grasslands 29000 42.5%
68220 100.0%
Source: Adapted from Grossinger, Robin, Ruth Askevold, Chuck Striplene Brewster, Sarah Pearce, Kristen Larned, Lester McKee, and Josh Collins, 2006, Coyote Creek Watershed Historical Ecology Study: Historical Condition, Landscape Change, and Restoration Potential in the Eastern Santa Clara Valley, California. SFEI Publication 426. Oakland, CA: San Francisco Estuary Institute.
(elongated pannes along backshore, a source of natural salt production) and sloughs
(transitional environments connecting riparian drainage systems with the estuary).
3. Wet Meadow: Part of the Bottomlands, wet meadows were vast areas of moist soils, often seasonally submerged. These regions were treeless, but were good habitat for rhizomatous ryegrasses (Leymus spp.).
197
4. Saltgrass-Alkali Meadow: A subdivision of wet meadows, the saltgrass- alkali meadow (salitroso) habitat featured high concentrations of salt in the soils, and distinctive flora.
5. Perennial Freshwater Ponds: Very few freshwater ponds (lagunas) were identified in the Coyote Creek watershed region. The closest to the Yukisma Site would have been Penitencia Pond, a small body of probably somewhat brackish water two miles downstream from the site. Tulares are smaller freshwater emergent wetland zones, predominately vegetated with tule (Scirpus spp.)
6. Willow Groves: Willow groves (sausals) were found in the bottomlands near seeps or springs, at the ends of distributary creeks, or in sinks beside creeks. In addition to willows (Salix lasiolepis), historical accounts describe blackberries and wild roses in this habitat.
7. Sycamore Groves: Found along natural levees, California sycamores
(Platanus racemosa) were the most common trees along gravelly creek beds in the
Coyote Creek watershed.
8. Valley Oak Savanna: The signature habitat of the alluvial fans in the Santa
Clara Valley was Valley Oak Savanna (roblares). Valley oak (Quercus lobata) was the most common species, but live oaks (Q. agrifolia) were also present. Trees were widely spaced, and often of remarkable age and size.
9. Dry Native Grasslands: The final terrestrial habitat identified was the grasslands, which grew on well-drained alluvial fans. Flora included rhizomatous grasses and perennial bunch grasses. Frequent, low intensity burning was critical to the
198 maintenance of this habitat, which would have otherwise converted to brushland or woodland.
Positioning the Yukisma Mound within this environment, SCL-38 was located on alluvial deposits just at the southern edge of the Bottomlands. The site would have been on the northern reach of a sycamore grove, which continued south along the shores of the creek. The Sycamore Grove habitat was bordered by saltgrass-alkali meadows, which transitioned to less alkaline wet meadows to the north and east. Willow groves grew to the east and southeast. Vast Valley Oak Savannas covered the alluvial plains to the south of the site, surrounded by extensive dry grasslands. To the north, the Baylands extended to within two miles of the site. In summary, at the beginning of the 19th century, marine and estuarine environments and all nine terrestrial ecozones described above would have been found within a two-mile radius of the Yukisma Mound site. The precise range and composition of the local ecozones would have shifted in prior centuries, but the overall composition and biodiversity are likely to have been similar in California’s past.
In addition to these marine, estuarine, and terrestrial habitats, the creeks would have been important resources for Native Americans. Lower Penitencia Creek is thought to have been a steady perennial stream, and may have been the dominant outlet for the
Coyote Creek system during the Holocene (Grossinger et al. 2006:III-17). The Lower
Penetencia was characterized by an unusually wide slough and relatively wide riparian forest. In the tidal reaches of Lower Penitencia Creek and Coyote Creek, many fish species were probably available, including white sturgeon, thicktail chub, Sacramento blackfish, Sacramento splittail, Sacramento sucker, longfin smelt, threespine stickleback, prickly sculpin, Pacific staghorn sculpin, Sacramento perch, tule perch, shiner perch,
199 longjaw mudsucker, and starry flounder (Grossinger et al. 2006:Table IV-51). Further upstream, in the “shallow, sinuous, well-wooded perennial lowland stream reaches” of the Lower Coyote Creek and Lower Penitencia Creek, additional species such as Pacific lamprey, western brook lamprey, Sacramento blackfish, hitch, Sacramento pike-minnow, three-spine stickleback, prickly sculpin, tule perch, and possibly Chinook salmon would have been available (Grossinger et al. 2006:Table IV-51.). Steelhead could have entered the valley from Penitencia Creek and Berryessa creek, developing into resident rainbow trout in years when rainfall was insufficient for return to the sea (Grossinger et al.
2006:IV-53).
Habitat reconstructions from Hildebrandt and Swenson (1983) describe important economic species by habitat type in the Southern Santa Clara Valley during the
Contact Period. Because their focus was on the southern portion of the valley, the
Bayland and Bottomland environments described by Grossinger et al. (2006) are not included. However, Hildebrandt and Swenson (1983) do provide species lists for the Tule
Marsh (similar to Willow Grove), Riparian Forest (similar to Sycamore Grove),
California Prairie (similar to Dry Native Grasslands), and Valley Oak Savanna (same name used). Additionally, plant and animal communities are described for the Chaparral environment of the foothills and the Mixed Hardwood Forest of the Coastal Mountain
Range. Economically important plant resources which are likely to have been present in each community are summarized in Table 24. Important faunal resources for each community are presented in Table 25.
Reconstructions of the historical landscape of Santa Clara Valley, between
1769 when the Portolá expedition first documented the local terrain, and 1850, when
200
TABLE 24. Important Economic Plant Resources in Southern Santa Clara Valley Habitats
Common Name Taxon Product Mixed Hardwood Forest Forest Hardwood Mixed Chaparral California Prairie Savanna Oak Valley Forest Riparian Marsh Tule Arboreal species Bay Umbelluria californica Peppercorn x x Blue oak Quercus douglassi Acorn x Buckeye Aesculus californica Nut x x Coast live oak Quercus agrifolia Acorn x x Interior live oak Quercus wislizeni Acorn x x Valley oak Quercus lobata Acorn x x x
Non-Arboreal species Blackberry Rubus sp. (?) ** Berry x Buttercup Ranuculus spp. Seed/pinole x x California lilac Ceanothus greggii Seed/pinole x Cattails Typha spp. Root, shoot, seed x Clover Lotus spp. Greens, seed, x x pinole Elderberry Sambucus mexicana Berry x x Gilia Gilia spp. Flowers x x Hollyleaf cherry Prunus ilicifolia Berry x Indian potato Orogenia fusiformus Bulb x x Lupine Lupinus spp. Greens x x Manzanita Arctostaphylos spp. Berry x Red maids Calandrinia spp. Seed/pinole x x Soap root Chenopodium Greens/bulb x x californicum Toyon Heteromeles arbutifolia Berry x x Tules Scirpus spp. Root, shoot, seed x Wild grape Vitis californica Berry x Wild onion Allium spp. Bulb x x x
201
TABLE 24 (Continued)
Common Name Taxon Product Mixed Hardwood Forest Forest Hardwood Mixed Chaparral California Prairie Savanna Oak Valley Forest Riparian Marsh Tule Non-Arboreal species (cont.) Wild rye Elymus spp. Seed/pinole x x Wyethia (Mule Wyethia spp. Greens, seed, x x ears) pinole ** Rubus discolor (Blackberry) – not a native species per Calflora (n.d.).
Source: Hildebrandt, William, and Laureen Swenson, 1983, Environmental Setting and Site Catchment Analysis. In Final Report, Archaeological Research of the Southern Santa Clara Valley Project: Based on a Data Recovery Program from Sites CA-SCl-54, CA-SCl-163, CA-SCl-178, CA-SCl-237 and CA-SCl-241 Located in the Route 101 Corridor, Santa Clara County, California. Limited distribution technical paper prepared by Daniel, Mann, Johnson, and Mendenhall and William R. Hildebrandt for the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, California.
California became a state, described a remarkable level of environmental diversity. The many nearby ecozones would have given valley residents abundant dietary options, but it would be a mistake to think that the landscape had always looked like it did during these early years of European settlement.
Many historians and archaeologists in California made this very mistake when forming twentieth-century ideas about the pre-contact past. The apparent abundance of resources led them to believe that California’s environment had been bountiful and temperate since the earliest days of human occupation. Native Californians were said to have developed a simple and unchanging culture within a benign and lush environment where diverse resources provided easy options for dietary choices (Kroeber 1925, 1963;
Rawls 1984). The connections between environment and cultural practices
202
TABLE 25. Important Economic Faunal Resources in Southern Santa Clara Valley Habitats
Common Name Taxon Mixed Hardwood Forest Forest Hardwood Mixed Chaparral California Prairie Savanna Oak Valley Forest Riparian Marsh Tule Insects Grasshoppers Insecta x
Fish Hardheads (catfish) Arius felis x King (Chinook) Salmon Oncorhynchus tshawytscha x Sacramento perch Archoplites interruptus x Squawfish Ptychocheilus grandis x Steelhead Oncorhynchus mykiss x Sturgeon Acipenser transmontanus x Suckers Catostomus occidentalis x
Local Birds American avocet Recurvirostra americana x Band-tailed pigeon Columba fasciata Bittern Botarurus lentiginosus x Black necked stilt Himantopus mexicanus x Black-crowned night heron Nycticorax nycticorax x California quail Lophortyx californicus x x x x x Cinnamon teal Anas cyanoptera x Common Gallinule Gallinula chloropus x Common snipe Capella gallinago x Gadwall Anas strepora x Great blue heron Ardea herodoias x Green heron Butorides virenscens x Killdeer Charadrius vociferus x Mallard Anas platyrhynchos x Mourning dove Zenaidura macroura x x x x x Pied-billed grebe Podilymbus podiceps x Pintail Anas acuta x Rail Rallus spp. x Ruddy duck Oxyura jamicensis x
203
TABLE 25 (Continued)
Common Name Taxon Mixed Hardwood Forest Forest Hardwood Mixed Chaparral California Prairie Savanna Oak Valley Forest Riparian Marsh Tule Local Birds (cont.) Shoveler Spatula clypeata x Sora Porzana carolina x
Migratory Birds Blue winged teal Anas discors x Bufflehead Bucephala albeola x Canada goose Branta canadensis x Canvasback Aythya valisineria x Common goldeneye Bucephala clangula x Dowitcher Limnodromus spp. x Dunlin Erolia ferruginea x Eared grebe Podiceps caspicus x Godwit Limosa fedoa x Greater scaup Aythya marila x Green winged teal Anas carolinenesis x Knot Caldris canutus x Lesser scaup Aythya affinis x Long billed curlew Numenius americanus x Merganser Mergus spp. X Redhead Aythya americana x Ring necked duck Aythya collaris x Snow goose Chen hyperborea x Spotted sandpiper Actitis macularia x Western sandpiper Ereunetes mauri x Whimbrel Numenius phaeopus x Yellowlegs Totanus spp. X
Reptiles/Amphibians Red legged frog Rana aurora x Western pond turtle Clemmys marmorata x
204
TABLE 25 (Continued)
Common Name Taxon Mixed Hardwood Forest Forest Hardwood Mixed Chaparral California Prairie Savanna Oak Valley Forest Riparian Marsh Tule Mammals Badger Taxidea taxus x x x Black-tail deer Odocoileus hemionus columbianus x x x Bobcat Lynx rufus x Brush rabbit Sylvilagus hachmanii x Coyote Canis ochropus x Grey squirrel Scirius griseus x Ground squirrel Otospermophilus beecheyi x x x Jack rabbit Lepus californicus x x x x Kangaroo rat Dipodomys spp. x x Meadow mouse Microtus californicus x x Mink Neovison vison x Mountain lion Felis concolor x Pocket gopher Thomomys spp. x x x x Pronghorn antelope Antilocapra americana x x Raccoon Procyon lotor x x Striped skunk Mephitis mephitis x Tule elk Cervus elaphus nannodes x x x Vagrant shrew Sorex vagrans x Wood rat Neotoma fuscipes x x
Source: Hildebrandt, William, and Laureen Swenson, 1983, Environmental Setting and Site Catchment Analysis. In Final Report, Archaeological Research of the Southern Santa Clara Valley Project: Based on a Data Recovery Program from Sites CA-SCl-54, CA-SCl-163, CA-SCl-178, CA-SCl-237 and CA-SCl-241 Located in the Route 101 Corridor, Santa Clara County, California. Limited distribution technical paper prepared by Daniel, Mann, Johnson, and Mendenhall and William R. Hildebrandt for the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, California.
were considered to be so definitive in California prehistory that cultural behavior was described based on “ecological type” (Heizer and Elsasser 1980). Only in recent decades have archaeologists incorporated empirical ecological data to understand the true nature
205 of the environment in California during the Holocene (11,000 BP to present), and to hypothesize about the influence of the environmental variability on local populations
(e.g., Broughton 1994; D’Oro 2009; Kennett and Kennett 2000; Raab and Jones 2004;
Raab and Larson 1997).
Prehistoric Climate and Landforms. It is now understood that the landscape of the Central California coast region has changed dramatically during the time that humans have lived upon this land. About 15,000 years ago, sea levels were approximately 130 meters (425 feet) below their present levels, and the coast of Central California extended as far as 40 to 50 kilometers (25-31 miles) further to the west than today (Bickel 1978;
Masters and Aiello 2007). By this time, Native Americans had established settlements at least as far south as Texas (Waters et al. 2011), and likely occupied the now-submerged coastal regions of California as well (Bickel 1978; Davis et al. 2010). Twenty-nine thousand year old fossil flora assemblages from Tomales Bay, a coastal region just north of San Francisco Bay, place both Sitka spruce and Monterey pine far from their current ranges, suggesting that the climate throughout Central California was more uniformly cool and moist than today (Johnson 1977; Rosenthal and Meyer 2004). Fossil plant remains from Mountain View with radiocarbon dates between 20,830 and 23,000 BP, include incense cedar (Calocedrus), cypress (Cupressus), pine (Pinus), and Douglas fir
(Pseudotsuga), species that thrive in moist, cool environments (Axelrod 1981). The study site in Mountain View is approximately 10 kilometers (6 miles) due west of the Yukisma
Mound site, and is 200 kilometers (124 miles) south of the nearest modern environment with a similar assemblage, at Clear Lake.
206
Between 15,000 and 10,000 years ago, the coastline of Central California receded at a rate of 400 to 500 meters per century beneath rising ocean waters (Bickel
1978). Warmer global temperatures during the Early Holocene led to a massive glacial melt off, causing sea levels to rise at a rate of approximately two centimeters per year between 11,000 and 8,000 BP (Atwater et al. 1977). Based on sedimentary analysis of boreholes from the San Francisco Bay region, it is now understood that the rising seas passed through the Golden Gate about 10,000 years ago, submerging the inland river valleys and forming the present San Francisco Bay (Atwater et al. 1977). The boundaries of the new estuary expanded by as much as 30 meters (100 feet) each year between
10,000 and 8,000 BP (Atwater et al. 1977). The Early Holocene was also a much drier period in Central California. A study of paleosols (ancient, buried soil layers) near Union
City, just 23 kilometers (14 miles) north of CA-SCL-38, found that pedogenic carbonate formed between about 10,000 and 7,100 years ago, indicating a very dry period. Further, the leaching depth in Early Holocene soils was quite shallow, suggesting that rainfall was approximately half of the modern norm (Borchardt and Lienkaemper 1999).
During the period known as the Altithermal, between 8,500 and 4,000 years ago (6500-2000 BC), global temperatures continued to rise, leading to the evaporation of inland lakes and continued flooding of coastal valleys (Grossinger et al. 2008). By 6,000 years ago, the rate of sea level rise slowed to only one to two meters per millennium, allowing the boundaries of the bayshore to stabilize (Atwater et al. 1977; West et al.
2007).
Newly stable conditions around the bayshore led to the diversification of ecosystems in the region, including the formation of estuaries, mud flats, and tidal
207 marshes. Plants such as tule (Scirpus spp.) and California cordgrass (Spartina foliosa) grew on mudflats and tolerated periodic tidal submergence. Over time, accumulated sediments around the roots of these plants raised the shoreline and allowed other plants such as pickleweed (Salicornia pacifica) and saltgrass (Distichlis spicata) to take root
(Atwater et al. 1979; Bickel 1978). Evidence of roots within ancient sediments informs us of the chronology of marsh development (Atwater et al. 1977, 1979). The marsh systems of the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta region formed first, about 6,000 years ago. The environment of the southern border of the San Francisco Bay stabilized 4,000 years later, a delay likely due to ongoing tectonic activity and additional subsidence of alluvial sediments beneath the weight of bay waters (Atwater et al 1979). Sedimentation finally kept pace with subsidence around 2,000 years ago, allowing the tidal marshes of Santa
Clara County to form.
Around 2,500 years ago, during the Neoglacial period, temperatures were much cooler, again slowing sea level rise and influencing local ecosystems (West et al.
2007). A significant increase in the oyster population has been noted around this time in the region near the current San Mateo Bridge (within the San Francisco Bay, approximately 20 kilometers or 12 miles to the northeast of the Yukisma Mound) (Bickel
1978). These increased shellfish populations would have provided a reliable and easily harvested food source for native Californians.
Studies of oxygen isotope ratios within mussel (Mytilus californianus) shells from archaeological sites in Monterey and San Luis Obispo counties suggest that sea surface temperatures (SSTs) along the central California coast were fairly stable during times of human occupation until about 650 BP (1300 AD), and were slightly cooler than
208 at present (Jones and Kennett 1999). After this time, extreme fluctuations in SSTs occurred, yet climate change on land is apparent several centuries earlier.
Temperatures in terrestrial environments have been inferred from tree ring growth around the Bay Area (Stahle et al. 2001) and in the Sierra Nevada (Stine 1994).
Extremely severe drought conditions were observed between 1100 and 850 BP and between 750 and 600 BP with a wet interval between (Stine 1994). These droughts fall within the period known as the Medieval Climatic Anomaly (MCA), a span between approximately 1150 and 650 BP (800-1400 AD) during which conditions around the world were particularly dry, but also highly variable (Jones and Kennett 1999; West et al.
2007).
As a response to recurring periods of drought and deluge, intense alluvial deposition also changed the landscape of Santa Clara Valley during the Medieval
Climatic Anomaly, building deep, rich soils on the valley floor (Grossinger et al. 2008).
Alluvial deposits would have accumulated alongside creek beds, at the mouths of streams, and within the inner circumference of meanders in streams (Press and Siever
1986:195). As a bend in a stream increases, a point bar is formed along the inner bank where the current is the weakest. Alluvial sands and soils are deposited, forming deep, soft, mounds. Nels Nelson observed that landforms such as these were preferred sites for earth mound construction (Nelson 1909). The Yukisma Mound site lies within a historic meander of the Lower Penitencia Creek, and 93 percent of radiocarbon dates from the site are within the past 1200 years, suggesting that site use began during the early part of the Medieval Climatic Anomaly.
209
Increased settlement disruption during the MCA has been observed in many parts of the world including Southern California (Arnold 1992; Raab and Larson 1997), and along the Central California Coast (Jones 1995; Jones and Kennett 1999; but see
D’Oro 2009 for an analysis of sites from Santa Clara and Santa Cruz counties which does not support resource intensification, increased warfare or settlement disruption during this time).
The period following the MCA, lasting until approximately 1850 AD, is known as the Little Ice Age (LIA) due to generally cooler temperatures world wide, punctuated with sudden and major fluctuations in temperature and precipitation (West et al. 2007). In Central California, sea temperatures fluctuated dramatically between 650 and 450 BP (1300-1500 AD), but stabilized between 450-250 BP (1500-1700 AD) at slightly cooler temperatures than present (Jones and Kennett 1999). On land, tree ring growth patterns of blue oak trees dating back to 1604 AD indicated multiple wet and dry periods (Stahle et al. 2001). All of this information suggests that people living in the region endured frequent climate changes which may have required rapid adaptation to changing residence locations and resource availability.
Paleoenvironment Summary. Since 1850, the climate of Central California has been more stable and temperate than it was at any time during the past 10,000 years
(Grossinger et al. 2008). This unusually benign climate is the only one that most
European settlers in California have experienced, and certainly influenced perceptions of what life in the past might have been like. The next 150 years saw significant changes to the landscape as levees were constructed and abandoned, new ports constructed and failed, agriculture was introduced, and tremendous population growth led to massive
210 construction and development (Grossinger and Askevold 2005) (also see Figure 6 for population growth in the Santa Clara Valley). Only 5 to 17 percent of the original marshland remains today; the balance has been filled or diked for use as salt ponds
(Atwater et al 1979; Grossinger and Askevold 2005).
The evidence above suggests that the Native people in Central California have witnessed massive changes to the landscape, the drowning of coasts and flooding of river valleys, the formation of new ecosystems along the bayshore, temperature extremes both cooler and warmer than today, periods of drought and periods of heavy rains. Although sea surface temperatures have varied through the past 2,000 years, there is no indication in the Monterey area of temperatures high enough to disrupt kelp forest environments or of other resource depression of marine food sources (Jones and Kennett 1999). The most significant effects of the changing climate would have been noticed in terrestrial, estuarine and riparian food webs. During times of environmental stress, the ranges of animal prey species would have shifted continually to follow resource availability. The changing ecosystems in the area invited new resources as well, such as shellfish and migratory shore birds. Periods of drought would adversely affect availability of seeds, acorns, greens, nuts, and root foods, perhaps inspiring additional mobility of populations and greater competition for resources.
Botanical Studies
One of the best indirect indicators of past diets is the botanical remains found within archaeological sites. These seeds, roots, pollen grains, and other botanical remains are strong evidence for the plants that existed nearby at the time, and were likely utilized in some way by the local people. Botanical information from CA-SCL-38 is limited to
211 preliminary pollen analysis from residue on two mortars (associated with Burials 13 and
45) and three pipes (associated with Burials 33, 167, and 93) (Smith 1996). The preliminary findings highlight several economic families including sage/mint, cattail, mustard, nightshade, rose, grass, composite (sunflower) and umbel (e.g., wild celery)
(Smith 1996). The nightshade found in this study was in the residue of a pipe, and is consistent with tobacco. To supplement this information, botanical data from other nearby sites which were used during similar timeframes (between 1725 ± 200 to 245 ± 50 calibrated years BP, or about AD 225-1700) will also be considered (see Table 26).
The Rubino Site (CA-SCL-674) is located on an alluvial plain between the
Guadalupe River and Canoas Creek, about 15 kilometers (9 miles) south of the Yukisma
Mound site (Pastron and Bellifemine 2007). This was a mortuary site with a midden component, used during two distinct periods of time, between 2500 and1700 BP (550
BC-AD 250) and again between 700 and 400 BP (AD 1250-1550). These dates place use of the Rubino Site during the Early Middle Period and Phase I of the Late Period.
Macrobotanical analysis was done by Wohlgemuth (2007) and pollen residue analysis was completed by Cummings and Moutoux (2007).
Botanical analysis is also available from CA-SCL-690, the Tamien Station
Site, also located along the Guadalupe River, about 3 kilometers (2 miles) north of the
Rubino Site (Hylkema 2007). The cemetery at SCL-690 was used between approximately
1150 and 650 BP (800-1300 AD), with the greatest concentration of dates between 1050 and 850 BP (900-1100 AD) (Hylkema 2007). These dates place the Tamien Station site use from the Late Middle Period to the early phases of the Late Period, with declining use
TABLE 26. Botanical Resources Identified at CA-SCL-38 and Nearby Sites
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Not NativeNot
Arboreal species Betulaceae Alnus Alder x x x Betula Birch family x x Corylus cornuta Hazelnut x x x x x var. californicum Cupressaceae Cupressus sp. Cypress x x x x Juniperus Juniper x x x Sequoia Redwood x sempervirens Fagaceae Lithocarpus Live Oak x x x Quercus lobata Valley Oak x x x x x x x Quercus wislizenii Live Oak x x x x x x x or agrifolia Juglandaceae Juglans Walnut x x x x Lauraceae Umbelluria California bay x x x x californica Myrtaceae Eucalyptus Eucalyptus x x Oleaceae Fraxinus Ash x x x Pinaceae Pinus sp. Pine x x x x x x Platanaceae Platanus racemosa Sycamore x x x x 212
TABLE 26 (Continued)
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Not NativeNot
Arboreal species Salicaceae Populus spp. Cottonwood x x x Salix sp. Willow x x x x x Sapindaceae Acer negundo Maple x x Aesculus Buckeye x x x californica Ulmaceae Ulmus Elm x x x
Non-Arboreal Species Adoxaceae Sambucus Elderberry x x x x mexicana Amaranthaceae Amaranthus sp. Pigweed x x x Anacardiaceae Rhus sp. Sumac family x x x Apiacaea Apiacaea Parsley/carrot x x x x family (Wild celery) Asteraceae Ambrosia sp. Ragweed x Artemesia sp. Sagebrush x x x Asteraceae Sunflower x x x x family
213
TABLE 26 (Continued)
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Not NativeNot Non-Arboreal Species (cont.) Asteraceae (cont.) Baccharis Coyote brush x x pilularis var. consanguinea Cirsium sp. Thistle x x Hemizonia sp. Tarweed x x Madia or Tarweed x x x x x Hemizonia Boraginaceae Amsinckia- Borage, x x Cryptantha- Fiddleneck Plagiobothrys Phacelia sp. Wild heliotrope x Brassicaceae Brassicaceae Mustard family x x x x Lepidium sp. Peppergrass x x x Cactaceae Cactaceae Cactus family x Chenopodiaceae Atriplex Saltbush x x x x x Chenopodium sp. Goosefoot x x x x x x Cucurbitaceae Marah sp. Wild cucumber x x x Cyperaceae Cyperaceae Sedge family x Dodonaea Dodonaea Soapberry x x family 214
TABLE 26 (Continued)
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Not NativeNot Non-Arboreal Species (cont.) Ericaceae Arctostaphylos Manzanita x x x x sp. Euphorbiaceae Euphorbia Spurge x Fabaceae Fabaceae Lotus, bean x Lotus cf. Spanish clover x x Pushianus Lotus sp. Deer vetch x x x Lupinus sp. Lupine x x x Fabaceae Trifolium sp. Clover x x x Geraniaceae Erodium spp. Filaree x x x x Geranium sp. Wild geranium x Lamiaceae Lamiacae sp. Mint family x x (Labiatae sp.) Salvia spp. Chia x x x Montiaceae Calandrinia sp. Red Maids x x Claytonia Miner’s lettuce x x x perfoliata Montia Miner’s lettuce x x perfoliata
215
TABLE 26 (Continued)
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Not NativeNot Non-Arboreal Species (cont.) Onagraceae Clarkia sp. Farewell-to- x x x spring Onagraceae Evening x x primrose family Plantaginaceae cf. Plantago sp. Plaintain x Poaceae Agrostis or Bentgrass-type x x x Muhlenbergia sp. Bromus sp. Brome grass x x x x Calamagrostis Reedgrass-type x x x sp. Deschampsia sp. Hairgrass x x x x Elymus sp. Ryegrass x x x Eragrostis sp. Lovegrass x x Festuca or Fescue grass x x x Vulpia sp. Hordeum sp. Wild barley x x Panicum sp. Panic Grass x
216
TABLE 26 (Continued)
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Not NativeNot Non-Arboreal Species (cont.) Poaceae (cont.) Phalaris sp. Maygrass x x x x Poa sp. Bluegrass x x x Poaceae Grass family x x x Stipa sp. Needlegrass x Polemoniaceae Gilia sp. Gilia x Polemoniaceae Phlox family x Polygonaceae Eriogonum sp. Wild x x x x x buckwheat Rumex sp. Dock x x Portulacaceae Portulaca sp. Purslane x x Potamogetonaceae Potamogeton sp. Pondweed x Ranunculaceae Clematis Clematis x Ranuculus sp. Buttercup x x Rhamnaceae Ceanothus or Buckthorn x x Rhamnus family Rosaceae Heteromeles Toyon and x x x x x arbutifolia and Chamise Adenostoma
217
TABLE 26 (Continued)
USE SITE
SCL- SCL- SCL- SCL- 38 674 690 732
Family Taxon Common Name Not NativeNot Ediblenuts Edible seeds Ediblegreens Ediblefruits Ediblepollen or Edible roots bulbs Medicinal Utilitarian Wood Non-Arboreal Species (cont.) Rosaceae (cont.) Rubus sp. Berry x x Rubiaceae Galium sp. Bedstraw x x x Ruscaceae Nolina Beargrass x Solanaceae Solanaceae Potato/tomato x x family Themidaceae Brodiaea sp. Brodiaea x x Typhaceae Scirpus sp. Tule x x x Typha sp. Cattail x x x x x x x x
Sources: Cummings, Linda Scott, Kathryn Puseman, and Rosa Marie Albert, 1996, Pollen, Phytolith, and Protein Residue Analysis of Mortars from a Cemetery, Site CA-SCL-732, California. In Archaeological Investigations at Kaphan Umux (Three Wolves) Site, CA-SCL-732: A Middle Period Prehistoric Cemetery on Coyote Creek in Southern San Jose, Santa Clara County, California, Appendix H. Rosemary Cambra, Alan Leventhal, Laura Jones, Julia Hammett, Les Field, and Norma Sanchez, eds. Report on file at the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, CA; Hylkema, Mark G., 2002, Tidal Marsh, Oak Woodlands, and Cultural Florescence in the Southern San Francisco Bay Region. In Catalysts to Complexity: Late Holocene Societies of the California Coast. Jon M. Erlandson and Terry L. Jones, eds. Pp. 263-281. Perspectives in California Archaeology, vol. 6. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles; Smith, Susan, 1996, Results from initial scans of eleven pollen samples from CA-SCL-38. Unpublished MS, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona; Wohlgemuth, Eric, 2007, Subsistence Remains: Floral Analysis. In Archaeological Investigations at CA-SCL-674, the Rubino Site, San Jose, Santa Clara County, California, Vol. I. Allen G. Pastron and Viviana Bellifemine, eds. Pp. 213-224. Salinas, CA: Coyote Press. Taxonomic correlations based on data from Calflora, n.d., Information on Wild California Plants for Conservation, Education, and Appreciation, http://www.calflora.org, accessed January - February, 2012. 218
219 during the Middle to Late Period Transition (just at the beginning of the Medieval
Climatic Anomaly).
Botanical analyses of CA-SCL-732, Kaphan Umux, or the Three Wolves Site, have been published by Miksicek (1993) and Hammett (1996a) and summarized in
Hylkema (2002). This site lies along the banks of Coyote Creek, approximately 8 miles to the south/southeast of the Yukisma Mound. SCL-732 is a multicomponent site, with at least three discrete periods of concentrated use as a cemetery and ritual space. Site use there began in the Early Period, before the Yukisma Site was established, but subsequent use periods (uncalibrated radiocarbon dates of 2720 ± 180 to 1770 ± 90 BP, during the
Early Middle Period, and 410 ± 80 to 150 ± 80 BP, during Phase 2 of the Late Period) bracket and slightly overlap those found at the Yukisma Mound.
An overview of the botanical information recovered from these four sites suggests that the ancestral Ohlone made good use of a wide variety of local plants.
Information from nearby sites suggests that many varieties of grass seeds, nuts (including acorns), greens, geophytes (roots, bulbs, tubers, and corms) and fruits were consumed.
Faunal Studies
A preliminary analysis of faunal remains from the Yukisma Mound site was included in Bellifemine 1997, and further developed in Hylkema 2002. Table 27 presents relative abundance of identified vertebrate taxa at SCL-38. These species include artiodactyls (tule elk, black-tailed deer, and pronghorns), lagomorphs (cottontails and jack rabbits), other land mammals which may have been consumed (dogs, wolves, coyotes, grey foxes, grizzly and black bears, raccoons, skunks, a bobcat, and a mountain lion), sea mammals (sea otters and one California sea lion), waterfowl (geese, cranes,
220
TABLE 27. Relative Abundance of Vertebrate Faunal Species Identified at CA-SCL-38
Type Common Name Taxon NISPB %C Weight (g)
Land mammals Large herbivore Artiodactyla 105 20.5 1781.3 Tule elkA Cervus nannodes 105 20.5 3735.7 Black-tailed deer Odocoileus hemionus 62 12.1 1941.3 Jackrabbit Lepus californicus 37 7.2 79.2 Dog/wolf/coyote Canis sp. 18 3.5 108.6 Pronghorn Antilocapra 7 1.4 201.1 americana Coyote Canis latrans 6 1.2 42.7 Rabbit Sylvilagus bachmanii 6 1.2 7.2 Grizzly bearA Ursus horribilus 4 0.8 222.0 Black bear Ursus americanus 2 0.4 45.4 Gray fox Urocyon 2 0.4 10.1 cinereoargenteus Raccoon Procyon lotor 2 0.4 9.6 Skunk Mephitus mephitus 2 0.4 7.6 Bobcat Lynx rufus 1 0.2 11.3 Mountain lion Felis concolor 1 0.2 2.1 Total 360 70.4 8205.2
Sea mammals Sea otter Enhydra lutris 40 7.8 571.2 California sea lion Zalophus 1 0.2 7.5 californianus Total 41 8.0 578.7
Waterfowl Goose Chen sp. 50 9.8 112.0 Crane Grus sp. 20 3.9 272.4 Duck Anas sp. 9 1.8 19.5 Loon Gavia sp. 3 0.6 5.0 Pelican Pelicanus sp. 2 0.4 4.8 Cormorant Phalacrocorax sp. 1 0.2 2.2 Geese/ducks Anseriformes 1 0.2 5.0 Western grebe Aechmorphus 1 0.2 0.1 occidentalis Total 87 17.1 421.0
221
TABLE 27 (Continued)
Type Common Name Taxon NISPB %C Weight (g)
Other birds Hawk Buteo sp. 23 4.5 63.0 Eagle Aquila sp. 1 0.2 2.2 Total 24 4.7 65.2 Total Fauna Identified at SCL-38 512 100 9270.1 AOther elements from articulated grizzly bear and elk burial features were not included in this summary to avoid bias of the comparative effort. BNISP - Number of identified specimens. C% of NISP.
Sources: Bellifemine, Viviana, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University; Hylkema, Mark G., 2002, Tidal Marsh, Oak Woodlands, and Cultural Florescence in the Southern San Francisco Bay Region. In Catalysts to Complexity: Late Holocene Societies of the California Coast. Jon M. Erlandson and Terry L. Jones, eds. Pp. 263-281. Perspectives in California Archaeology, vol. 6. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.
ducks, loons, pelicans, cormorants, and western grebes), and two other birds (hawks and an eagle).
Comparison with identified faunal remains from other sites in the Coyote
Creek catchment area points to multiple species which were likely used by the ancestral
Ohlone. Presence of these species in archaeological contexts suggests that they were included as part of the diet, but some animals may have been interred for ceremonial purposes or may simply have died in the area and been inadvertently buried (e.g., commensal species or burrowing animals). Because all of these sites appear to have been primarily used for ceremonial and mortuary purposes, food stuffs present may represent grave offerings or feasting foods, rather than components of an everyday diet. The
Tamien Station site (CA-SCL-690) and Rubino Site (CA-SCL-674) each included a midden component in addition to the cemetery and other features, which may provide a
222 better indication of the species involved in diet. Both Bellifemine’s (2007) analysis at the
Rubino Site and Simons’ (2007) analysis of the Tamien Station material provide contextual detail, separating elements found in middens from those in features or burial inclusions. A summary of vertebrate species identified at each of the four sites is presented in Table 28.
Of the sites compared in Table 28, CA-SCL-38 is nearest to marine resources and is only site to include bones from marine mammals (sea lions and sea otters). A few fish vertebrae were recovered from SCL-38, but these have not been identified by taxon.
Some species identified in the table are introduced species, and would not have been present during prehistoric times, including the cattle, pig, sheep, chicken, and black rat
(Simons 2007). Simons (2007) indicated that all fish and amphibians listed in Table 28 would have been economically significant species for the ancestral Ohlone, in addition to all birds listed except the passeriforms, and all mammals excluding the burrowing insectivores (mole) and rodents (ground squirrel, gopher, kangaroo rat, wood rat, and meadow mouse). This last exclusion is an important distinction compared to many other resources, which mention rodents as typical foods of Native Californians (e.g.,
Harrington 1942:6; Kroeber 1925). Simons observed that the rodent remains from
Tamien Station did not show evidence of cultural modification associated with cooking or consumption, such as breakage or burning, and were likely invasive rather than part of the cultural assemblage (Dwight Simons, personal communication, March 1, 2012).
Shellfish would have also been an important dietary component. The most complete analysis of marine invertebrates by taxa for archaeological sites in the Coyote
Creek Catchment region was completed by Robichaud (2007), analyzing material from
TABLE 28. Identified Faunal Remains from Archaeological Sites in the Coyote Creek Catchment (Presence/Absence)
Family Common Name Taxonomic Name SCL-38 SCL-674 SCL-690 SCL-732 Intrusive Not native
Fish Catostomidae Sacramento Sucker Catostomus X1 occidentalis Clupeidae Pacific Herring Clupea harengus X1 Pacific Sardine Sardinops sagax X Cyprinidae Hitch Lavinia exilicauda X1 Minnow Cyprinidae X1 Splittail Pogonichthys X1 macrolepidotus Salmonidae Steelhead Oncorhynchus mykiss X Sebastidae Rockfish Sebastes sp. X Triakadae Shark Triakis/Mustelus/Gale X orhinus sp. Unidentified X X
Reptiles/Amphibians Anura Frog Rana sp. X1 Chelonia Pacific Pond Turtle Clemmys marmorata X1 X1 Colubridae Garter snake Thamnophis sp. X X? Snake Unidentified X X? Leptotyphlopidae Snake Leptotyphlopidae X X?
Birds Accipitridae Eagle Aquila sp. X Hawk Buteo sp. X X1
223
TABLE 28 (Continued)
Family Common Name Taxonomic Name SCL-38 SCL-674 SCL-690 SCL-732 Intrusive Not native
Birds Accipitridae Hawk Circus sp. X (cont.) Hawk/Eagle/Falcon Falconiformes X Anatidae Duck Anas/Aythya/Bucephal X X1 a/Oxyura sp. Goose Anser/Branta/Chen sp. X X1 X Ardeidae Heron/Egret Ardeidae X Columbidae Band-Tailed Pigeon Columba fasciata X1 Corvidae American Crow Corvus X1 brachyrhynchos Gaviidae Loon Gavia sp. X Gruidae Crane Grus sp. X Odontiforidae California Quail Callipepla californica X1 Passeriformes Perching Bird Passeriformes X1 Pelecanidae Pelican Pelicanus sp. X Phalacrocoracidae Cormorant Phalacrocorax sp. X Phasianidae Chicken Gallus gallus X X Picidae Northern Flicker Colaptes auratus X1 Podicipedidae Western Grebe Aechmorphus X occidentalis Scolopacidae Shorebird Scolopacidae X1 Tytonidae Barn Owl Tyto alba X1 Aves Unidentified X1
224
TABLE 28 (Continued)
Family Common Name Taxonomic Name SCL-38 SCL-674 SCL-690 SCL-732 Intrusive Not native
Mammals Artiodactyla Black-Tailed Deer, Mule Deer Odocoileus hemionus X X1 X1 X Domestic goat Capra hircus X1 X Domestic Sheep Ovis aries X1 X Medium Artiodactyl Odocoileus/Ovis/Antil X X1 ocapra sp. Pronghorn Antilocapra X X1 americana Tule Elk Cervus elaphus X X1 X1 X Bovidae Domestic Cattle Bos taurus X1 X Canidae Coyote Canis latrans X X Dog/Coyote Canis sp. X X1 X1 X Gray Fox Urocyon X X1 X cinereoargentus Red Fox Vulpes fulva X Wolf Canis lupis X1 X Felidae Bobcat Lynx rufus X X1 X1 X Mountain Lion Felis concolor X X Geomyidae Pocket Gopher Thomomys bottae X1 X? Lagomorpha Black-Tailed Hare, Jackrabbit Lepus californicus X X1 X1 Cottontail Rabbit Sylvilagus sp. X X1 X1 Mustelidae Badger Taxidea taxus X X1 X Long-Tailed Weasel Mustela frenata X Sea Otter Enhydra lutris X Spotted Skunk Silogale putorius X1 X 225
TABLE 28 (Continued)
Family Common Name Taxonomic Name SCL-38 SCL-674 SCL-690 SCL-732 Intrusive Not native
Mammals (cont.) Mustelidae (cont.) Striped Skunk Mephitis mephitis X X1 X1 Pinnipedia California Sea Lion Zalophus X
californianus Procyonidae Raccoon Procyon lotor X X1 Rodentia Black Rat Rattus rattus X1 X Kangaroo Rat Dipodomys sp. X1 X Meadow Mouse Microtus californicus X1 X Wood Rat Neotoma sp. X1 X Sciuridae California Ground Squirrel Spermophilus beecheyi X1 X? Grey Squirrel Sciurus griseus X Talpidae Broad-Handed Mole Scapanus latimanus X1 X? Ursidae Black Bear Ursus americanus X X Grizzly Bear Ursus arctos X X1 X1 X X1 Identified specimens in midden contexts.
Sources: Data compiled from CA-SCL-38 field notes; Bellifemine, Viviana, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University; Hammett, Julia E., 1996b, Paleolandscape Ecology of Coyote Creek. In Archaeological Investigations at Kaphan Umux (Three Wolves) Site, CA-SCL-732: A Middle Period Prehistoric Cemetery on Coyote Creek in Southern San Jose, Santa Clara County, California. Rosemary Cambra, Alan Leventhal, Laura Jones, Julia Hammett, Les Field, and Norma Sanchez, eds. Pp. 9.1-9.9. Report on file at the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, CA; Hylkema, Mark G., 2002, Tidal Marsh, Oak Woodlands, and Cultural Florescence in the Southern San Francisco Bay Region. In Catalysts to Complexity: Late Holocene Societies of the California Coast. Jon M. Erlandson and Terry L. Jones, eds. Pp. 263-281. Perspectives in California Archaeology, vol. 6. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles; Simons, Dwight D., 2007, Vertebrate Faunal Remains. In Santa Clara Valley Prehistory: Archaeological Investigations at CA-SCL-690, the Tamien Station Site, San Jose, California. Mark G. Hylkema, ed. Pp. 353-388. California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, CA; Wilson, Glen, 1996, Faunal Data Sheets. In Archaeological Investigations at Kaphan Umux (Three Wolves) Site, CA-SCL-732: A Middle Period Prehistoric Cemetery on Coyote Creek in Southern San Jose, Santa Clara County, California, Appendix G. Rosemary Cambra, Alan Leventhal, Laura Jones, Julia Hammett, Les Field, and Norma Sanchez, eds. Pp. G1-G14. Report on file at the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, CA. 226
227 the Rubino Site (CA-SCL-732). Interestingly, most unmodified shellfish species in midden contexts at the Rubino Site were not from local resources (Pastron and
Bellifemine 2007). A taxonomic list of shellfish species found at CA-SCL-732 is provided by Hammett (1996b), who reported that unmodified shellfish remains at this site were only found in burial contexts. Species present at Tamien Station (CA-SCL-690) are reported by Hylkema (2007). Shellfish species present at the Yukisma Mound have not been formally analyzed, but are reported here based on a review of the artifact catalog from the 1993 to 1994 excavations. The compiled list of species present at these four sites is presented in Table 29.
Residue Analysis
Residue analysis is a powerful technique used to differentiate pollen grains, starch grains, proteins, fatty acids, and other residues related to food procurement and preparation from those which are present in the environment but not utilized in this way.
Residue analysis for two mortars and three pipes from CA-SCL-38 was completed by
Susan Smith (1996), and Julia Hammett but only preliminary results are available. Pollen recovered from multiple washes of the mortars included evidence from oak, rose, and
Rhus families. These data are included in Table 26.
Four mortars from CA-SCL-674 yielded pollen, phytoliths, and starch granules, as reported by Cummings and Moutoux (2007). Pollen data are included in
Table 26, and represent members of the mustard, goosefoot, mint, grass, cattail, and
Phacelia (greens) families. Additionally, a starch grain of the Hordeum type was discovered, consistent with wild barley or little barley grass (Cummings and Moutoux
2007:425). Two types of spores recovered reveal the presence of ferns (Monolete) and
228
TABLE 29. Identified Invertebrate Remains from Archaeological Sites in the Coyote Creek Catchment
Class Common Name Taxon SCL-38 SCL-674 SCL-690 SCL-732
Bivalve Freshwater clam Anodonta sp. Pacific butter clam Saxidomus giganteus x Pacific Littleneck Protothaca staminea x Clam Clam Macoma sp. x x x Cockle Cardiidae x Blue mussel, Bay Mytilus edulis x x x mussel Mussel Mytilus sp. x x Oyster Ostreia lurida x x Pacific Mud Barnea subtruncata x Piddock Scallop Pectinidae x
Crustacean Barnacle Cirripedia x Crab claws Hemigraspus x x x oregonensis
Echinoidea Sea urchin Strongylocentrotus x purpuratus
Gastropod Abalone Haliotis sp. x Black abalone Haliotis cracherodii x x Red abalone Haliotis rufescens x Giant Keyhole Acmaeidae x Limpet Giant Owl Limpet Lottia gigantea x Limpet Acmea mitra x Horn snail Cerithidea x x x x californica Olivella Olivella biplicata x x
229
TABLE 29 (Continued)
Class Common Name Taxon SCL-38 SCL-674 SCL-690 SCL-732
Gastropod (cont.) Cone shell Conidae x Snail Gastropod x
Sources: Data compiled from CA-SCL-38 field notes; Bellifemine, Viviana, 2007, Subsistence Remains: Faunal Analysis. In Archaeological Investigations at CA-SCL-674, the Rubino Site, San Jose, Santa Clara County, California, vol. I. Allen G. Pastron and Viviana Bellifemine, eds. Pp. 181-202. Salinas, CA: Coyote Press; Hammett, Julia E., 1996b, Paleolandscape Ecology of Coyote Creek. In Archaeological Investigations at Kaphan Umux (Three Wolves) Site, CA-SCL-732: A Middle Period Prehistoric Cemetery on Coyote Creek in Southern San Jose, Santa Clara County, California. Rosemary Cambra, Alan Leventhal, Laura Jones, Julia Hammett, Les Field, and Norma Sanchez, eds. Pp. 9.1-9.9. Report on file at the California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, CA; Hylkema, Mark G., 2007, Santa Clara Valley Prehistory: Archaeological Investigations at CA-SCL-690, the Tamien Station Site, San Jose, California. California Department of Transportation, District 4, Oakland, CA.
dung fungus (Sporormiella). The latter may indicate intrusive presence of grazing animals during historic times, or could suggest that live deer or rabbits were in the vicinity in prehistoric times (Cummings and Moutoux 2007:425). Phytoliths were recovered from a bone tube, typical of festucoid grasses, plus one phytolith from an unidentified, non-grass plant (Cummings and Moutoux 2007:426).
Analysis of five mortars from the Three Wolves/Kaphan Umux site yielded information about pollen, phytoliths, starches, and protein residues (Cummings et al.
1996). Identified pollen types included several species of trees, and members of the sumac, parsley/carrot, sunflower, sagebrush, amaranth/pigweed, mustard, buckwheat, rose, and grass families (Cummings et al. 1996); these species are included in Table 26.
Phytoliths recovered from mortar washings came from several species of grasses, however most were of the type found in blades of grass rather than seeds, suggesting that their presence in the mortars may have been due to decomposing vegetal matter in the soil rather than residue from food preparation (Cummings et al. 1996:4). Starch granules
230 from grass seeds were also recovered, which may have been deposited by seeds ground in the mortars, or could be from decomposing seeds in the soil (Cummings et al. 1996).
Residues from the mortars were also tested with anti-sera to identify animal proteins. Positive results for rabbit (Leporidae) were obtained from three mortars, two tested positive for mouse protein (Cricetidae, the New World rats and mice family), and two tested positive for human proteins (Cummings et al. 1996:17). Ethnohistoric reports and previous protein residue studies from southern California suggest that mortars were sometimes used to grind the meat and bones of animals, particularly deer and rabbits
(Kroeber 1925:652; Yohe et al. 1991). The rabbit and mouse residues found in mortars from SCL-732 may have been the result of this sort of processing; however, the possibility that these residues came from unassociated animal feces deposited in the soil nearby cannot be ruled out.
Artifactual Evidence of Subsistence
Artifacts used for collecting, processing, or preparing foods can also provide valuable indirect information about the types of foods consumed. At SCL-38, items possibly relating to food preparation include groundstone (mortars, pestles, manos and abraders), formal flaked stone implements (bifaces and projectile points) and informal flaked stone implements (utilized flakes and modified flakes). Descriptions and frequencies of these objects were provided in Chapter III of this thesis. Many other implements used for food procurement would not have been preserved in this wet environment, such as basketry, netting, or wooden tools. Serrated bone tools made from animal scapulae (“scapula saws”) were found with the burials of nine adults, and may have been used to harvest grasses and cut tule. Although fishing equipment, such as
231 hooks, net weights or barbed spear heads, was often made of materials which would have preserved (e.g., bone, shell, or stone), no tools related to fishing were found (note: one bone fishhook identified by Meighan in 1952 was later reclassified as a canine faunal tooth at the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology in Berkeley).
Ground Stone Artifacts. Ground stone artifacts have held very specific associations in California archaeology, where millingstones have commonly been linked to the processing of grass seeds and mortars and pestles were associated with pounding acorns (e.g., Basgall 2004; Baumhoff 1963; Fredrickson 1994a; Gifford 1936; Kroeber
1925). Pat Mikkelsen reevaluated the potential functions of milling tools in California in
1985, incorporating a global ethnographic and archaeological review of groundstone form and function, use-wear analysis through experimental archaeology, and a review of millingtools from four sites in Lake and Mendocino Counties in Northern California (a region approximately 200 kilometers/125 miles north-northwest of the Yukisma Mound site). She reports that “there is a significant amount of overlap in tool-resource correlations,” and that “numerous ethnographies report the use of grindingslabs and mortars for processing both acorns and seeds” (Mikkelsen 1985:190).
Millingstones are more commonly associated with grinding of tough, dry seeds, but can also be used for pounding or crushing, and are more versatile overall because the contour of the stone does not interfere with range of motion of the crushing or grinding implement (Mikkelson 1985:70). In California, milling stones are most commonly found in sites dating to the lower Archaic Period, between 6,000 and 3,000 years ago (Fredrickson 1994a). No millingstones were found in the excavations at SCL-
38.
232
Mortars are more frequently associated with acorn processing economies in both California and Japan, are better suited to crushing or pounding, and are more often found in regions with wetter environments (Mikkelsen 1985:30-34, 70, 192). Besides foodstuffs, mortars are commonly used to crush pigments, minerals, and medicines
(Mikkelsen 1985). Mortars and pestles became more common in California archaeological sites after 3,000 BP (Fredrickson 1994a). Three general types of mortars are recognized: (1) bedrock mortars, which are depressions formed in large immobile boulders or rocky outcrops, (2) bowl mortars, which are portable and have deep concavities, and (3) hopper mortars, which are portable, have shallow concavities, and are used in conjunction with a “hopper,” a basket which is affixed to the mortar to contain material (usually acorns) during processing (Mikkelson 1985).
These categories have been further refined by Tammy Buonasera, who has recently reviewed groundstone forms in the San Francisco Bay Area (Buonasera 2012).
Buonasera made distinctions based on mortar size, shape of the mortar well, presence/absence of a beveled rim, and exterior shaping. Six types were recognized:
1. Small cobble mortars which can be held in one hand.
2. Dished mortars with a gently sloping concavity (consistent with “hopper” forms, but avoiding the specific use-associations of that term).
3. Conical mortars, with concavities which are cone-shaped or parabolic.
4. Bowl mortars, with concavities which are U-shaped.
5. Flower-pot mortars, which are formally shaped both inside and out, with straight sides or a slight-waist, a formal rim with a beveled interior, straight interior walls, and a flat or parabolic well base.
233
6. Other mortars which do not fit in the previous categories.
Further refinements and criteria for mortar distinctions can be found in Buonasera (2012).
In the excavations at CA-SCL-38, twenty-five mortars were reportedly found, twenty-two of which were in association with 20 graves (note: this figure differs slightly from Bellifemine 1997 as follows: first, two fragments associated with Burial 40 are counted as a single mortar; secondly, Burial 70 included a mortar and a “possible mortar fragment”, but the fragment is not counted because documentation is too indistinct).
Three additional mortars are mentioned as isolates (Bellifemine 1997:137), however these isolates are not listed in the artifact log or field inventory lists.
Many mortars from this collection have been repatriated, so analysis of form and interpretation of function is based upon those retained by the Tribe for educational and research purposes as well as field descriptions and excavation photos of the repatriated items. Tammy Buonasera studied the groundstone from SCL-38 and was able to classify 24 mortars from the site (personal communication, February 14, 2012).
Viviana Bellifemine (1997:137-142) also included a list of mortar attributes in her thesis, using terminology from Mikkelson (1985). Burial associations are presented in Appendix
B. In the following list, the count and descriptor used by Buonasera is listed first, with
Bellifemine’s count and descriptors listed in parentheses. Burial associated mortars recovered at SCL-38 included 3 bowl mortars (1 bowl, 1 hopper, 1 boulder), 3 conical mortars (2 hopper, 1 bowl), 5 flower-pot mortars (5 show), 1 pebble mortar (1 cobble), 7 dished mortars (6 hopper, 1 boulder), and 1 unfinished mortar (1 hopper). Buonasera identified two additional undesignated mortars as shallow forms; however, it is unclear whether these were among the isolates classified by Bellifemine. Bellifemine (1997:137)
234 classified three mortars which were not associated with burials as one hopper, one boulder, and one cobble.
Of the mortars analyzed, the bowl, conical, and flower-pot forms (including boulder and show styles, using the earlier terms), would have been most useful for pounding materials such as acorns. The dished mortars are also likely to have been used for pounding, especially if hoppers were associated. Hoppers would have been made from basketry materials, and would not survive in the Central Californian archaeological record. The shallow contour of dished mortars may also have added to their versatility, facilitating range of motion for grinding hard seeds. The pebble (cobble) mortar was almost certainly used for ceremonial or medicinal purposes, as the concavity is only three to four centimeters in diameter. This small mortar was associated with Burial 21, an adult of indeterminate sex and age.
Pestles are used with mortars to grind or pound materials. Longer pestles and mortars with deep concavities are helpful when processing large materials or large quantities of food; smaller implements are useful for finer processing or working with smaller materials (Mikkelsen 1985:70). At SCL-38, a total of 63 pestles and pestle fragments were recovered, of which 42 were associated with 29 burials and 21 were isolates. (Bellifemine 1997 shows 65 pestles and pestle fragments, 41 of which were associated with 29 burials. These numbers reported here differ in that three pestles rather than two were associated with B135 and isolates in the artifact log total 21 rather than
24). Pestle length ranged from 6.5 centimeters to 64 centimeters (Bellifemine 1997:142).
Bellifemine categorized 53 pestles by length (38 from burials and 15 isolates) based on criteria used in Mikkelsen (1985), where short is less than 110 mm, medium is 110 to 350
235 mm, and long is more than 350 mm in length. Of those from SCL-38, 24 long pestles were found with burials, and 2 as isolates, 13 medium pestles were found with burials and 13 more were isolates, and the only short pestle found was with the burial of an elk
(Bellifemine 1997:143). Buonasera analyzed 21 pestles which were retained from repatriation, but it is not possible to correlate these with Bellifemine’s observations using the information available at this time.
The short pestle buried with the elk (B2) was likely used for non-alimentary purposes, and had cinnabar residue on one end. Most medium pestles were likely used to grind or pound foods in mortars, although one found with a child (artifact B178-10) had cinnabar residue on one end (Bellifemine 1997:142). Long pestles may have been used to prepare large quantities of foods for feasts, or may have served symbolic purposes as mortuary goods. Additional attributes of pestle form, such as shaping and end forms, can be useful in assessing the use history of these tools, but further discussion exceeds the scope of the project at hand.
Handstones and abraders are the last categories of groundstone artifacts that may have been used for food preparation. Both of these artifact types are stone cobbles showing evidence of use as tools, the difference lying in modification of form. Six handstones (or “manos”), modified indurated sandstone cobbles, were recovered at SCL-
38, three from burial contexts and three isolates (Bellifemine 1997:146). Four of these have flat opposing facets, suggesting use for light grinding and shelling; two have slightly to fully convex facets, suggesting use for grinding of harder seeds (Bellifemine
1997:147). Residue of ochre or hematite (or more likely, cinnabar) was found on handstone #350-2 (an isolate).
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Abraders are unmodified cobbles with use wear. Three abraders were found at
SCL-38, two with burials and one isolate (see Appendix B for burial association details).
Cinnabar residue was found on the isolate (Bellifemine 1997:148).
Flaked Stone Artifacts. Flaked stone artifacts pertaining to subsistence include projectile points and modified chipped stone tools. At SCL-38, 130 flaked stone implements were recovered, including 20 obsidian bifaces or projectile points, and 110 informal flaked stone tools (Bellifemine 1997:124). Details of flaked stone artifact associations can be found in Appendix B.
Twenty obsidian biface tools were catalogued at SCL-38, including sixteen obsidian projectile points and fragments. All were associated with burials. Four additional point fragments which were found imbedded in bone (in Burials 91, 142, 143, and 161) were not catalogued with separate artifact numbers. Two catalogued points were found lodged between vertebrae, but not imbedded (Burials 140 and 171). The remaining eighteen points or bifaces were found within or near human remains, but cannot unambiguously be considered as evidence of interpersonal violence. At the same time, in no case does the burial context rule out violence or clearly suggest that the implements were grave offerings.
Of the projectile points which were identified by type, six were Stockton serrated points, four were serrated lanceolate points, and one was a large contracting stem point. The remaining points were either fragmentary or embedded, preventing identification by type. Previous studies of projectile point metrics suggest that function correlates with point weight, where projectile points weighing less than 3.5 grams are likely to have been used as arrowheads, and those weighing more than 4.5 grams are
237 likely to have been used as atlatl dart tips (Fenenga 1953). Apparently, projectile points rarely weigh between 3.5 and 4.5 grams.
Atlatls are a very ancient form of projectile. They were used in the Old World as early as 20,000 years ago (Justice 2002:41) and likely were carried by the earliest people migrating to the New World. An atlatl is a spear thrower consisting of two or three parts. The throwing device itself consists of a stick with a handle or grip at one end and an engaging spur at the other to hold the dart. The dart may be one piece, but often was made in two—a hindshaft and a foreshaft. The foreshaft often had a point mounted into it, but sometimes was simply a sharpened stick. By throwing the dart with the atlatl handle, efficiency of motion allows for a 60 percent increase in thrust over simply throwing a spear (Justice 2002:42). Atlatls were used in California, particularly during the Early Period, including the Windmiller Facies and Berkeley Pattern, and are very efficient for hunting game. While atlatl spurs have been found at many California sites
(Moratto 1984), none were recovered at SCL-38.
The bow and arrow came late to California, appearing in artifact assemblages only during the Late Period, about 1000 years ago (Fredrickson 1994a; Moratto 1984).
This technology appears to have made prey acquisition more efficient, as a greater proportion of large prey appear in middens on the Central Coast following introduction of the bow and arrow than would be expected based on environmental factors alone
(Codding et al. 2010). European explorers visiting the Milpitas area in 1772 noted that many of the Natives who they encountered were “well armed with good quiversful of arrows and even better short bows, very well wrought, like those on the Santa Barbara
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Channel, unless indeed these are better than they” (translation of Crespí March 24, 1772 journal entry, by Brown 1994:11).
The Stockton serrated points identified from CA-SCL-38 weighed between
0.5 and 3.0 grams, were between 17.5 and 30.2 millimeters long, and had a maximum width of 12.0 to 15.5 millimeters. All but one were nearly complete. This form has been associated with bow and arrow technology in the Southern Santa Clara Valley region
(Hylkema and Leventhal 2007), and the size and weight are consistent with this function.
The serrated lanceolate points were larger and thicker. The three complete or nearly complete points of this type weighed between 2.0 and 2.3 grams, were 35.0 to 40.2 millimeters in length, and had maximum widths of 13.0 to 17.4 millimeters. Based on the size and weight, these tips are also consistent with use as arrowheads (Fenenga 1953).
However, the difference in form may suggest different use, such as in atlatl dart points, or perhaps a different source, such as manufacture by an outside group with different lithic traditions.
The large contracting stem point was broken cleanly in two pieces, one found between the cervical vertebrae and another within the chest cavity of B168 (Bellifemine
1997:132). This point weighed 13.1 grams, was 87.0 millimeters long, and 22.7 millimeters thick. The size of this last point is consistent with use as an atlatl dart point
(Bellifemine 1997:132).
Among the informal flaked tools at SCL-38 there were 49 cores, 7 assayed cobbles, 18 utilized flakes, and 5 modified flakes (Bellifemine 1997). Of these, 44 were found in burial contexts (90%). Cores and cobbles represent source material for flaked tools, where cores are the primary phase and cobbles (also called “exhausted cores”) are
239 the utilized phase (Hylkema and Leventhal 2007). (The number of cores reported above differs from that used by Bellifemine (1997:127) in that cinnabar pebbles are excluded in the present count). Utilized flakes are tools produced from cores, with one or more sharp edges used for cutting, shaving, whittling, or scraping (Hylkema and Leventhal
2007:331). Modified flakes are further refined with soft hammer percussion and/or pressure flaking to produce specialized edges or angles for cutting and scraping activities
(Hylkema and Leventhal 2007:332).
Based on the flaked tool assemblage at SCL-38, the ancestral Ohlone had projectile points consistent with bow and arrow technology, which would have been useful in hunting both large and small game. A single large contracting stem point may indicate that atlatls were also used in the region. Informal flaked tools provided cutting implements which would have been useful for processing meat, as well as modifying other animal resources such as bone or hides.
Ethnohistoric Accounts
The best way to know what people are eating is, of course, to meet with them, talk to them, and observe and document their practices and preferences. Documentation of the lifeways of California Indians, however, has been problematic for many reasons.
No ethnographer has ever interviewed anyone from the region who participated in pre- contact hunting and collecting traditions (Milliken 2007:48). The native peoples of
California themselves did not have a written language prior to contact with Europeans, and no record has survived of any documentation created by Santa Clara Valley Natives during Mission times. The Mission system and later relocation to rancherias brought people from diverse communities together and likely led to the sharing and blending of
240 traditions. The Indian population at Mission San Jose included native speakers of Yokut
(from San Joaquin Valley), Chochenyo Ohlone (from the South Bay Area), Coast Miwok
(from the North Bay Area), Plains Miwok (from the Sacramento Valley), Bay Miwok
(from the East Bay Area), and Patwin (from the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta region)
(Milliken 2008:63). By the twentieth century, when ethnographers did meet with Native
Peoples, the goal was to capture the remembered past, a past which by then had been influenced by subjugation, deprivation, changes in access to resources, and blending of regional traditions.
Early documentation of native lifeways includes observations by early explorers, Mission records, diaries of early settlers, and ethnographic interviews from
20th century anthropologists. While these sources of information are direct, in that they are earnest observations and reports of truth as understood or experienced at that time, the hazards of perspective are too great for this information to be used as a direct source of information about pre-contact dietary patterns. Further discussion of the considerations for sources of ethnohistoric information will be included in each subsection below.
Early European Explorers: 1542-1776. The earliest written records of Central
California come from European explorers in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The peoples of the New World were isolated from European influence until the early sixteenth century. The first Spanish explorer to land on the shores of Mexico was Juan de
Grijalva in 1518, followed by Hernán Cortés and his armada in 1519 and the Narváez party in 1520. It is the latter that is credited with introducing smallpox in the New World, devastating the local population (Coe and Koontz 2008:228). Between disease, leveraging of provincial dissatisfaction with the Aztec state, and the use of warfare tactics
241 unknown in the Precolumbian world, the Spanish conquered the Aztecs in 1521 and claimed their territory as New Spain (Coe and Koontz 2008). Repressive policies and disease devastated the local people, reducing the aboriginal population to 13.6 percent of the pre-Conquest totals by the year 1650 (Coe and Koontz 2008:230). Explorers, ambitions, and disease all spread across the continent in the century to follow.
The first European ship to explore the coast of Alta California was captained by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in 1542. His party sailed as far north as Point Reyes, but their only records of contact with Native populations are in Southern California, in San Diego,
Santa Catalina Island and the Santa Barbara Channel (Wagner 1928). Along the
California shores, they witnessed several fires which may have been intentionally set by the Indians to manage landscape resources (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001). Of the people near Santa Barbara, it was said, “They wear skins of many different kinds of animals, eat acorns and a white seed the size of maize, which is used to make tamales. They live well.
They say that inland there is much maize and men like us go about there” (translation of the original account of Cabrillo’s voyage from the Archivo de Indias, provided by
Wagner 1928:49). Other mentions are made of clothed and bearded men living inland, as well as abundant maize and herds of cattle, none of which were to arrive in California until more than two hundred years later (Wagner 1928:48). However, the clues provided in these accounts do let us know that fishing, hunting, and eating acorns and pinole (seed cakes) were commonly practiced in the sixteenth century, at least in Southern California.
From their territories in New Spain, the Spanish expanded their trade routes to
Asia, regularly sailing between Acapulco on the Pacific Coast and Manila, in the
Philippines. In 1579, the English explorer and pirate, Sir Frances Drake, attacked Spanish
242 ships and settlements in the Pacific (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001), then sailed to North
America, where he anchored the Golden Hind for five weeks just north of San Francisco
Bay in a small cove now known as Drake’s Bay. During their sojourn on the California coast, he and his crew interacted with the local residents, the Coast Miwok. Drake and his men observed hunting of deer and “conies.” The word “coney” or “cony” is a British term most often used to describe rabbits, but also refers to pika or hyrax (Brown
1993:504). The use of this term by Drake seems to have caused some confusion though, as Heizer states that the description of conies fits “no known animal living today in this coastal area” (Heizer and Drake 1947:272), and cites Wagner (1926) as suggesting that it is possible that this term referred to ground squirrels or possibly Point Reyes mountain beavers. Indians in Drake’s Bay were also observed fishing on the bay shore (Heizer and
Drake 1947:290). Additionally, the Indians brought the stranded Englishmen baskets of tobah (perhaps tobacco), a root called petah (perhaps brodiaea or soaproot), broiled fish, and milkweed seeds (Heizer and Drake 1947:287).
When interacting with Drake and his crew, the Indians showed great emotion, including wailing, self-laceration, and crying, and also held many ceremonies, including lengthy orations, the presentation of wounds, and an enigmatic “crowning” ceremony for
Drake (Heizer and Drake 1947). Descriptions of the Indians’ behavior have led both
Kroeber (1925:277) and Heizer (with Drake 1947:271) to suspect that they regarded
Drake and his men as distant relatives returned from the dead (Heizer and Drake 1947;
Kroeber 1925:277). Because such an encounter would have been very extraordinary for the Coast Miwok, foods and behavior observed by Drake’s party may not be fully representative of regular, everyday lifeways.
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Drake’s interference with trans-Pacific trade and subsequent attacks by the
English pirate Thomas Cavendish along the coast of Baja California led the viceroy of
New Spain, Luis de Velasco, to ask Sebastián Rodríguez Cermeño to scout the Alta
California coast for safe ports on his return from Manila in 1594. Cermeño and his crew anchored in a bay they named “San Francisco” (actually Drake’s Bay again) and encountered the Coast Miwok there, but their interaction lacked the fearful and reverential tone relayed in the Drake accounts (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001). Near the local village, Cermeño observed trees bearing acorns, hazelnuts, “other fruits,” madrones, thistles, and “fragrant herbs like those in Castile,” as well as “a quantity of crabs and wild birds and deer, with which the people maintain their existence” (Cermeño’s account, as translated by Wagner 1924:13-14). The Declaration submitted on Cermeño’s return to
Chacala in 1595 also includes a detail about edible seeds, “the size of an anise seed only a little thinner, and which had the same taste as sesame, of which they made bread,” and mention of very large deer (likely elk) (translated by Wagner 1924:14, n. 19). On leaving the bay, Cermeño’s galleon was wrecked by a storm just off shore and all cargo was lost.
The surviving crew limped to shore in a launch, then returned slowly down the coast, where native people near San Luis Obispo provided them with food, including bitter acorns and acorn mush, served in “dishes made of straw like large chocolate bowls”
(Cermeño’s account, as translated by Wagner 1924:13-16). The Indians in this community were also observed fishing from tule boats.
Eight years later, in 1602, Sebastian Vizcaíno was dispatched to survey the coast, again hoping to find a good location for a port where ships sailing between New
Spain and the Philippines could rest and be provisioned. They sailed as far as Cape
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Mendocino, and named (or renamed) many places along the way. The ship anchored in
Monterey Bay, where Vizcaíno and his crew observed that the local diet included shellfish, fish, acorns and another large nut (likely a buckeye) (Milliken 2007). Vizcaíno also noted that the Indians used line for fishing and nets to capture rabbits and hares. His diary entry contains a long list of local game animals, including “stags that look like young bulls, deer, bison, very large bears, rabbits, hares . . . geese, partridges, quail, cranes, ducks, vultures, and many other species” (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:43). The account produced was clearly intended to please his Spanish employer, the Comde de
Monterrey, as Vizcaíno named the port after him and described the rocky, exposed harbor as “all that one could hope for,” including tall trees for ship masts, abundant game, meek and gentle people “quite amenable to conversion”, attractive women, and abundant silver and gold (excerpt from “A Letter from Vizcaíno to King Felipe III of Spain,” in Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:44-45). Despite these rave reviews, a royal order was issued in
1606, prohibiting further exploration due to the proximity of the Alta California coast to established ports in Baja California (Paddison 1999:xii). The Spanish did not return to
Central California for more than 160 years.
In the mid-eighteenth century, England extended its claim to North America from the East Coast to the Mississippi River, Spain acquired the Louisiana Territory from
France in 1763 as a result of the Seven Years War, and Russia was expanding its interests along the far northwest coast of the continent. Spain had an urgent need to bolster its northern presence in the territories. Between 1769 and 1823, the Spanish expanded their presence in Alta California through an uncomfortable collaboration between military and evangelical interests. When the Jesuits, who had established several missions in Baja
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California, were expelled from Spain and its empire in 1767, the Franciscans moved in and took over the mission system. In 1768, Spanish military officers and Franciscan friars met in San Blas, Baja California, and determined that a presidio (military outpost) must be established in Monterey, and that overland exploration would begin immediately to expand the Mission system into Alta California.
In 1769, Juan Gaspar de Portolá led an expedition from La Paz to San Diego, where Father Junipero Serra stayed to establish the first of the Alta California missions.
Portolá and his party then continued north to search for Monterey Bay, using the descriptions from Vizcaíno as their guide. Both Father Juan Crespí and soldier Pedro
Fages were part of this and future expeditions in the Monterey area, and their journals provide the earliest written record of Costanoan (Ohlone) lifeways.
Although the 1769 expedition successfully arrived in Monterey Bay, the party was unable to recognize that they were in their intended destination, due to Vizcaíno’s idealized descriptions. A party of explorers, including Crespí, ventured north from
Monterey to Pacifica, then across the coastal mountains to the southern tip of the San
Francisco Bay at the Guadalupe River, and around the eastern shore to San Lorenzo, all the while searching for Monterey harbor (Stanger and Brown 1969). The Spaniards were in poor health and nearly starving, most of them suffering from scurvy. Along the way, they encountered many Indians, who invariably offered them food including “large servings of very large black pies that they make from the seeds of their grasses” (Crespí
2001:583). Additionally, the Spaniards were given white “pies” made of acorns, “a sort of cherries,” gruel, thick white mush and mussels (Crespí 2001). During their travels, they observed burned hazelnut groves and fields in many locations. Crespí noted that,
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“close to the shore, there ran on some tablelands and rolling knolls with very good soil and very good grass, though the latter all burnt, since the heathens burn it all off in order for a better yield of the grass seeds that they eat.” (Crespí 2001:587). Fages observed duck hunting from tule rafts in a large pool, likely one of the marsh pannes or a freshwater laguna (Fages 1911:149). The endpoint of this journey would mark the first time Europeans had travelled directly past the Yukisma Mound site. The following description is translated from Crespí’s journal, dated November 6th to 9th, 1770, written at their camp at the mouth of the Guadalupe River, and is the first written description of this territory:
This is the farthest limit reached by this Expedition in search of MonteRey harbor, up to nearly the end of this large inlet here, which all or most of us hold to be the harbor of San Francisco – a grand spot, this, for a very large plenteous mission with vast amounts of good soil, vast quantities of heathen folk, the finest and best- mannered that have been met with in the entire journey; and this spot, here, one of the most excellent ones for a very large mission. The soldiers report a great number of lakes and small inlets appearing next to the large inlet, with countless fowl, ducks, geese, cranes, and other kinds; while the miriness of the aforesaid lakes and small inlets makes getting past them very toilsome. At once on our reaching here several very well-behaved heathens, most of them bearded, came to the camp, who gave us to understand they belonged to three different villages, and I have no doubt there must be many of these, because of the great many smokes visible in different directions. Some very large bears have been seen; while I myself at this spot where camp was made saw two fresh heaps of these beasts’ droppings, full of acorns, which they must get plenty of to eat from the vast amounts of large ones that are yielded by the white oaks here; so many lay fallen beneath some of these white oaks that the ground could not be seen. Very large acorns they were, and the soldiers and our Indians gathered many of them [Crespí 2001:605]
From this camp, scouts travelled across the Guadalupe River and Lower Penetencia
Creek, then north along the bayshore. The Indians encountered on the East Bay shore were of different character than all those they had met until then, being “wild” and disinclined to trade (Crespí 2001:609). After these encounters, the explorers conceded
247 that they had been unable to locate Monterey Bay, and returned to the encampment at
Point Pinos (which was actually on the shore of Monterey Bay), then retreated to San
Diego.
The following year, another expedition was mounted to Monterey, including both a land and sea approach. This time, the sailors were able to confirm that they were in
Monterey Bay. The Monterey Presidio and Mission San Carlos Borromeo de Carmelo were founded there in 1770. Monterey served as the northern boundary of the Spanish occupation in Alta California for the next six years.
During this period, exploratory teams made three major trips to the north, scouting for resources and good locations for expansion of the mission system. The first trip, in 1772, was led by Captain Pedro Fages, and included Fr. Juan Crespí, both of whom kept journals. This expedition travelled along the eastern shore of the San
Francisco Bay, again passing through the region of the Yukisma site. Near Coyote Creek,
Fages wrote “about twenty heathens met us and some of the women commenced a dance for our entertainment, with many gestures of joy; one of the women harangued us at no little length; we gave them beads and they responded with feathers” (Stanger and Brown
1969:120). The second trip, in 1774, was led by Captain Fernando Rivera and Father
Francisco Palóu, who explored the San Francisco Peninsula and western shore of the
Bay, and identified preferred sites for the presidio in San Francisco and the Mission San
Francisco de Asís (also called Mission Dolores), which were established in 1776. The third expedition approached from the sea on the ship San Carlos in 1775, and was the first to identify the San Francisco Bay inlet at the Golden Gate. Father Vincente Santa
María documented the many peaceful interactions between the crew and the local
248 villagers. Each of these three expeditions encountered Native Americans who ate and offered cakes (pinole) made of seeds or acorns, as well as acorn mush, shellfish, and game including deer, elk, and waterfowl (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001; Crespí 1999; Santa
María 1999; Stanger and Brown 1969).
In 1776, Juan Bautista de Anza and Pedro Font led 240 colonists from the presidio at Tubac, just south of Tucson, to Monterey, and then journeyed onward to the
Santa Clara Valley to scout locations for northern missions, pueblos, and presidios. At the
Guadalupe River, Font saw fish weirs and traps in the river and piles of mussel shells in a nearby village (Brown 2011:290) On the eastern shore of the Bay, near what is now
Fremont, Font comments that “the Indians that we saw hereabouts are entirely different from the earlier ones in their speech, rather bearded, mild-mannered and very poor, but the same as all the others in their color” and that “their speech seems to be a different language from those we have heard up until here” (Brown 2011:291, 292). He also noted that Indians in this area ate grasses, herbs, and “some roots like medium-sized onions, which they called amole,” which were likely soaproot (Chlorogalum pomeridianum)
(Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:199). Additionally, Font noticed birds stuffed with grass, used as hunting decoys. Further north, between Oakland and Carquinez, he noted the popularity of root foods, including amole, which he describes as “their most normal food…most plentiful, since the fields hereabouts are full of it,” rather like a long onion, and tasting like mescal, and cacomites, “a root that they eat which is a small, flattish, nearly round plant head, of the size and shape of a half-flattened musket ball” (Brown
2011:297), which may have been brodiaea bulbs (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:202); both roots were served roasted on strings. Another large root, called chuchupate, was likely a
249 wild parsnip (Lomatium) or a balsam root (Sunflower family) (Brown 2011:299).
Villagers in this region were also observed maneuvering through the Bay on tule boats and fishing with nets for salmon and sturgeon (Brown 2011:301-303).
The diaries of Crespí, Fages, Santa María, and Font provide first hand documentation of the environment and behavior of the ancestral Ohlone. While the verbiage in these documents is somewhat archaic (e.g., the term gentiles, translated as heathen, is typically used to refer to Native Americans), the general tone of their interactions is usually interested and respectful. The Spaniards certainly would have been strange to the local Indian populations, and particularly unusual for their pale complexions and inability to feed themselves adequately, but it would not have been unusual for the native peoples of this region to encounter foreigners. The native populations of Central California lived in a multi-cultural landscape, where diverse language groups traded, travelled, and intermarried. Their behavior towards the Spaniards showed little of the fear and discomfort experienced in Drake’s encounters with the Coast
Miwok, and is likely to be fairly representative of their normal lifeways.
Historic Settlement of the Santa Clara Valley. Between 1776 and 1797, seven missions were established within Ohlone (Costanoan) territory, three of these proximate to the northern Santa Clara Valley: Mission San Francisco de Asís (Mission Dolores), founded in 1776, Mission Santa Clara de Asís founded in 1777, and Mission San José founded in 1797 (see Figure 5). Additionally, the presidio at San Francisco was established in 1776 and the pueblo (town) of San José de Guadalupe was founded in
1777. The intrusion of these settlements redefined the surrounding landscape, and forever changed the world of native Californians in the region.
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Mission San Francisco de Asís primarily recruited neophytes from surrounding villages on the San Francisco Peninsula, but also ventured across the Bay to recruit from tribes living near Oakland and Richmond (Milliken 2008:30). The biggest impact to the lives of individuals near the Yukisma Mound was the establishment of the pueblo of San José de Guadalupe the following year on the east bank of the Guadalupe
River, and Mission Santa Clara de Asís, twelve miles to the south. The threefold purpose of the pueblo settlement was defined by the Governor of the Californias, Felipe de Neve, in Title Fourteen of his Regulations for Government of the Californias of 1779 as firstly
“to advance the reducción” (the process of relocating the Indians to the Missions), secondly “to make this country as useful as possible to the State,” and thirdly to “promote the planting and cultivation of crops, stock raising, and in succession the other branches of industry, so that in the course of a few years their produce may suffice to supply the presidio garrisons with provisions and horses” (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:211). As incentive, each settler was provided with “two mares, two cows with one calf, two ewes, and two she-goats, all pregnant, one yoke of oxen or bullocks, one ploughshare or tip, one hoe, one spade, one ax and one sickle, one field knife, one lance, one shotgun and one shield, two horses, and one pack mule,” as well as four lots of land (from the
Regulations for Government of the Californias of 1797, Title Fourteen, translated in
Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:213).
Consequently, massive changes to the landscape ensued. In 1778, the settlers dammed the Guadalupe River; and when the dam washed away, it was rebuilt, only to be lost again later that year (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:277). New foods were introduced to the Santa Clara menu, including crops such as maize (corn), beans, lentils, garbanzos,
251 peas, and wheat, and meat from domesticated animals (Milliken 2008:49; Beebe and
Senkewicz 2001). By 1782, the pueblo produced 2,000 bushels of corn annually. By
1809, this number was 3,000 plus 6,500 bushels of crops from Mission Santa Clara and an additional 2,000 bushels from Mission San Jose (lower than the average production at that time of 4,000 bushels per year) (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:279). The introduction of livestock occupied the grasslands and hillsides. In 1809, citizens of the pueblo claimed more than 1000 head of cattle; moreover, that same year there were 8,000 cattle, 2,000 horses, 10,000 other animals belonging to Mission Santa Clara, and 7,000 cattle, 1,000 horses, and 7,000 other animals belonging to Mission San Jose (Beebe and Senkewicz
2001:279). Disputes over livestock grazing and agricultural lands were a source of constant conflict between the pueblo and the Missions, and between both entities and local villagers. Indians accused of killing livestock were killed. Laws were passed prohibiting the burning of grasslands and brush (Milliken 2007:47). Mission neophytes were severely punished if they were caught foraging for traditional foods (Beebe and
Senkewicz 2001:267-269). With the loss of their rights to native landscape management techniques, as well as loss of territory and access to the diverse network of ecosystems which had supplied their sustenance, the dietary options for local villagers were severely limited. The residents of Santa Clara valley had little choice but to join the missions or to work as ranch hands to avoid starvation (Milliken 1995).
Additionally, the proximity of so many Europeans brought epidemic disease to the Santa Clara Valley. Within six months of the establishment of Mission Santa Clara, an epidemic ravaged the local population (Milliken 2008:31). Another wave of illness killed hundreds at Mission San Francisco in 1795, and a devastating measles epidemic
252 swept through the Mission system, starting in Baja California in 1805 and reaching
Mission San Jose in February of 1806, and Missions Santa Clara and San Francisco two months later. Sixteen percent of the neophyte population at Mission San Jose perished within six weeks (Milliken 2008:45).
In 1797, an estimated 4,000 Indians still lived in rancherias (villages) near
San Jose (Hall 1871). By 1807, just ten years later, a labor crisis developed in the pueblo of San Jose because no local native population remained outside the missions (Milliken
2008:47). The remaining Ohlone had either affiliated themselves with Mission Santa
Clara or Mission San Jose, relocated to the Calaveras region to the north, retreated into the Central Valley, or perished from disease, hunger, or persecution from the settlers or missionaries.
During the following period of secularization and Mexican independence, between 1824 and 1849, Mission populations were dispersed. Rapid settlement and landscape modification in the Santa Clara Valley precluded re-establishment of local villages. Mission lands were divided between Mexican families, who took on several of the native Californians as ranch hands or house servants. Other native families returned to their homelands in the Central Valley or moved to rancherias such as Alisal in the
Caleveras hills, particularly after the 1860s (Milliken 2008). The advent of statehood in
1850 reduced the subsistence options for Native Californians further. Native land claims near Mission San Jose were rejected, and ranch positions were preferentially given to
American colonists.
Ethnographic Records. With the establishment of an anthropology department at the University of California, Berkeley, just 51 years after statehood, there existed for
253 the first time an academic presence in the Bay Area with an interest in documenting
Native Californian lifeways. However, this presence was under the direction of Alfred
Kroeber, who regarded the native people of Central California as simple, static, and for all effective purposes, extinct. Kroeber initiated ethnographic interviews with Native
Californians from several regions of California, documenting the remembered past of surviving elders to represent the prehistoric lifeways of their tribes. In his Handbook of the Indians of California, he reported the results of these interviews, but dismissed any point in collecting ethnographic information from the Costanoan (Ohlone) people, saying,
The Costanoan group is extinct so far as all practical purposes are concerned. A few scattered individuals survive, whose parents were attached to the missions of San Jose, San Juan Bautista, and San Carlos; but they are of mixed tribal ancestry and live almost lost among other Indians or obscure Mexicans. At best some knowledge of the ancestral speech remains among them. The old habits of life have long since been abandoned. The larger part of a century has passed since the missions were abolished, and nearly a century and a half since they commenced to be founded. These periods have sufficed to efface even traditional recollections of the forefathers’ habits, except for occasional fragments of knowledge. [Kroeber 1925:464]
Nevertheless, ethnographer John P. Harrington spoke to residents of the Alisal rancheria in 1942 and documented the remembered traditions of the “northern
Costanoan” people living there. Proceeding with a checklist format, he recorded the presence or absence of several “culture-elements” of Central California tribes (Harrington
1942). Harrington determined that the northern Costanoan people ate such animals as dog, bear, puma, wildcat, skunk, tree squirrel, hawks, doves, mud hens, snakes, tortoises, and probably lizards. No indication is recorded for the consumption of wolves, coyotes, foxes, raccoons, moles, eagles, buzzards, ravens, owls, or frogs. No questions were asked about consumption of significant game animals such as deer, elk, antelope, and rabbits.
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Small game animals were hunted with deadfalls and cage traps. Rodents were gathered by blowing smoke into burrows or burning rat nests. Toxins extracted from soaproot were used to kill fish. Gathered foods included buckeye nuts and wild-plum-seed meal.
Digging sticks were used to gather roots. Mesquite, yucca, and agave were not eaten (nor are they native to this region). Again, no questions were posed regarding consumption of common resources such as acorns, grass seed, hazelnuts, pine nuts, or geophytes (roots, bulbs, tubers, or corms). Informants confirmed that insects were an important food source, including grasshoppers, yellow-jacket larvae, and honeydew from aphids. Salt was gathered from the ocean (or likely, the Bayshore). Food preparation techniques included marrow extraction with a little stick, parching with coals on a basket, drying in the sun, and smoking. No questions were posed regarding the pulverizing of small mammals or other foods in mortars, stone boiling in baskets, storage technologies for surplus harvests, or burning as a landscape management technology (Harrington 1942).
The collection of these data is an important contribution to the reconstruction of paleodiet in the Santa Clara Valley. In particular, it is helpful to have confirmation of food resources which would not have preserved in the archaeological record, such as the consumption of insects, and of hunting technologies, such as deadfalls and cage traps.
The information collected by Harrington reflects remembered traditions from the past, which may include a mix of preferred prehistoric traditions and survival techniques adopted during settlement times when choices were significantly limited. A poem, written by survivors of the Aztec defeat to the Spaniards in 1512, highlights the impact of an overpowering external culture on traditional diets, concluding, “We have chewed dry twigs and salt grasses;/we have filled our mouths with dust and bits of adobe;/we have
255 eaten lizards, rats, and worms . . .” (Beebe and Senkewicz 2001:25). Given the tremendous disruptions to traditional lifeways suffered due to displacement and landscape modification, the remembered traditions reported to Harrington may better represent transitional times than pre-contact lifeways.
Landscape Management Practices. Before leaving the discussion of evidence for food resources, the landscape management practices which facilitated this harvest should be considered. Although there is no evidence for formalized agriculture in prehistoric traditions of Central California, there is evidence that the landscape was managed with controlled burns to maximize harvests, to control species prosperity, and to attract beneficial species to the region. Accounts from the explorers mention fires, from
Cabrillo’s observations of fires on the shores of Southern California in 1542 to the burnt hazelnut groves and grasslands observed by Fages and Crespí in Ohlone territory in 1769.
Burning was banned by the Spanish provincial government shortly after the pueblo of
San José de Guadalupe was founded, indicating that the practice persisted. Kat Anderson
(2005) has done considerable work in reconstructing native land management practices in
California, with special attention to the importance of regular, controlled burns for maintaining grasslands and ensuring optimal harvests. Likewise, Lightfoot and Parrish
(2009) call California Indians “pyrodiversity collectors,” placing the role of burning as central to their landscape management strategy and mode of production. Regular burning served many purposes for Native resource management, including the following examples from Lightfoot and Parrish (2009:21):
1. Augmented the growth and diversity of many economic plants, including roots, tubers, fruits, greens, nuts, and seeds.
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2. Provided forage that attracts both small and large birds and mammals.
3. Controlled insects and pests.
4. Removed detritus from the ground surface.
5. Opened up pathways in forests and woodlands.
6. Fertilized the soil with nutrients.
7. Encouraged young, straight sprouts and other useable raw materials that can be incorporated into the production of cordage, baskets, and other household materials.
8. Facilitated the collection of resources such as acorns and mesquite beans, by burning off the underbrush.
The use of burning techniques transformed the valley environment to a “park- like” setting by maintaining open grasslands, cultivating old oak trees, and providing inviting micro-environments for desired prey animals. In 1791, Captain George
Vancouver travelled through the Santa Clara valley, commenting,
For almost twenty miles it could be compared to a park which had originally been planted with the true old English oak; the underwood, that had probably attained its early growth, had the appearance of having been cleared away and had left the stately lords of the forest in complete possession of the soil, which was covered with luxuriant herbage and beautifully diversified with pleasing eminences and valleys, which, with the lofty range of mountains that bounded the prospect, required only to be adorned with neat habitations of an industrious people to produce a scene not inferior to the most studied effect of taste in the disposal of grounds. [Hall 1871:38]
Although the agriculture and livestock associated with the pueblo of San José de
Guadalupe and Mission Santa Clara de Asís were already impacting the landscape by this time, the cultivated effect produced by native landscape management practices was clearly still in evidence.
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Discussion: What Was On the Menu?
A synthesis of these many sources of paleodietary information yields a broad and nuanced overview of the resources which may have been on the ancestral Ohlone menu. The residents of the Yukisma Mound region would have lived in a dynamic environment, where multiple micro-climates merged to produce a wide variety of subsistence choices. Harvesting from terrestrial, marine, estuarine, lacustrine, and riparian environments would have provided a diverse menu and enabled the local people to respond to temporary fluctuations in the availability of specific resources due to changes in climate, territorial access, or resource depletion.
The menu in the northern Santa Clara Valley certainly included a wide variety of terrestrial plant foods. Paleobotanical evidence demonstrates that many species of grasses, greens, herbs, fruits, nuts, and geophytes were present at SCL-38 and neighboring sites. Residues from groundstone artifacts indicate the presence of greens
(Phacelia), herbs (such as sage, mint, and mustard), seeds (including grasses, goosefoot, sunflower, amaranth and wild barley), and roots (e.g., wild celery, and parsley/carrot).
Groundstone forms support the preparation of vegetal foods by pounding methods, consistent with traditional preparation techniques for acorns, and potentially useful for grinding of seeds. Accounts from early explorers consistently mention the consumption of cakes made of grass seeds (pinole), acorns prepared roasted or as mush or gruel, and roasted geophytes, including amole (soaproot), cacomites (brodiaea), and chuchupate
(likely a wild parsnip or balsam root), as well as a variety of greens, herbs, hazelnuts, buckeye nuts, and fruits. The fact that some of these traditions are not well documented
258 in the ethnographic record should not negate the substantial indirect evidence of resource use provided by the archaeological and historic record.
Terrestrial proteins would also have been widely available to the early residents of the Santa Clara Valley. The faunal record from SCL-38 demonstrates the presence of tule elk, black-tailed deer, pronghorns, cottontail rabbits, jack rabbits, dogs, wolves, coyotes, grizzly and black bears, raccoons, skunks, grey foxes, and large cats as well as several species of waterfowl and other birds. Mortar residues tested positive for rabbit and mouse proteins, which may have been a result of pulverizing these small animals prior to cooking. The flaked stone assemblage at SCL-38 includes projectile points which would have been appropriate for arrowheads, and also a large point appropriate for an atlatl dart, all indicating that hunting of large game was certainly possible during this time. Explorer accounts remark on the presence of deer, elk, and bears. Drake also comments on the “conies,” which may have been rabbits or ground squirrels. Crespí and Fages both observed East Bay villagers hunting ducks from tule boats. Harrington recorded techniques for hunting of small game in his 1942 survey.
Resources from marine, estuarine, lacustrine, and riparian environments are somewhat more elusive in the archaeological record. However, faunal remains from
SCL-38 include the bones of several sea otters and one California sea lion, as well as substantial quantities of shell from mussels, oysters, abalone, clams, and horn snails. The few fish vertebrae recovered from SCL-38 are not identified to species, but do indicate that fish were part of the local menu. All accounts from early explorers include comments about fishing on the coast or in the Bay, sometimes with nets, others with lines. Pedro
Font noted the use of fish weirs and traps in the Guadalupe River in 1776, and piles of
259 mussel shells in a local village. Harrington identified the remembered use of soaproot as a fish toxin.
Given the many resources available during the Late Holocene in the Santa
Clara Valley, a multitude of combinations could have made up the diet of residents of the
Milpitas area. Further, the dietary choices made by the group would have likely varied through time, as environmental pressures, territorial competition, and cultural food associations changed and developed. As social organization changed, so too might food distribution between individuals. Distinct social roles might have particular taboos or guidelines as to which foods were appropriate. Given indirect evidence, it is possible to imagine the choices, but not possible to see dietary variation between individuals. To gain perspective on this important nuance of food choice, it is necessary to consult direct sources of paleodietary information, such as bioarchaeological evidence and stable isotope analysis of human tissues.
CHAPTER VI
APPROACHES TO PALEODIETARY
RECONSTRUCTION: DIRECT
EVIDENCE
Introduction
Paleodietary reconstruction is most likely to accurately represent past diets when an integrated approach is used, incorporating multiple lines of evidence. Indirect sources of information, such as paleoenvironmental reconstruction, analysis of archaeological materials (botanical and faunal remains and artifacts associated with subsistence), and integration of ethnohistoric data, are excellent resources for determining which materials may have been available at a community level. However, none of these lines of evidence can indicate which foods were consumed by individuals at the site.
Direct lines of evidence, including paleofecal analysis, bioarchaeological indicators of diet, and bone chemistry (trace elements and stable isotope analysis), can inform about the actual dietary practices of individuals within a community, allowing for a more personal scale of analysis. However, with the exception of paleofecal analysis, the dietary information gleaned from these approaches is much less specific than data from indirect sources. By integrating information from both direct and indirect dietary indicators, a more nuanced and complete interpretation of past diets is possible.
260 261
A review of approaches to paleodietary reconstruction and indirect sources of information about the diet of the ancestral Ohlone was presented in Chapter V. The present chapter will continue the paleodietary reconstruction for this population by considering evidence from direct sources.
In the Santa Clara Valley, two sources of direct information are available: bioarchaeological studies and stable isotope analysis. The moist climate of Central
California makes the recovery of paleofeces unlikely; no examples of human coprolites have been recovered in this region. Also, no archaeological studies from the Santa Clara
Valley have published trace element data. Therefore, these potential direct lines of evidence will not be discussed further in this chapter.
Bioarchaeological studies can reveal indications of dietary deficiencies in bones and teeth. The technical report on analysis of human skeletal remains from CA-
SCL-38, produced by Jurmain (2000), provides the basis for the first section of this chapter. The second section of the chapter pertains to stable isotope analysis. This technique uses bone chemistry to understand general aspects of dietary composition, including the proportion of marine foods in the diet and nuances of protein consumption.
Because this is the technique which is used in the present study, this chapter will include a detailed discussion of the history of stable isotope analysis as a direct source of evidence for paleodietary reconstruction. The results of stable isotope analysis for individuals from CA-SCL-38 will not be presented in this chapter, but are included in
Chapter VIII (Results), along with comparisons of these data with other nearby sites. The present chapter will conclude with an overview of how direct evidence from
262 bioarchaeological studies and stable isotope analysis can refine what is known about diets of the ancestral Ohlone people who were buried at the Yukisma Mound.
Bioarchaeological Evidence
The human skeleton is arguably the most personal thing left behind after death. Bones are built from nutrients derived from the foods a person consumes, shaped by metabolic processes, and marked by activities, disease, and past traumas. The integration of dietary components into body tissues and the relationship between nutrition and bone metabolism make human remains a direct source of evidence for reconstructing paleodiet.
Non-specific Indicators of Stress
Stressors encountered during development can cause growth to temporarily cease and then resume. In bones, a pause in growth may create a Harris Line, visible only by x-ray as a radio-opaque transverse line, parallel to the growth plate. In teeth, stressors lasting weeks to months can cause linear enamel hypoplasias, which are transverse grooves in enamel, formed when enamel growth pauses and then resumes. In addition to stress, linear enamel hypoplasias may be caused by hereditary anomalies or localized traumas, although these etiologies are less common (Larson 1997). Shorter interruptions of tooth development result in microdefects called Wilson bands, seen through a microscope as narrow bands of abnormal enamel. Each of these traits is considered a non-specific indicator of stress, and may result from any circumstance that disrupts a child’s metabolism, including dietary insufficiencies, illness, trauma, or even emotional stress (Larson 1997).
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More than 350 radiographs were taken during the analysis of skeletal remains from the Yukisma Mound, including all complete or mostly complete right humeri, radii, femora, and tibiae, with the left side substituted when the right was unavailable (Jurmain
2000:3). However, no information regarding the frequency of Harris lines is included in the osteological report.
Detailed macroanalysis of the teeth from these individuals found very low incidence of linear enamel hypoplasias, with only 2.6 percent of observed teeth affected
(n = 128 of 4,837). All linear enamel hypoplasias observed in this population were on anterior teeth. When molars are excluded the prevalence is still quite low, at 4.3 percent
(n = 128 of 3,001). The lowest frequencies of these enamel defects were on mandibular premolars (0.6 to 1.3%, n = 157 to 161); the highest frequency was seen in mandibular canines, with 14.5 percent (n = 157) in the lower right canine, and 15.3 percent (n = 157) in the lower left canine (Jurmain 2000:61). The enamel on mandibular canines forms between approximately the ages of birth to six years (Hillson 2003). Maxillary involvement included only the incisors and canines. Overall, the frequency of linear enamel hypoplasias observed in maxillary teeth was 1.8 percent (n = 2,392), and in mandibular teeth was 3.4 percent (n = 2,445) (Jurmain 2000:61). While the presence of these enamel defects suggests that some degree of stress was encountered by ancestral
Ohlone children, the frequency and distribution of linear enamel hypoplasias was considered to be unremarkable and highly typical of other contemporaneous groups
(Jurmain 2000:24). By comparison, a recent study of linear enamel hypoplasias in
Alaskan Inuit foragers found a prevalence rate of 28.8 percent on anterior teeth (Guatelli-
Steinberg et al. 2004).
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Nutritional Deficiencies
Some dietary insufficiencies leave more specific markers on bone. In particular, anemia in developing children may cause cribra orbitalia or porotic hyperostosis, both easily recognizable conditions on the bones of the cranium. In each case, expansion of the diploë, the porous layer between the inner and outer layers of dense cortical bone in the cranium, expands to accommodate additional hematopoietic bone marrow for increased red blood cell production. As the diploic region remodels and expands, the outer table thins, producing lesions with a pitted or spiky, “hair-on-end” appearance. Cribra orbitalia refers to lesions of this sort within the upper eye orbits.
Porotic hyperostosis refers to these lesions if found on the frontal, parietal or occipital bones of the cranial vault. In the New World, these conditions have long been associated with iron-deficiency anemia, which may be caused by dietary deficiencies or malabsorption due to intestinal parasites (Blom et al. 2005; Holland and O’Brien 1997;
Stuart-Macadam 1985; White and Folkens 2005).
However, persuasive work by Walker et al. (2009) suggests that these conditions could not be the result of iron-deficiency anemia, as iron is required for marrow hypertrophy and red blood cell production in the first place. Rather, it is suggested that these lesions are most likely to be a result of a vitamin B12 deficiency
(Walker et al. 2009). Severe deficiencies of vitamin B12 (cobalamin) or vitamin B9 (folic acid) are the most common causes of megaloblastic anemia, which destroys existing red blood cells without hindering hematogenesis. Deficiencies of vitamin B12 are most commonly seen in individuals with extremely low consumption of animal products, in breastfeeding infants whose mothers have a vitamin B12 deficiency, or in individuals with
265 malabsorption problems due to gastrointestinal infections or parasites (Walker et al.
2009). Vitamin B12 deficiency may also cause lesions in the eye orbit (cribra orbitalia), but these can also be the result of subperiosteal inflammation related to vitamin C deficiencies (scurvy), vitamin D deficiencies (rickets), hemangiomas, or traumatic injuries (Walker et al. 2009).
Of all the crania examined from CA-SCL-38, only Burial 102, an adolescent between the ages of 9 and 13, was identified with a slight case of cribra orbitalia, and only in the left orbit (Jurmain 2000:146). No cases of porotic hyperostosis were observed.
This frequency is quite low, and considering the ambiguous etiology of cribra orbitalia, little can be determined about implications to diet. Unfortunately, Burial 102 was not included in the present stable isotope study; however if analyzed in the future, it would be of interest to note whether their consumption of animal products appears to have been very low.
Severe deficiencies of vitamin C or vitamin D may contribute to cribra orbitalia; additionally there are other skeletal markers likely to manifest in an individual with these nutritional deficits. Vitamin D deficiency is usually a result of insufficient sunlight exposure, but may also be caused by malabsorption of vitamin D or calcium in the digestive tract. Vitamin D deficiency presents in bone as rickets in children or osteomalacia in adults, both leading to inadequate bone mineralization. In children, symptoms include bent or bowed long bones (e.g., femur, tibia, fibula, humerus, ulna, or radius). In adults, deformities due to severe vitamin D deficiency are more likely to be seen in the bones of the trunk (e.g., ribs, vertebrae, sternum, or pelvis) (Ortner 2003).
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Vitamin C (ascorbic acid) is essential to the production of amino acid precursors to collagen, and is therefore directly related to bone growth and maintenance
(Ortner 2003). In the case of severe vitamin C deficiency, scurvy develops, manifesting in children’s skeletons as porous, hypertrophic lesions of the cranial vault (especially the frontal and parietal bones). Cortical bone will be thin, there may be frequent metaphyseal breaks, subperiosteal hemorrhaging around the femur or tibia, and calcification of the separated periosteum around these bones (Ortner 2003). These conditions only manifest in subadult skeletons; in adults, skeletal involvement is low, although the alveolar bone may have a porous appearance, related to chronic bleeding of the gums (Ortner 2003). No indicators of vitamin D or vitamin C deficiency were observed in the skeletal collection from CA-SCL-38.
Dentition
The teeth have a clear and direct relationship with foods consumed. Tooth wear is traditionally divided into attrition, caused by tooth-on-tooth wear of the occlusal surface, and abrasion, caused by contact with foods or other materials (Larson 1997). The cumulative effects of attrition and abrasion often increase predictably through a lifetime, such that the degree of dental wear has been used as a proxy for age estimation for several archaeological populations (Hillson 1996). However, the dentition of native
Californians has presented a challenge to traditional interpretation, due to unprecedented levels of tooth wear, even in younger individuals. The most common explanation for the extreme levels of dental wear seen in early California populations is that grinding of foods in a mortar would create grit, which would be incorporated into the food products and cause severe abrasion to the teeth (Leigh 1925, 1928; Molnar 1968; Jurmain 1990a).
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However, the variety of shapes and contours encountered on the surface of teeth, and the non-occlusion of these features, suggests that non-alimentary use of teeth had a larger role in creating wear patterns (Grant 2010).
At SCL-38, dental wear patterns are moderate to severe. Using the Molnar scale (1971), where scores of 1 to 3 indicate no attrition to slight attrition, scores of 4 to 5 are moderate attrition, and scores of 6 to 8 are severe attrition, teeth at SCL-38 had average attrition scores ranging from 3.42 (upper right third molar, n = 120) to 5.83
(upper right first molar, n = 140) (Jurmain 2000:56). A difference in tooth wear severity was noted between the sexes (Jurmain 2000:20) but can be explained by differential mortality (women had greater average attrition, but also had longer average lifespans (see
Table 5 and Morley 1997 for a more detailed analysis). Of all dental elements examined, the incidence of severe tooth wear was lowest in lower right canines (11.0% of available teeth, n = 154), and highest in upper right second incisors (56.2%, n = 130). However, for all dental elements, the effects of attrition and abrasion in the SCL-38 dentition are less than is seen at ALA-329, SCL-690 or SCL-732 (Jurmain 2000). This difference is significant, even within the same age categories, suggesting that differential tooth wear is due to differences in diet or food processing technology (Jurmain 2000), or more likely, differences in the use of teeth as tools between sites (Grant 2010).
Indications of dental health, such as caries (the process of demineralization of dental hard tissues which creates cavities) and abscesses (lesions in the alveolar bone resulting from bacterial infections in exposed dental pulp) also have implications for diet
(Hillson 1996; Larson 1997). Caries rates in archaeological populations tend to be higher with increased consumption of starchy, sugary, carbohydrate-rich foods (Hillson 1996;
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Kolpan 2010), and slightly lower with consumption of marine foods, which inhibit the caries process by raising pH within the mouth (Delgado-Darias et al. 2005; Littleton and
Frohlich 1992). Inflammation of the periodontal tissues may occur when bacteria or their toxins enter exposed dental pulp through carious lesions or fractured teeth, ultimately resulting in acute periapical abscesses (Hillson 1996). Thus, frequency of abscesses has a similar relationship to diet as frequency of caries.
At SCL-38, caries rates were relatively low, with an overall incidence rate of only 1.2 percent when both upper and lower teeth are considered (Jurmain 2000:25). This figure is comparable to the rate seen at ALA-329, slightly less than at SCL-690 (2.3%) and slightly higher than SCL-732 (0.9%) (Jurmain 2000:25). Rates of abscesses observed at SCL-38 were higher, with a maxillary frequency of 9.1 percent and mandibular frequency of 4.2 percent (Jurmain 2000:22). Overall presence of abscesses at SCL-38 was similar to ALA-329 for individuals under 30 years of age, but was higher for older individuals, a result that Jurmain suspects to be interobserver error rather than a meaningful difference in dental health (Jurmain 2000:24). Based on these data, it can be surmised that the diet of individuals from SCL-38 was typical of sites in the region. A more detailed review of dental traits at SCL-38 might be illuminating, considering differences in sex, age, and change through time, however this exceeds the scope of the current study.
Summary: Bioarchaeology
Overall, bioarchaeological data from CA-SCL-38 suggest that individuals interred there consumed a healthy and diverse diet. Only one individual was observed with evidence of a possible dietary deficiency (B102 with slight, unilateral cribra
269 orbitalia). Dental pathologies are typical for contemporaneous populations in the region.
Rates of caries are relatively low, perhaps related to consumption of marine foods. Dental attrition is significant, but perhaps has greater implications for non-alimentary use of teeth than for dietary interpretation.
Stable Isotope Analysis
The final source of information regarding paleodiet to be reviewed in this chapter is stable isotope analysis. This approach uses chemical composition of preserved tissues (e.g., bone, hair, dental enamel, dentin, fingernails), and is based on the principle that the materials for all growth, development, and maintenance of bodily tissues during a lifetime are derived from materials consumed through food and drink, or in a very literal sense, “you are what you eat.” With adequate preservation and careful preparation and analysis, the balance of chemical components in archaeological tissues can inform us about the foods a specific individual consumed during life. Because this is the technique which will be used in the present study, additional care is taken here to review the basic principles of stable isotopes in ecological systems, the history and applications of stable isotope research in archaeology, and the research questions which may be addressed when this method is applied to paleodietary research at the Yukisma Mound site (CA-
SCL-38).
Special attention is paid to the use of stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen, as these are the elements which will be analyzed in the present study. Sulfur isotopes are also considered for a subset of the population. Stable isotopes of other elements, such as oxygen and strontium, have proven very useful in addressing questions of provenience
270 and migration (e.g., Jorgenson et al 2009; Knudson and Price 2007), but will not be considered in this thesis. Sulfur isotopes also tie people to places and can also be used for paleodietary interpretation, particularly when freshwater or marine resources are included in the diet and where previous sulfur isotope studies have provided a baseline for comparison (e.g., Nehlich et al. 2010, 2011, 2012; Richards et al. 2001, 2003). Because this baseline is not yet available for Central California, sulfur will be used here to establish provenience rather than diet. The literature supporting sulfur isotope analysis is presented in Materials and Methods, Chapter VII. Strontium analysis is not possible for this population, as this isotope is most reliably sourced from teeth and all dentition from
SCL-38 individuals was repatriated and is no longer available for research.
Basic Principles of Stable Isotopes
All matter is made up of atoms, tiny conglomerates of even smaller particles with distinct characteristics. In the center of each atom is the nucleus, composed of protons and neutrons. The number of protons defines an element: for example, all carbon atoms have six protons, all nitrogen atoms have seven, and all oxygen atoms have eight.
The number of neutrons in the nucleus can vary, however. It is this variation that results in isotopes. Orbiting the nucleus are electrons, negatively charged particles which balance the positive charge of the protons. If the number of electrons does not equal the number of protons, the particle behaves as an ion, affecting reactions with other materials.
The two elements which will be considered in the present dietary study are carbon and nitrogen. Most carbon on earth (98.93%) has six neutrons and six protons in the nucleus (Lide 2003). Adding the protons and neutrons, the name of this isotope is
271 carbon-12 (12C). Two other naturally occurring isotopes of carbon are present in all things, but in lesser abundance. Carbon-13 (13C) has one additional neutron and comprises 1.07 percent of carbon atoms on earth. Carbon-14 (14C) has two additional neutrons and comprises less than 0.01 percent of all carbon on earth (only one part in 1012 relative to 12C) (Bowman 1990:34). Of these, 14C is unstable, is classified as a radioisotope, and slowly decays to a stable state, becoming 14N at the rate of half the 14C particles in any sample every 5,730 years (Bowman 1990). In contrast, 13C is a stable isotope and does not decay. Nitrogen has two stable isotopes, 14N, the most common form (99.632%), and 15N (0.368%), which is less abundant but still ubiquitous (Lide
2003).
All isotopes of carbon and nitrogen are present in biological systems, forming the building blocks of plant and animal tissues. Heavier isotopes behave similarly to lighter isotopes, however the additional neutrons give these atoms a slightly greater mass, which increases the strength of their chemical bonds and slows the rates of chemical reactions, relative to lighter isotopes. Consequently, heavier isotopes may be retained in plant or animal tissues in different proportions than those originally ingested, a phenomenon known as fractionation (Katzenberg 2008).
While global proportions of these stable isotopes are known, proportions within living things are variable, depending on isotopic composition of materials consumed, fractionation effects, photosynthetic pathways of plants in the food web, trophic level of foods consumed, and other factors. Proportions of heavy to light isotopes in a sample are reported by comparing the observed ratio to that in a known international standard, and then multiplying the result by 1,000. The result is written as a delta value
272
(δ), and reported in permil (‰). In the following example, R represents the ratio of the heavier isotope to the lighter isotope (e.g., 13C/12C or 15N/14N).
δ = [(RSample / RStandard) – 1] * 1000
In the case of carbon, the National Bureau of Standards and the International
Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna provide an international reference standard of Peedee
Belemnite (PDB). This standard uses the ratio of 13C/12C found in a Cretaceous belemnite fossil formation off the coast of South Carolina, which was significantly enriched in 13C.
The standard, by definition, has a delta value of zero (δ13C = 0.0‰). Consequently, most measured values from ecological systems are more depleted and yield negative values
(e.g., a δ13C value of -20.0 ‰ would indicate that the heavy isotope of carbon in the test sample is depleted by 20 permil relative to the standard). The original source of PDB has been entirely used for research purposes, and is now replicated as Vienna PDB (VPDB), with the same δ13C value.
The international standard for stable isotopes of nitrogen is the ratio of
15 14 N/ N present in atmospheric nitrogen gas (N2), officially known as AIR (the Ambient
Inhalable Reservoir). This standard also has a delta value set at 0.0‰, by definition, but nitrogen gas in air is depleted in the heavy isotope relative to most biological systems.
Therefore, most measured values will be positive (e.g., a sample with a δ15N value of
8.4‰ is enriched in the heavy isotope by 8.4 permil, relative to the standard).
Stable Carbon Isotopes in Biological Systems
Carbon is the central element in biological systems, and is present in all living things. In terrestrial systems, plants obtain carbon from carbon dioxide gas (CO2)
273 ingested during photosynthesis. In marine systems, phytoplankton obtain most of their carbon from dissolved CO2 gas in seawater, while other marine plants obtain carbon primarily from dissolved carbonates (compounds including the HCO3⎯ ion), sourced from decomposed biological hard tissues (e.g., from mollusk or crustacean shells and fish bones), as well as geological sources (e.g., weathered carbonate rocks, such as limestone)
(Fry 2006; Sharp 2007). Additionally, carbon from decomposed terrestrial plant material is introduced to the marine environment at river deltas (Tan 1989). The metabolic pathways involved in plant photosynthesis introduce various fractionation factors, influencing the isotopic ratio of carbon that will be retained in the plant tissues.
During photosynthesis, CO2 passes through stomata (pores) in the epidermis of the plant, and then dissolves into the cellular fluid. Plants also require water for this process, and produce oxygen and sugar. The simplified chemical equation for photosynthesis is presented below:
6 CO2 + 12 H2O C6H12O6 + 6 H2O + 6 O2
For ninety percent of plants, the next step is for the dissolved CO2 molecules to diffuse into the chloroplasts (organelles within plant cells) where carboxylation occurs,
+ a process which reduces (adds an H to) each CO2 molecule and bonds it with a 5-carbon sugar called ribulose biphosphate (RuBP), briefly forming a 6-carbon molecule which splits to become two 3-carbon phosphoglyceric acid (PGA) molecules. These are then reduced to phosphoglyceraldehyde (PGAL). Some PGAL molecules later form 6-carbon sugars, becoming carbohydrate energy for the plant and its consumers (O’Leary 1981,
1988; Sharp 2007; Smith 1986). This photosynthetic process is called the Calvin-Benson pathway, and plants which use it exclusively are known as C3 plants because of the 3-
274 carbon PGAL molecule produced following carboxylation. For these plants, carboxylation is the limiting step, resulting in the greatest discrimination against the
13 heavier carbon isotope. Plants using the C3 pathway are depleted C and tend to have very negative δ13C values, typically between -29.0 permil and -25.0 permil (O’Leary
1981, 1988).
Some important food plants, including corn (maize), sorghum, millet, and sugar cane, incorporate an additional step in their photosynthetic pathway to optimize
energy production and minimize dehydration in hot climates. The Hatch-Slack, or C4 pathway, fixes carbon from CO2 rapidly by combining it with phosphoenolpyruvate
(PEP), to form the 4-carbon compounds malate and aspartate (Smith 1986). These compounds later donate their carbon to RuBP, and follow the same path to create sugars as was seen in C3 plants. However, the preliminary step of forming 4-carbon compounds fixes carbon so efficiently that there is less discrimination against 13C and less need for plants to leave their stomata open to collect CO2, which reduces the risk of dehydration.
13 Plants which use a C4 pathway have less negative δ C values than C3 plants, typically
between -16.0 permil and -12.0 permil (O’Leary 1981, 1988). C4 plants include only about 0.4 percent of angiosperms (seed bearing, flowering plants), but make up 18 percent of plant global productivity (Sharp 2007).
Cacti and other succulent plants use the crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM)
photosynthetic pathway, which combines features of both the C3 and C4 pathways. In conditions where water is scarce, CAM plants open their stomata to collect CO2 only at night, fix the carbon in a preliminary step as malate (a 4-carbon compound), and later donate their carbon to RuBP to produce PGA, and eventually sugar (Smith 1986). If
275 water rationing is not necessary, CAM plants also have the ability to follow a more energy efficient C3-type pathway, fixing carbon directly from CO2 without the preliminary 4-carbon molecule step. Because of the flexibility of the crassulacean acid metabolism, CAM plants may have δ13C values ranging from -10.0 permil in very arid conditions to -20.0 permil when conditions are more temperate (O’Leary 1981, 1988).
Although most aquatic plants use a metabolism similar to C3 plants, the diffusion rate of CO2 in water is much slower than that in air, making diffusion the limiting step, and reducing discrimination against 13C (O’Leary 1988). Additionally, stable carbon isotope ratios in dissolved CO2 in seawater are enriched by about 9.0 permil over those in atmospheric CO2, due to enrichment from marine bicarbonates and chemical fractionation effects as atmospheric CO2 is exchanged with the ocean’s surface
(Fry 2006). Typical δ13C values of marine plants vary by type and are influenced by water temperature. Values for algae range from -22.0 permil to -10.0 permil, plankton from -31.0 permil to -18.0 permil, and kelp from -20.0 permil to -10.0 permil, with an overall average for marine plants of -20.0 permil (Sharp 2007). In riparian systems, the rate of water flow also influences fractionation rates. In fast flowing streams, a greater
13 availability of dissolved CO2 leads to less fractionation and less negative δ C values.
Slower streams hold less dissolved CO2, leading to more fractionation and more negative
δ13C values (O’Leary 1988). A summary of typical δ13C values in terrestrial and marine plants is presented in Figure 29.
The isotopic ratio of carbon in plant tissues is passed along through an ecosystem from consumer to consumer, as animals eat plants and are then subsequently
276
0 Terrestrial Terrestrial Terrestrial Marine Marine Marine C3 C4 CAM Algae Plankton Kelp -5
-10
-15
-20
-25
Typical Delta 13C Values (in permil) -30
-35
FIGURE 29. Typical δ13C values for terrestrial and marine plants.
Source: Values from O’Leary, Marion H., 1981, Carbon Isotope Fractionation in Plants. Phytochemistry 20(4):553-567; 1988, Carbon Isotopes in Photosynthesis. Bioscience 38(5):328-335.
consumed by other animals. The available carbon in food materials is recycled in the body of the consumer. Some degree of fractionation may occur, some carbon will be excreted, and some will be used to build and maintain tissues of the consumer.
Controlled feeding experiments have demonstrated an enrichment of δ13C values in the tissues of consumers, varying by tissue type and consumer metabolism.
Within bone collagen, the protein component of bone, this enrichment has been observed at rates between 0.5 and 4.6 permil in small and large animals based on controlled feeding experiments, and between 4.5 and 6.1 permil in large animals in the wild
(Ambrose 2000; Ambrose and Norr 1993). A correlation is noted between the degree of
277 enrichment and body size of the consumer (Ambrose and Norr 1993). However, little to no enrichment is seen between animal trophic levels (e.g., in carnivores eating the flesh of herbivores) (Ambrose and Norr 1993). In humans, δ13C values in bone collagen are enriched by an average of approximately 5.0 permil over diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993;
Tieszen and Fagre 1993; van der Merwe and Vogel 1978).
Carbon in Different Fractions of Bone
Based on the results of controlled feeding experiments with animals, it has been determined that essential amino acids in dietary protein are preferentially routed to build new proteins, such as bone collagen (Ambrose 2000; Ambrose and Norr 1993;
DeNiro and Epstein 1978; Lee-Thorp et al. 1989; Tieszen and Fagre 1993). Accordingly, the carbon found in bone collagen has been found to correlate most closely with the protein component of the diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Hedges 2003; Tieszen and Fagre
1993).
The mineral component of bone is hydroxyapatite (also called apatite or bioapatite), made up of a crystalline lattice of calcium phosphate, Ca10(PO4)6(OH)2.
Although no carbon is apparent, carbon is incorporated into bioapatite when dissolved
-2 -3 carbonate ions (CO3 ) in blood substitute for phosphate ions (PO4 ). This carbonate may be derived from any component of diet (protein, carbohydrates, or lipids), making carbon in apatite a more complete indicator of whole diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Hedges
2003; Tieszen and Fagre 1993). The ratio of carbon isotopes found in human bone apatite is enriched by approximately 9.4 permil over carbon in the complete diet (Ambrose and
Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre 1993).
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The difference in nutritional source material for carbon in bone collagen and bone apatite has been shown to be an important tool in interpreting dietary composition, a metric known as apatite-collagen spacing (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre
1993). If both protein and whole diet foods come from terrestrial environments where no
13 C4 plants are available, it would be expected that the difference in δ C values between bone apatite and bone collagen would be approximately 4.4 permil, as shown below:
13 13 When: δ CComplete diet = δ CDietary protein,
13 13 (δ CComplete diet + 9.4‰Apatite offset) - (δ CDietary protein + 5.0‰Collagen offset) = 4.4‰
If protein, however, comes from a source that is relatively enriched in 13C, such as marine foods, the spacing between apatite and collagen will be less than 4.4 permil. If complete diet were very high in C3 carbohydrates and depleted in proteins, the spacing between apatite and collagen values would be greater than 4.4 permil. Influence of C4 plants in the complete diet or consumption of C4 plants by protein resources can also affect the apatite-collagen spacing if C4 contributions are disproportionate between nutritional sources.
Additional models to evaluate dietary composition using carbon isotope values of bone collagen and apatite have been proposed by Kellner and Schoeninger
(2007), later joined by Froehle (Froehle et al. 2010, 2012). The primary goal of these models is to differentiate terrestrial C3 diets from those including terrestrial C4 foods or marine foods, with progressively complex approaches focused on discriminating between similar marine and C4 signatures. Because C4 foods are not a factor in pre-contact
Californian diets, a modified version of the 2010 model will be used in the present study, along with the traditional collagen-apatite spacing approach (see Results in Chapter VIII).
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In summary, carbon isotope ratios in human bone collagen and apatite will vary based on food source environment (marine/terrestrial), plant metabolism, fractionation within the body, and tissues analyzed. Within the ecosystems of pre-contact
California, no important C4 plant resources have been identified, so carbon isotope values primarily inform about the relative dietary contributions of terrestrial and marine foods.
Stable Nitrogen Isotopes in Biological Systems
Nitrogen is a key component of amino acids, which are the building blocks of proteins, and like carbon, is passed from plants to consumers within a food web. Seventy- nine percent of the earth’s atmosphere is composed of nitrogen gas (N2), however this source of nitrogen is biologically unavailable to most organisms (Smith 1986). Those plants which use symbiotic relationships with bacteria or fungi to fix nitrogen from atmospheric N2 (e.g., legumes and lichens), or from dissolved N2 in sea or fresh water
(e.g., blue-green algae), have δ15N values close to 0.0 permil, similar to air. All other plants obtain nitrogen through their roots as dissolved byproducts of decomposition, such
+ - as compounds containing ammonium (NH4 ) or nitrate (NO3 ) ions (Sharp 2007).
Nitrogen obtained through these indirect pathways is slightly enriched in the heavier isotope; therefore, terrestrial plants generally have δ15N values greater than 0.0 permil
(Pate 1994).
As nitrogen passes through trophic levels of an ecosystem, fractionation causes enrichment of the heavy isotope within the tissues of consumers. Bada and colleagues (1989) explained that the digestion of consumed proteins involves peptide bond hydrolysis, which would preferentially leave more of the heavy isotope of nitrogen
280 to be incorporated into tissues, but would not discriminate significantly between carbon isotopes. Controlled feeding tests on small animals confirmed a step-wise enrichment of approximately 3 permil between dietary δ15N values and δ15N values in bone collagen of consumers (DeNiro and Epstein 1981; DeNiro and Schoeniger 1983). In herbivores, δ15N values in bone collagen are approximately three permil greater than in the plant resources they consume, and collagen in carnivores is enriched by an additional three permil over their food resources (Minagawa and Wada 1984; Schoeninger and DeNiro 1984). A review of over 100 studies of mammalian and avian δ15N values by Jeffrey Kelly (2000) supported the expected pattern of 15N enrichment by trophic level, regardless of other sources of variation in isotope values (e.g., body size, habitat, climate, or geographical location). This step-wise trophic level enrichment is particularly evident in marine ecosystems, where a longer food chain produces even greater δ15N values in top consumers (Schoeninger and DeNiro 1984; Schoeninger et al. 1983). Freshwater resources are somewhat more variable, and values similar to terrestrial carnivores have been observed in carnivorous freshwater fish (Schoeninger and DeNiro 1984). Studies of lacustrine resources have demonstrated that considerable variability in δ15N values of the tissues of lake fish may exist, even for fish of the same species from nearby lakes
(Dufour et al. 1999).
Environment also affects both δ15N values in soils and fractionation within the tissues of consumers. Saline soils in desert and coastal environments are enriched in 15N, and higher δ15N values are absorbed by non-nitrogen-fixing plants in these regions
(Ambrose 1991; Heaton 1987). In xeric environments, higher temperatures may lead to volatilization of ammonia in soils, and due to their lighter atomic weights, compounds
281 containing 14N are more likely to be vaporized than those containing the heavier isotope
(Schwarcz et al. 1999). Plants growing in soils which are enriched in 15N incorporate these higher δ15N values into their tissues and pass them along to their consumers, where additional fractionation occurs. While the mechanism is not clearly understood, animals living in conditions of water and heat stress have been observed to excrete urea (in urine) which is significantly depleted in 15N relative to diet, leaving a greater-than-usual proportion of the heavy isotope behind to be incorporated into their tissues (Ambrose
1991). Use of animal fertilizers for crops can further increase soil δ15N values by adding nitrogen to the soil. Although depleted in the heavier isotope relative to the values retained in animal tissues, the additional urea in fertilized soil is converted to ammonia, which is then subject to volatilization, with the end result of increased soil δ15N values
(Schwarcz et al. 1999). Isotopic studies of archaeological populations from the coast of southern Peru have found average δ15N values in human bone collagen as high as 20.94 permil, due to combined factors of dry environments, consumption of marine foods, and the use of guano fertilizer (Tomczak 2003). Because so many variables may affect δ15N values in the food chain, and ultimately in human bone collagen, it is essential to compare measured values in any study to others from similar geological, geographical, and temporal contexts (c.f. Ambrose 1991; Katzenberg 2008; Wada et al. 1991).
Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Research in Archaeology
Stable isotopes were discovered in 1919 by Francis W. Aston, who received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1922 for his pioneering work (Fry 2006). However, it wasn’t until about fifty years later that the nuances of isotopic flow through ecosystems
282 were explored (e.g., Fry et al. 1978). As the isotopic relationships between consumers and foods were revealed, the utility of stable isotopes for paleodietary analysis was recognized by biologist Johannes Vogel and archaeologist Nikolaas J. van der Merwe in two pioneering publications (Vogel and van der Merwe 1977; van der Merwe and Vogel
1978). In these, they examined the δ13C values of human bone collagen from four archaeological sites in New York State, and ten sites in Illinois, Ohio, and West Virginia, successfully identifying the introduction of maize (a C4 plant) into the diet, based on relatively enriched δ13C values.
The use of bioapatite in archaeological isotope research was initially controversial, due to questions about whether diagenetic contamination or processing methods threatened the integrity of isotopic results (Schoeninger and DeNiro 1982, 1983;
Sullivan and Krueger 1981, 1983). Chemical changes or contamination may occur within a bone after deposition, altering the isotopic values which would have been present during life. Additionally, processing methods in the laboratory can introduce new sources of carbon or nitrogen, potentially changing the structure and composition of samples.
However, with the establishment of preparation methods to remove diagenetic contamination (Garvie-Lok et al. 2004; Hedges and Millard 1995; Koch et al. 1997;
Nielsen-Marsh and Hedges 2000a, 2000b; Wang and Cerling 1994), the introduction of reliable tests of sample integrity (Beasley 2008; Garvie-Lok et al. 2004; Shemesh 1990;
Surovell and Stiner 2001; Termine and Posner 1966; Wright and Schwarcz 1996), and additional feeding studies to understand the relationships between dietary composition and the δ13C values of bone collagen and apatite (Ambrose and Norr 1993), the analysis of bone apatite is now an accepted source of paleodietary information. One of the earliest
283 studies to include bioapatite in paleodietary reconstruction was Harrison and Katzenberg
(2003), who used isotope analysis of both fractions of bone to better understand the composition of whole diet in prehistoric Southern Ontario where diet included C3 and C4 resources, and on San Nicolas Island, California, where diet was a mix of terrestrial C3 foods and marine resources.
Detecting Maize in the Diet. Following the lead of Vogel and van der Merwe
(1977), several researchers used stable isotope analysis to address questions of maize introduction and increasing dependence throughout the Americas. The less negative δ13C values which resulted from a diet including C4 plants (and animals which had consumed
C4 plants) allowed DeNiro and Epstein (1981) and Farnsworth and colleagues (1985) to identify very early incorporation of maize into the diet of individuals from the Tehuacan
Valley of Mexico around 6000 years ago. Maize had arrived in Ecuador by about 4200
BP, but was not adopted as a dietary staple in the Peruvian highlands until much later;
Finucane and colleagues (2006) reported the earliest evidence for use of maize as a dietary staple in the Peruvian highlands at Conchopata, a site used during the Middle
Horizon (AD 550-1000), and also identified specialized pasturage techniques for llamas and alpacas at the site, based on differences in their maize consumption. Similarly, although macrobotanical evidence places corn in the Eastern Woodlands of North
America as early as 3500 years ago (Fearn and Liu 1995), isotopic analysis suggests that maize was not an economically important staple food until after AD 900 (Larson 1997).
Buikstra and Milner (1991) used this technique to recognize that maize was more common in the diets of people living in the peripheral territories of Cahokia than for those in the center of this important Mississippian capital city, suggesting that corn was a
284 lower status food in this society. At Grasshopper Pueblo, Arizona, Ezzo (1992) observed increasing dependence on maize agriculture, which may have ultimately led to nutritional deficiencies contributing to abandonment of the site after 1400 AD.
Contributions of Marine and Terrestrial Foods. Another important dietary variable which can be identified through stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis is the relative consumption of marine and terrestrial foods. Foods from marine environments are enriched in both 13C and 15N relative to terrestrial resources. The earliest publications to address the contribution of marine foods in the diet considered only δ13C values of bone collagen. Examples include Tauber’s (1981) study of a dietary shift in early inhabitants of Denmark from a marine-focused diet in the Mesolithic to a terrestrial diet in the Neolithic. Chisholm and colleagues’ (1983) study of diet in prehistoric British Columbia also used δ13C values of human bone collagen and a linear mixing model to estimate percent contribution of marine foods to diet, finding at least eighty-five percent marine foods in the diet of all individuals, with no significant diachronic change over five thousand years.
In 1983, Schoeninger and colleagues used both carbon and nitrogen isotope values to compare dietary signatures of Alaskan Eskimos, Haida and Tlingit Indians from the Northwest Coast of North America, Havihuh agriculturalists from New Mexico, and manioc farmers from Columbia, South America, with data from controlled animal feeding experiments and studies from Europe and the Bahamas. They concluded that both carbon and nitrogen evidence must be considered to accurately discriminate between marine and terrestrial food signatures, particularly when C4 crops or freshwater fish are included in the diet. Another early study established the power of using both δ13C and
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δ15N values in bone collagen to visualize the nuances of dietary change in the Georgia
Bight of North America, noting the simultaneous reduction of marine foods and increase in maize agriculture after AD 1150, then a reduction in maize reliance after AD 1300, and an additional increase in maize consumption during the Mission Period in the seventeenth century (Larsen et al. 1992).
Several researchers expanded on Tauber’s (1981) study to examine the nuances of dietary change between the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods in coastal
Europe (e.g., Lubell et al. 1994; Richards and Hedges 1999; Richards et al. 2003), sparking lively and productive debate about the interpretation of isotopic results (Hedges
2004; Milner et al. 2004). The new stable isotope data, in combination with refined radiocarbon date calibrations, pointed to a rapid abandonment of marine resources during the Early Neolithic period in coastal Denmark, England, Portugal, and France, which did not match the expected pattern based on other archaeological evidence (e.g., Neolithic period coastal habitation and workshop sites in Denmark). Because of the conflict in interpretation between isotopic and archaeological data, Milner and colleagues (2004) challenged the conclusions, questioning the degree of sensitivity to marine contributions recorded in bone collagen and whether small sample sizes could support population-level generalizations (Milner et al. 2004). These debates highlight the value of stable isotope analysis, in that this direct source of evidence can detect nuances of dietary behavior masked by archaeological interpretations and provide evidence on an individual scale, which may or may not represent the diet of the local population.
Applying the distinction between marine and terrestrial dietary signatures, investigators have been able to address such issues as distinguishing regional cultural
286 practices (e.g., Neolithic Baltic seal hunters who did not adopt the agricultural practices of their neighbors, documented by Eriksson in 2004), or challenging ethnohistorical suggestions about dietary composition (e.g., coastal populations of Australian Aborigines who obtained significantly less dietary protein from marine foods than expected, identified by Hobson and Collier, 1984). Other challenges have included understanding paleodiet on islands, where consumption of marine resources is sometimes deceptively low. Ambrose et al. (1997) examined prehistoric diet on three islands in Micronesia,
Rota, Guam, and Saipan, using both bone collagen and apatite. In all cases, average marine contribution to diet was less than 50 percent, and on Saipan, less than 20 percent.
13 15 However, high δ C values and low δ N values suggested that either a C4 plant (sugar cane) or seaweed (a low trophic level marine food) were major components of the diet. In an earlier study in the Bahamas, Keegan and DeNiro (1988) observed that seagrass and coral reef environments produce foods enriched in 13C and depleted in 15N, relative to marine foods from the open ocean.
In southern California, Walker and DeNiro (1986) and Goldberg (1993) studied diet among the Chumash Indians of the Channel Islands and Santa Barbara region. Walker and DeNiro (1986) found that Indians living on the islands consumed a significant amount of marine foods, those living on the coast an intermediate amount, and those living inland subsisted on primarily terrestrial resources. Considering the significance of trade among the Chumash and the complex social organization of this group, the regional specificity of diets is especially interesting. Adding to the regional distinctions, Goldberg (1993) found that consumption of marine animals increased through time in the northern Channel Islands, but decreased through time for populations
287 of the southern islands. Similarly, in Baja California, Jerome King (1997) found that diet in prehistoric coastal and inland populations was composed almost entirely of local foods, with little contribution from traded goods or seasonal excursions to other environments.
Detection of Breastfeeding and Weaning Practices. The trophic level enrichment of δ15N values in the tissues of consumers can also be used to examine childrearing practices in prehistory, particularly the duration of breastfeeding and age at weaning. When babies are born, their isotopic body composition is equal to that of their mothers. With the consumption of breastmilk, babies are functionally a trophic level above their mothers, and δ15N values in the tissues of breastfeeding infants show progressive enrichment over the first few months of life. With the introduction of weaning foods, these levels begin to fall, reaching values comparable to the community within six months after the complete cessation of breastfeeding (Fuller et al. 2006;
Katzenberg et al. 1996:188).
The earliest isotopic study to address questions of infant weaning was completed by Fogel and colleagues (1989), who confirmed a 3 permil trophic level enrichment between modern mothers and their breastfeeding infants through analysis of fingernail clippings, then applied this method to the analysis of bone collagen in two prehistoric North American populations. In both archaeological cases, a progressive enrichment in δ15N values was clear during the first months of life, followed by a drop to values similar to those at birth around three years of age. Analysis of stable nitrogen isotopes in human bone has since been used to understand breastfeeding and weaning practices among archaeological populations from places including Ancient Egypt and
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Nubia (e.g., Dupras et al. 2001; White and Schwarcz 1994), Medieval England (e.g.,
Fuller et al. 2003; Richards et al. 2002), South Africa (e.g., Clayton et al. 2006), North
America (e.g., Fogel et al. 1989; Herring et al. 1998; Katzenberg et al. 1996; Schurr
1998; Schurr and Powell 2005; Tuross and Fogel 1994) and Central America (e.g.,
Williams et al. 2005; Wright and Schwarcz 1998).
Issues of Identity and Social Status. Because stable isotope analysis of human bone tissues provides dietary information at an individual level, variation within and between communities can illuminate subpopulation dynamics such as gendered differences in resource use, multi-ethnic continuity within communities, or differences in culinary practice based on social role, specialization, or lineage. The integration of contextual mortuary information with stable isotope analysis provides insight into the interrelationship between food and variable expressions of identity. In keeping with the nuanced, integrative approaches to paleodietary analysis advocated in Kristin Sobelik’s edited volume (1994, including important contributions by Mark Sutton and Elizabeth
Wing), the mid-1990s also saw an expansion in the breadth of research questions addressed with stable isotopes.
In 1995, Mark Schurr and Margaret Schoeninger used stable carbon isotopes in bone collagen to visualize the dietary differences between tribal and chieftain-based settlements in the Prehistoric Ohio Valley, and correlated the intensification of maize agriculture with increases in social complexity, based on site size, site hierarchies, mortuary treatments, and evidence for large communal labor projects (Schurr and
Schoeninger 1995:319). That same year, Doug Ubelaker, Anne Katzenberg, and Leon
Doyon examined status differentiation within a set of La Florida shaft-tomb burials in
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Ecuador, finding that high-status individuals (those with elaborate grave goods) consumed more maize than lower status individuals but similar protein resources, based on enriched δ13C values but comparable δ15N values in their bone collagen. This result was surprising, as ethnohistoric information suggested that high status individuals from the Chaupicruz Phase (100 to 450 AD) would have had much greater access to animal proteins; but the only significant dietary difference found was increased consumption of maize by the elite, likely in the form of chicha beer (Ubelaker et al. 1995).
Conversely, a study by Ambrose and colleagues (2003) addressing dietary differences between burials from Mound 72 at Cahokia, a Mississippian site in Illinois, demonstrated that individuals of higher status in this society consumed significantly more animal protein and less maize than lower status individuals. Lower status individuals, particularly young females, consumed an estimated 60 percent more maize than upper class males in this burial site, and had very high collagen-apatite spacing values
(~13.5‰), suggesting that their bulk diet was almost entirely composed of low-protein C4 foods (maize), with a minimal contribution from C3 proteins (meat from animals not consuming maize) (Ambrose et al. 2003).
Even without C4 foods such as maize in the diet, observations of differentiation in trophic level of protein resources have been used to infer differences in social status in places such as the Canadian Arctic (Coltrain et al. 2004). A dietary analysis of individuals from Iron Age burials in the Czech Republic found no significant difference in diet between sexes, but a slight enrichment of δ15N values within the bone collagen of males buried with swords, shields, or spears, relative to males buried without iron weaponry (LeHuray and Schutkowski 2005).
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In a particularly nuanced analysis, Paula Tomczak (2003) examined stable isotopes in both bone collagen and apatite to compare dietary patterns of individuals from four Chiribaya communities from southern Peru. The observed patterns from within and between communities were then used to evaluate two trans-regional models of economic resource utilization commonly cited to explain Pre-Columbian trade networks in the
Andes, the horizontal model of Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1970) and the verticality model of Murra (1972). Specialized local economies were identified, supporting the horizontal model of coastal independence from highland resources, and resource supplementation through coastal trade networks. While differences were noted between communities, no significant difference in diet was found between males and females at any of the sites. Diversity of diet within the cemetery at Chiribaya Alta correlated with differences in mortuary assemblages and styles of cranial modification, suggesting sustained multi-ethnic traditions within this community.
With the recent focus on cultural embodiment in social bioarchaeology (see
Chapter IV), a few studies have emerged integrating stable isotopes with bioarchaeological and contextual data to reconstruct social identities of individuals from prehistory. An excellent example is the study by Christine White and colleagues (2009), investigating the identities of the “Lovers from Lamanai,” two adults and an infant from the Maya Late Postclassic period (AD 1450-1500), buried together at the site of Lamanai,
Belize. The stated goals of this study were as follows:
to reconstruct the biological and social identities of the Lamanai lovers within their cultural context and . . . to promote the movement from traditional osteobiography to social biography for the purpose of better understanding social identity. [White et al. 2009:155]
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The three individuals were positioned in a unique manner, with the male seated against a wall, the woman seated next to him with her arm around his shoulders, and the infant lying in the bend of her right knee, a configuration not seen in any other Mayan burial
(White et al. 2009:155). Through careful bioarchaeological analysis, stable isotope analysis of bones and teeth, and the integration of archaeological insights regarding material culture and context, the authors reconstructed individual identities for each of the three individuals, determining that the adults were originally from West Mexico, but had lived many years near Lamanai and had consumed a diet similar to other local residents. Material markers of status and bioarchaeological evidence of repetitive actions suggested that the male was of relatively high status in West Mexico, and had retained his identity and status in the Maya region, possibly due to his specialized skills as a weaver of mats. The isotopic conclusions, when integrated with the bioarchaeological evidence, further indicated that the male had lived in the Maya region for many years before the arrival of the female, suggesting a long-term relationship between these distant lands.
The use of stable isotope analysis to answer archeological questions has developed over the past thirty years to include broader and more nuanced evaluations.
Earlier studies focused primarily on the investigation of community level dietary change, such as the integration of maize into diet, intensification of maize agriculture, dietary shifts through time, effects of missionization on diets, consumption of marine foods, and evaluation of ethnohistoric accounts of past behaviors. As the pursuit of paleodietary knowledge has progressed, more integrated studies have emerged which focus on individual dietary variation. These studies allow investigators to address questions of individual identity including gender- or status-based differences in resource access,
292 dietary protocol of cultural specialists, identification of migrants, and multi-ethnic traditions within communities. Further synthesis of multiple lines of evidence produces a new archaeology of identity, permitting an unprecedented knowledge of the lived experience of persons from the prehistoric past.
One clear point of caution emerges from this collection of studies however, that each region and time must be addressed independently. Isotope values within ecosystems vary by local environment. Climate, latitude, and geology all contribute to variation in the δ13C and δ15N values available in local foods. Dietary components also have held variable significance with regards to prestige and identity in different places and times. Before proceeding with stable isotope analysis of the individuals from SCL-
38, it is important to first investigate what is known about the local environment and dietary variation in prehistoric Central California.
Stable Isotopes in Central California Archaeology
Baseline Isotopic Values for the Prehistoric Californian Menu. Based on evidence from indirect sources, such as environmental reconstruction, botanical and faunal analysis from archaeological sites, and ethnohistoric accounts (see Chapter V), the menu in prehistoric California included a variety of terrestrial plant and animal foods but no important plants with C4 photosynthetic pathways. Maize was not a part of California diets until the late eighteenth century, when it was introduced by Spanish missionaries.
While other California Native groups likely consumed CAM plants such as agave and prickly-pear (Opuntia sp.) fruits (Jacknis 2004; Kroeber 1925; Lightfoot and Parrish
2009), these foods were not readily available to inhabitants of Santa Clara County.
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Therefore, the only important terrestrial plant resources on the ancestral Ohlone menu were C3 plants.
Aquatic foods from marine, brackish, and freshwater environments were also readily available to the early inhabitants of the Santa Clara Valley. Marine resources would have included seaweed, fish, mollusks, and marine mammals. Freshwater resources would include both lacustrine and riverine fish, and possibly anadromous species as well. Estuarine environments include habitat for species specialized to endure brackish waters, such as certain plants, fish, and horn snails (Cerethidea californica).
A few studies have compiled isotopic information from these Central
Californian environments. Virginia and Delwiche (1982) analyzed δ15N values in plants from several Californian environments north of San Francisco Bay. In Mix Canyon, a region with a woodland-chaparral vegetation type near Vacaville, California (70 miles north of CA-SCL-38 and 95 miles inland), the average δ15N value for leguminous plants was 0.3 permil, with a measured range of -0.1 to 0.6 permil. For non-fixing species in this environment, the average δ15N value was 0.7 permil , with a range of -0.4 to 2.2 permil. The same study examined values at Point Reyes, a coastal site about seventy miles northwest of the Yukisma Mound, and found the highest plant δ15N values in non- leguminous species living in beach-dune vegetation communities (up to 5.2 permil), whereas values for leguminous plants in coastal environments remained low, between 0.0 and 1.0 permil.
Newsome and colleagues (2004) compiled isotopic values for important food resources in the coastal region between Santa Cruz and Monterey (between 35 and 60 miles south/southwest of the Yukisma Mound site), using both archaeological samples
294 and modern samples. Delta carbon isotope values from modern samples were adjusted to account for the Suess effect, the global reduction in δ13C values since the industrial revolution caused by burning of fossil fuels.
In his 2006 dissertation, Eric Bartelink produced a survey of Californian archaeological δ13C and δ15N isotopic values, including some from his own research, those produced by Newsome et al. (2004), and data from other studies from Northern and
Southern California (Bartelink 2006:139-155). His detailed review of δ13C and δ15N values for significant food resources in the Bay Area is summarized here in Figure 30.
To supplement the known isotopic values for the food web near the Yukisma
Mound, bone samples from eight animals recovered from midden and burial contexts at
CA-SCL-38 were also prepared for isotopic analysis. The results of isotopic faunal studies from this site will be presented in Chapter VIII, Results.
Seaweeds, including kelp, were a regular food source for many California
Indian tribes, including the Salinan, Coast Miwok, Wappo, Kashaya Pomo, Yuki, and
Coast Yuki, but were reportedly more of a salty condiment for the Costanoan (Lightfoot and Parrish 2009:216). A study of isotope values of kelp (Macrocystus pyrifera) from the
Big Sur Coast found that both δ13C and δ15N values varied significantly with seasonal upwelling (Foley and Koch 2010). Values of δ13C in kelp leaves ranged between -25 and
-13 permil (modern value), while δ15N ranged from 2 to 10 permil over a two year time span. Previously published values from the Santa Barbara channel showed less variability, with δ13C ranging only from -13.8 to -12.2 permil and δ15N values ranging between 8.5 and 9.7 permil (Page et al. 2008). With the availability of salinas (natural evaporation ponds) along the backshore of the Bay, there would be no need to travel to
MeanAδ Mean Source Food Type n Resource 13C δ15N Valley, Scrub, and Coast Live Oak (Quercus sp.) Nuts 5 -23.94 2.45 Walnut (Juglans californica) Holly-leaved cherry (Prunus ilicifolia) Seeds 1 -24.60 8.61 Wild cucumber (Mara sp.) California blackberry (Rubus vitifolius)
Plants Fruits 10 -23.82 4.93 Elderberry (Sambucus Mexicana) Manzanita (Arctostaphylos sp.)
Tule, Alkalai and California bulrush (Scirpus sp.) B Sedges, Rushes 206 -25.25 8.30 Common cattail (Typha latifolia) Black tailed deer (Odocoileus hemionus) Artiodactyla 14 -22.51 5.42 Pronghorn (Antilocapra americana) Elk (Cervus elaphus) Canidae 2 -20.97 7.96 Coyote (Canis latrans) Mountain lion (Felis concolor)
TERRESTRIAL Felidae 2 -17.60 8.80 Bobcat (Lynx rufus) Lagomorpha 1 -22.90 1.90 Jackrabbit (Lepus californicus) Procyonidae 2 -18.24 8.64 Raccoon (Procyon lotor) Mammals Sciuridae 1 -20.80 2.10 Squirrel (Sciurus sp.) Mustelidae 5 -11.75 14.76 Sea Otter (Enhydra lutris) Harbor seal (Phoaca vitulina) Pinnipedia 9 -13.38 18.6 Steller sea lion (Eumetopias jubatus) California sea lion (Zalophus californianus) Rock fish, surf perch Leopard shark (Triakis semifasciata)
C Jacksmelt (Atherinopsis californiensis) Northern anchovy (Engraulis mordax) Marine Fish 106 -15.88 14.96 Pacific sardine (Sardinops sajax) Shortbelly rockfish (Sebastes jordanii) Fish Lingcod (Ophiodon elongates) Shiner surfperch (Cymatogaster aggregate) Salmon (Oncorhynchus sp.) Anadromous Fish 21 -17.15 16.46 Sturgeon (Acipenser sp.) Freshwater Fish 1 -26.50 9.50 Sacramento sucker (Catostomus occidentalis) Bivalves – Bay 21 -19.10 10.40 Bay mussel (Mytilus sp.) Bivalves – MARINE / FRESHWATER 34 -21.39 2.50 Freshwater mussel (Margaritifera falcate) Freshwater Crab
Shellfish/ Crustaceans 1 -20.50 -14.50 Crab (Cancer magister)
A All δ13C values from studies using modern materials have been adjusted by +1.5‰ to correct for the “Suess Effect.” B Terrestrial data include samples from San Francisco Bay Area, Sacramento Valley, and Southern California. C Marine data include samples from Central California, San Francisco Bay Area, Farallon Islands and Suisun Bay. The Northern California coast is included in Marine Mammals. Sacramento Valley is included in Freshwater Fish.
FIGURE 30. Mean isotopic values of economically important plant and animal resources in Central California.
Sources: Values derived from Tables 5.1 and 5.2 in Bartelink, Eric J., 2006, Resource Intensification in Pre-Contact Central California: A Bioarchaeological Perspective on Diet and Health Patterns among Hunter-Gatherers from the Lower Sacramento Valley and San Francisco Bay. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University. Note: Values for Bartelink’s Table 5.1 and 5.2 include data from: Cloern, J. E., E. A. Canuel and D. Harris, 2002, Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Composition of Aquatic and Terrestrial Plants of the San Francisco Bay Estuarine System. Limnology and Oceanography 47(3):713-729; Howard, J. K., K. M. Cuffey and M. Solomon, 2005, Toward Using Margaritifera falcata as an Indicator of Base Level Nitrogen and Carbon Isotope Ratios: Insights from Two California coast Range Rivers. Hydrobiologia 541:229-236; Newsome, Seth D., Donald L. Phillips, Brendan J. Culleton, Tom P. Guilderson, and Paul L. Koch, 2004, Dietary reconstruction of an early to middle Holocene human population from the central California coast: insights from advanced stable isotope mixing models. Journal of Archaeological Science 31:1101-1115; Sarakinos, H. C., M. L. Johnson and M. J. Vander Zanden, 2002, A Synthesis of Tissue-Preservation Effects on Carbon and Nitrogen Stable Isotope Signatures. Canadian Journal of Zoology-Revue Canadienne De Zoologie 80(2):381-387; Stewart, A. R., S. N. Luoma, C. E. Schlekat, M. A. Doblin and K. Hieb, 2004, Food Web Pathway Determines How Selinium Affects Aquatic Ecosystems: A San Francisco Bay Case Study. Environmental Science & Technology 38:4519-4526; Sydeman, W. J., K. A. Hobson, P. Pyle and E.B. McLaren, 1997, Trophic Relationships Among Seabirds in Central California: Combined Stable Isotope and Conventional Dietary Approach. Condor 99:327-336.
295 296 the coast for salt. However, it is certainly possible that the ancestral Ohlone enjoyed this popular food source.
Roasted insects may also have been a common food in Central California.
Ethnohistoric reports indicate that grasshoppers, army worms (Noctuidae moth larvae), caterpillars, and yellow-jacket larvae may all have been on the local menu (Lightfoot and
Parrish 2009). A literature review found no Central California studies on the stable isotope values of these insects, but a study by Fry and colleagues (1978) demonstrated that grasshoppers in Texas had δ13C values similar to their food sources. A study of several arthropod taxa in Rhode Island supported this finding, and further showed that
δ15N values of insects were enriched by trophic level, such that omnivores (such as grasshoppers or yellow-jacket larvae) were enriched over herbivores (Donlan 2011).
Controlled feeding studies by Peters and colleagues (2012) found a δ15N trophic level enrichment for (herbivorous) caterpillars of only 1 permil, and also a second non-trophic level enrichment of approximately 1.5 permil during metamorphosis. Applying these data to the Central California foodweb, insects should have δ13C values similar to local plants
(-24 to -25 permil). Caterpillars and army worms would have δ15N values similar to terrestrial herbivores; grasshoppers and yellow-jacket larvae would have slightly enriched
δ15N values.
Paleodietary Reconstruction in Central California Using Stable Isotope
Analysis. Only a handful of paleodietary studies have been published in Central
California using stable isotope analysis. Mean carbon and nitrogen isotope values of human bone published in these sources are presented in Table 30.
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TABLE 30. Mean Carbon and Nitrogen Stable Isotope Values for Archaeological Human Bone Reported in Central California
13 15 13 δ CCollagen δ NCollagen δ CApatite Region Site Period n Mean SD n Mean SD n Mean SD North Central Coast Tomales BayC Late Period 4 -13.4 0.4 4 16.0 0.4 4 3.3 0.4 SF Bay MultipleC Early Period 18 -14.3 0.9 18 16.0 1.8 15 -11.1 0.8 MultipleC Middle Period 22 -17.7 1.2 22 10.0 1.8 22 -13.3 1.1 MultipleC Late Period 11 -17.2 1.4 11 10.7 1.8 11 -13.3 1.3 CA-CCO- Middle Period- 68 -14.3 1.3 68 14.7 1.6 68 -10.9 1.0 295D Late Period Monterey Bay Area SCR-60/130A Early Holocene 7 -19.0 7 13.6 SCR-60/130A Middle Holocene 2 -21.3 2 12.5 CA-MNT- Early Holocene 1 -17.7 1 8.7 1228B CA-MNT- Early Holocene 1 -18.0 1 6.3 1232/H B CA-MNT- MLT – Late 1 -15.3 1 11.8 1233 B Period CA-MNT- MLT – Late 1 -17.2 1 9.3 1277/H B Period CA-MNT- Late Period 2 -16.5 2 9.5 1227 B Sacramento Valley MultipleC Early Period 20 -19.9 0.7 20 10.8 1.0 24 -13.2 1.4 MultipleC Middle Period 13 -19.9 0.3 13 11.3 0.7 12 -13.1 1.1 MultipleC Late Period 18 -20.0 0.3 18 10.9 0.8 17 -13.3 0.8
Sources: ANewsome, Seth D., Donald L. Phillips, Brendan J. Culleton, Tom P. Guilderson, and Paul L. Koch, 2004, Dietary reconstruction of an early to middle Holocene human population from the central California coast: insights from advanced stable isotope mixing models. Journal of Archaeological Science 31:1101-1115. BJones, Terry L., 1996, Mortars, Pestles, and Division of Labor in Prehistoric California: A View from Big Sur. American Antiquity 61(2):243-264. CBartelink, Eric J., 2006, Resource Intensification in Pre-Contact Central California: A Bioarchaeological Perspective on Diet and Health Patterns among Hunter-Gatherers from the Lower Sacramento Valley and San Francisco Bay. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University. DBeasley, Melanie M., 2008, Dietary Trends at the Ellis Landing Site (CA-CCO-295): Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotope Analysis of Prehistoric Human Remains from a San Francisco Bay Area Shellmound. Master’s thesis, Department of Anthropology, California State University, Chico.
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The first paleodietary study to include isotopes in Central California was
Terry Jones’ (1996) paper, which integrated stable isotope values for six individuals from five sites in the Monterey Bay Area into a larger study of the relationship between changes in groundstone technology, shifting dietary patterns, and changes in social organization during the transition from the Millingstone Period (Early Holocene) to the
Early Period (Middle Holocene). The inclusion of isotope data allowed Jones to note that diet during the Milling Stone period was more diverse than the archaeofaunal record would suggest, suggesting a “marked degree of mobility” (Jones 1996:257). Later, diet reflected in bone isotopes correlated better with local faunal deposits, indicating that the population had become more sedentary.
The next publication, also in the Monterey region, was by Newsome et al.
(2004), who used complex mixing models to estimate dietary composition for nine individuals from SCR-60/130, the Harkins Slough site near Watsonville, California.
Isotope values for marine foods (fish, shellfish, and pinnipeds), terrestrial meat, and terrestrial plants (seeds and grains, leafy plants, and nuts) were used as end members to create a mixing model, then C/N ratios were used to estimate dietary composition, based on biomass of the various dietary components. They concluded that there was a greater dependence on marine foods, particularly fish, in the early Holocene group than in the middle Holocene group.
The first researcher to incorporate stable isotopes into paleodietary analyses in the San Francisco Bay area was Eric Bartelink. In his dissertation (Bartelink 2006), he used both bioarchaeological methods and isotope analysis of bone collagen and apatite to compare health and subsistence patterns between prehistoric Bay Area and Sacramento
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Valley populations. Results indicated that there was a decrease in consumption of marine foods in the San Francisco Bay group between the Early and Middle Periods, but similar consumption between the Middle and Late Periods. Conversely, diet in the Sacramento
Valley groups showed no significant temporal change. This work is also referenced and expanded in two additional publications, Bartelink and Yoder (2008) and Bartelink
(2009).
The next researcher to publish a paleodietary analysis of prehistoric Central
California populations was Melanie Beasley (2008), who studied dietary trends at the
Ellis Landing site (CA-CCO-295) on the Berkeley shore of the San Francisco Bay. She found similar dietary composition through time, but a high degree of variability between individuals, particularly during the Middle Period. There was also a small, but statistically significant difference in the diet of males and females at the site, with males having slightly enriched average δ15N values in bone collagen.
Three isotopic studies of breastfeeding and weaning practices have been published with regard to prehistoric California populations. Eerkens and colleagues published a study in 2011, using serial micro-samples of dentin collagen to estimate weaning behaviors for six individuals from CA-CCO-548, an Early Period site in Contra
Costa County. The second study, also published in 2011, used a subsample of data from the present dietary analysis from CA-SCL-38 to visualize weaning practices among the ancestral Ohlone from Santa Clara County (Gardner et al. 2011). The third study is a follow up to the first, focusing on differences in weaning practices based on sex (Eerkens and Bartelink in press).
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Summary: Stable Isotope Analysis
Food and drink consumed during life provide the building blocks for growth, development, and maintenance of body tissues. The chemical signatures of dietary components are retained in the tissues even after death, and provide a direct line of evidence for the dietary practice of individuals within a community. This extraordinary access into the lived experience of specific individuals from the past enables researchers to reconstruct not only dietary practices, but also the manifestation of social and political praxis within the bodies of these individuals. In each case highlighted in the preceding literature review, the correlation of social roles, social identities and diet during life can be accessed and understood in archaeological contexts using stable isotope analysis.
Discussion: Refining Paleodietary Analysis in the Santa Clara Valley using Direct Evidence
In the previous chapter, indirect sources of evidence about paleodiet in the
Santa Clara Valley were reviewed. Paleoenvironmental reconstruction suggests that the
Yukisma Mound site was situated within a mosaic of micro-environments, including tidal flats, marshlands, wet meadows, riparian woodlands, willow groves, oak savannah, open grasslands, and freshwater ponds. Additionally, resources from marine environments and mixed pine forests were available by trade or by short foraging excursions.
Paleobotanical records from CA-SCL-38 and nearby sites reveal the presence of a wide variety of local plants, including leafy greens, seeds, geophytes (roots, tubers, bulbs, and corms), and nuts (including acorns). The paleofaunal record likewise reveals an abundance of resources, including terrestrial mammals, resident and migratory birds,
301 marine mammals (especially sea otters), amphibians (frogs), reptiles (turtles, possibly snakes), marine and riverine fish, and mollusks. The ethnohistoric record supports the diverse diet represented by the bioartifacts at these sites, and also suggests that some foods which would not have preserved, such as insects (grasshoppers, larvae) and honey, would have been important sources of nutrition. Each of these sources provides valuable evidence about the resources which would have been available to the community, but only direct evidence can reflect the resources actually consumed by individuals at the site.
The first direct source of evidence regarding paleodiet was bioarchaeological data from the skeleton and teeth. Within the assemblage at CA-SCL-38, few indications were noted of nutritional stress. Frequency of linear enamel hypoplasias was remarkably low, and the only suggestion of nutritional stress was a single example of healed cribra orbitalia in Burial 102. With only a single case of cribra orbitalia noted, and no other bioarchaeological markers of nutritional deficiencies, it is unlikely that the population suffered from malnutrition. Overall, the bioarchaeolgical evidence suggests that this population made good use of the wide variety of resources available to them, and enjoyed a diverse and nutritionally complete diet.
Conclusions: Potential Contributions of Stable Isotope Analysis to Paleodietary Reconstruction at CA-SCL-38
The addition of stable isotope analysis will allow further refinement of paleodietary analysis for this population. Examination of δ13C and δ15N values in bone collagen will provide direct evidence for the balance of terrestrial and marine protein
302 resources consumed by each individual. The addition of δ13C data from bone apatite will provide further insight as to total diet breadth, including sources of carbohydrates and fats. Beyond community level paleodietary reconstruction, stable isotope data from SCL-
38 may be used to better understand variation within the community. Differences in dietary patterns between individuals of different sexes, different age categories, or different burial contexts will illuminate nuances of embodied social practice differentiating subpopulations within the ancestral Ohlone population.
The integration of stable isotope values with data from other sources of paleodietary evidence, details of archaeological and mortuary context, and artifactual associations will inform the following research questions in the present study:
1. What general dietary pattern is observed for the population at CA-SCL-38?
2. How does this local pattern compare to available data from other Central
California sites?
3. Do dietary patterns change through time?
4. Is there evidence that access to different foods is acquired through a lifetime, or is appropriate to certain age groups?
5. Is there evidence for gendered identities which affect dietary choices?
6. Is there evidence for status-based food access, based on mortuary treatment
(body position, body orientation, associated burning)?
7. Do dietary patterns differ for individuals buried in different spatial clusters within the cemetery at CA-SCL-38?
8. Are there artifacts that are associated with distinct dietary patterns?
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9. Do dietary patterns differ for individuals with greater quantities of associated grave goods?
The answers to these questions will be presented in Chapter VIII, Results.
These data can then inform larger biosocial inquiries regarding the cultural identifiers of social difference, and the embodiment of social roles through dietary privilege or limitations, which will be addressed in Chapter IX.
CHAPTER VII
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Introduction
The materials used for the stable isotope analysis in this study were small portions of human rib bone from the population recovered during the excavations at the
Yukisma Mound (CA-SCl-38) in 1993 and 1994. Prior to repatriation of the human remains from this project in 1996, the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe elected to reserve one rib from each individual (where preservation allowed) for use in future research. The generosity and foresight of this decision has enabled researchers to uncover new information about the Ohlone past. To date, the reserved ribs have been used in such studies as the ancient DNA research conducted by Cara Monroe at Washington State
University (ongoing), this stable isotope study, and the acquisition of additional radiocarbon dates at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in 2010 and 2012.
Remaining portions of these precious samples are currently curated in the CSU Chico
Stable Isotope Lab and at Washington State University, and, with tribal permission, may be used for additional research as new techniques become available.
The first 65 bone samples provided for use in this study were randomly selected from the available ribs at Washington State University, and sent by courier to the
Stable Isotope Preparation Laboratory in Chico in February, 2009. All of these individuals were included in my research. In July 2009, I traveled to Washington State
304 305
University, and with the assistance of Cara Monroe, collected a portion of each remaining bone sample in the CA-SCL-38 collection (137 additional samples, N = 202. Samples from Burials 91 and 105a turned out to be femoral fragments rather than ribs). From these additional samples, 61 individuals were non-randomly selected to complete the population for this stable isotope study. Two additional individuals were added to the study in 2012 because of their burial associations, for an overall sample of 128 individuals.
Sample Selection
The sample population for this study was selected with the intention of maximizing demographic and contextual representation, while staying within budgetary constraints for analysis. Considerations were made to ensure that subpopulations within the sample group were large enough to be compared with statistical significance whenever possible (n ≥ 30). Criteria of sex, age, burial context, temporal context, and associated mortuary regalia were all considered. Selected samples were visually inspected and appeared to be in good condition. No charring or other thermal effects were apparent, even when burning or cremation was indicated in the mortuary context.
Sex and Age Distribution
The study sample included 104 adults over the age of 16 years. Of these, 37 were female (29% of sample, 66% of available females), 57 were male (44% of sample,
61% of available males), and 10 were of indeterminate sex (8% of sample, 37% of available adults of indeterminate sex). Eighteen of the adults in the study group were over
40 years of age and are classified as elders (6 males and 12 females). Twenty-four
306 subadults were included (19% of the sample, 92% of available subadults). The two subadults which were available but not included were Burials 102 and 104, both adolescents recovered from disturbed and fragmentary burial contexts. The number of individuals in each age category, the individuals available for study, and those included in the present research are presented in Table 31. Please see Appendix A for a detailed discussion of age and sex determination and of the categories used for this study.
Burial Context
Individuals were selected to represent a variety of burial contexts. The sample includes individuals who were interred alone, in double burials, and one multiple burial of four. Some were interred in a flexed position, some tightly flexed, others extended, splayed, or in unusual positions. Some burials included pre- or post-interment burning; some were cremated. Some had rock cairns built within the grave. The number of individuals within each grave varied, as did the directional orientation of interments.
Further, the quantity and type of burial associations varied between individuals. Each of these factors was considered in an attempt to represent each contextual factor in the sample group. Description of burial context attributes is presented in Chapter III; contexts attributed to each individual are presented in Appendix B. The burial context of individuals available to be studied and those included in the present research are presented in Tables 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, and 37.
Spatial organization of the cemetery at Yukisma was analyzed by Bellifemine
(1997). Eight spatial clusters were noted, with the greatest concentration of burials in the center of the site, in Spatial Cluster 5. Table 38 presents the number of available and sampled individuals from each spatial cluster.
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TABLE 31. Age and Sex Distribution Within Stable Isotope Analysis Sample
Unique Available Age Range In Isotope Study Individuals Samples
Male Adults Over 16 1 0 0 16-20 10 9 7 16-30 3 4C 3C 21-30 21 21 16 20+ 2 2 1 21-40 12 10 4 31-40 29 28 16 30+ 0 0 4 31-50 9 9 0 Male Elders Over 41 0 0 0 41-50 12 10 6 Over 51 0 0 0 99 93 57
Female Adults Over 16 0 0 0 16-20 6 6 5 16-30 1 1 0 21-30 9 8 7 20+ 3 2 1 21-40 2 2 2 31-40 6 5 4 30+ 1 1 3 31-50 6 5 3 Female Elders Over 41 5 4 7 41-50 19 17 5 Over 51 5 5 0 63 56 37
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TABLE 31 (Continued).
Unique Available Age Range In Isotope Study Individuals Samples
Adults of Indeterminate Sex Over 16 10 6D 2 16-20 12 8 7 16-30 0 0 0 21-30 4 2 0 20+ 13 9 1 21-40 1 1 0 31-40 0 0 0 30+ 0 0 0 31-50 0 0 0
Elders of Indeterminate Sex Over 41 0 0 0 41-50 2 1 0 Over 51 0 0 0 42 27 10
Total Adults 204 176 104
Subadults Infant (0-2) 15 8 8 Young Child (3-5) 10 6 6 Child (6-10) 12 8 8 Adolescent (11-15) 5 4E 2 Subadult (Unknown) 1 0 0 43 26 24
Individuals of Unknown Age 1 0 0
Total Individuals 248 202 128
AUnique Individuals as defined in Appendix A. B Bone samples retained for research purposes after repatriation of remains. CIncludes B117, combined with B130 in unique individual list. DIncludes B114, excluded from unique individual list due to fragmentary nature. EIncludes B104 and B102, combined in unique individual list. This pair was excluded from the isotope study.
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TABLE 32. Interment Type Frequencies for Study Sample Individuals
Primary Secondary Disturbed Unclear
Available Samples Males 89 2 2 0 Females 51 2 2 1 Indeterminate 19 4 0 4 Total Adults 159 8 4 5 Subadults 18 1 4 3 Total Available 177 9 8 8
In Isotope Study Males 54 1 2 0 Females 34 2 1 0 Indeterminate 9 0 0 1 Total Adults 97 3 3 1 Subadults 17 1 3 3 Total In Study 114 4 6 4
TABLE 33. Associated Burials for Study Sample Individuals
Single Double Multiple Cluster
Available Samples Males 69 12 5 7 Females 48 7 0 1 Indeterminate 24 3 0 0 Total Adults 141 22 5 8 Subadults 17 8 0 1 Total Available 158 30 5 9
In Isotope Study Males 39 7 5 6 Females 32 4 0 1 Indeterminate 7 3 0 0 Total Adults 78 14 5 7 Subadults 15 8 0 1 Total In Study 93 22 5 8
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TABLE 34. Burial Posture for Study Sample Individuals
Tightly Flexed Flexed Semi-Flexed Extended Disorganized
Available Samples Males 77 2 6 2 1 Females 47 2 4 0 1 Indeterminate 15 3 0 1 0 Total Adults 139 7 10 3 2 Subadults 15 1 0 0 0 Total Available 154 8 10 3 2
In Isotope Study Males 46 1 3 2 1 Females 31 2 2 0 1 Indeterminate 8 1 0 1 0 Total Adults 85 4 5 3 2 Subadults 15 1 0 0 0 Total In Study 100 5 5 3 2
TABLE 35. Burial Position for Study Sample Individuals
Right Side Left Side Dorsal Ventral Seated Other No Record
Available Samples Males 18 20 34 12 4 1 4 Females 16 11 18 6 2 1 2 Indeterminate 2 3 9 4 0 0 9 Total Adults 36 34 61 22 6 2 15 Subadults 6 6 2 0 1 0 11 Total Available 42 40 63 22 7 2 26
In Isotope Study Males 10 15 21 6 1 1 3 Females 11 8 13 2 2 0 1 Indeterminate 2 1 4 2 0 0 1 Total Adults 23 24 38 10 3 1 5 Subadults 6 6 2 0 1 0 9 Total In Study 29 30 40 10 4 1 14
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TABLE 36. Burial Orientation for Study Sample IndividualsA
North East South West
(NW-N-NE) (NE-E-SE) (SE-S-SW) (SW-W-NW)
Available Samples Males 35 47 37 36 Females 22 23 21 22 Indeterminate 9 8 7 10 Total Adults 66 78 65 68 Subadults 13 8 4 10 Total Available 79 86 69 78
In Isotope Study Males 18 31 23 19 Females 14 19 14 12 Indeterminate 6 4 3 5 Total Adults 38 54 40 36 Subadults 13 8 4 10 Total In Study 51 62 44 46 A Individuals are tallied by cardinal direction of the cranial end of the spine. When burial position lies between cardinal directions (e.g., northeast), both directions are tallied (e.g., both north and east).
Temporal Context
Of the 80 individuals for which temporal context was available (see Chapter
III, Figure 26), only 68 were available for further study. Of these, all but three were included in this project (see Table 39). The samples which were available but not included were from adults of indeterminate age, all dated to the Late Period based on bead type (burial 100, dated to LP1, and burials 83 and 163, dated to LP2).
Unfortunately, samples are no longer available for four individuals with radiocarbon dates from the 1996 WSU batch. This includes burial 240, the individual with the earliest
14C date from the site (falling during the Early-Middle Transition) but with ground stone typical of the Late Period. Burial 178, the individual with the 14C date in the Middle-Late
Transition and obsidian dating to LP1, was also unfortunately unavailable.
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TABLE 37. Special Mortuary Preparation Frequencies for Study Sample Individuals
No Observed
BurningA CremationB Rock CairnC Special Preparation
Available Samples Males 56 7 4 36 Females 36 4 0 20 Indeterminate 18 10 0 9 Total Adults 110 21 4 65 Subadults 16 2 4 10 Total Available 126 23 8 75
In Isotope Study Males 35 3 3 21 Females 24 1 0 13 Indeterminate 6 2 0 4 Total Adults 65 6 3 38 Subadults 16 2 4 8 Total In Study 81 8 7 46 AIncludes burials with evidence of pre-interment burning, post-interment burning, vitrified clay, and/or cremations. BAll burials classified as cremations are also included in the burning category. CAll individuals with rock cairns also have associated burning with the exception of one adult male.
Artifact Associations
Over 60 percent of individuals buried at SCL-38 were interred with artifacts of some sort, defined here as items in which labor has been invested to produce a useful object, or items which are associated with burials but have no obvious utilitarian value, such as distinctive minerals or crystals. See Chapter III for discussion and description of artifacts from SCL-38. Artifact diversity, artifact quantity, and many specific artifact types may be associated with social identities (see Chapter IV).
An overview of artifact diversity among individuals included in the present study is provided in Table 40. Association of available and sampled individuals with technomic artifact types is presented in Tables 41 and 42. Frequencies of associated
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TABLE 38. Spatial Cluster Membership for Study Sample Individuals
Cluster 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Around Around Around Around Outer center center center Outer Outer Location center ring, ring, ring, Center ring, ring, ring, No ring East East South ring West South Northeast Data
Available
Samples Males 11 2 2 12 51 3 3 7 2 Females 11 3 3 11 17 1 5 5 -- Indeterminate 3 3 1 1 14 1 1 3 -- Total Adults 25 8 6 24 82 5 9 15 2 Subadults 3 0 1 5 10 2 2 3 -- Total 28 8 7 29 92 7 11 18 2 Available
In Isotope
Study Males 2 2 1 6 38 2 2 3 1 Females 9 2 1 8 9 0 5 3 -- Indeterminate 2 0 0 0 6 0 0 2 -- Total Adults 13 4 2 14 53 2 7 8 1 Subadults 3 0 1 5 8 2 2 3 -- Total In 16 4 3 19 61 4 9 11 1 Study Note: Field coordinates were not recorded for burials 201, 229, and 229A, so no spatial cluster could be assigned. B201 is included in the study.
Source: Data from Bellifemine, Viviana, 1997, Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, and personal communication, April 28, 2011.
sociotechnic artifacts are shown in Table 43. Ideotechnic artifact associations are presented in Table 44. (These classifications are defined in Chapter III). Bead class groups were produced to analyze the abundance of these important sociotechnic artifacts.
The bead class of individuals in the study is shown in Table 45.
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TABLE 39. Temporal Context for Study Sample Individuals
Period MP MLT LP1 LP2 Total Dated 2160-940 BP 940-740 BP 740-440 BP 440-230 BP Individuals 210 BC- AD 1010 AD 1010-1210 AD 1210-1510 AD 1510-1720
Available samples Males 4 1 24 14 43 Females 2 0 6 5 13 Indeterminate 0 1 4 3 8 Total Adults 6 2 34 22 64 Subadults 0 0 4 0 4 Total Available 6 2 38 22 68
In Isotope Study Males 4 1 24 13 42 Females 2 0 6 5 13 Indeterminate 0 1 3 2 6 Total Adults 6 2 33 20 61 Subadults 0 0 4 0 4 Total In Study 6 2 37 20 65
Stable Isotope Analysis Methods
Processing of Research Samples for Stable Isotope Analysis
All sample preparation for this project was completed by Karen Gardner at the
California State University, Chico, Stable Isotope Preparation Laboratory (SIPL) between
March and August, 2009, except where noted below. Assistance and guidance were provided by Dr. Eric Bartelink and Melanie Beasley. The two additional individuals
(Burials 134 and 175) added to the study in 2012 were prepared at SIPL in Chico by graduate students Amy MacKinnon and Stefanie Kline, following the same protocol.
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TABLE 40. Number of Artifact TypesA Associated with Study Sample Individuals
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Available samples Males 27 20 15 15 9 3 3 1 ------Females 19 16 12 3 3 1 1 1 ------Indeterminate 9 9 2 5 -- -- 1 -- -- 1 -- Total Adults 55 45 29 23 12 4 5 2 -- 1 -- Subadults 17 5 3 -- 1 ------Total Available 72 50 32 23 13 4 5 2 -- 1 --
In Isotope Study Males 12 8 12 11 9 2 2 1 ------Females 12 9 8 2 3 1 1 1 ------Indeterminate 1 3 1 3 -- -- 1 -- -- 1 -- Total Adults 25 20 21 16 12 3 4 2 -- 1 -- Subadults 15 5 3 -- 1 ------Total In Study 40 25 24 16 13 3 4 2 -- 1 -- AArtifact types include scapula saws, bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, other bone implements, projectile points not directly associated with traumatic injury, other chipped stone artifacts (excluding debitage), mortars, pestles, manos, abraders, stone beads, Haliotis pendants, clam shell pendants, bone pendants, shell beads, bone tubes or whistles, bone strigils, stone pipes, stone spoons, charmstones, magic stones, cinnabar, stingray points, antler, and claws or non-human teeth. Unworked faunal and botanical materials are not included in this metric. Each type listed here is counted as 1 toward the total artifact type regardless of how many of these items were associated with the burial. Specific descriptions of each artifact type are presented elsewhere in this text.
Prior to any processing, all bone samples were catalogued and weighed. Photo records of all unprocessed samples were kept to document the size, condition, and specific portion of bone used in the study. Portions of bone needed for collagen and apatite preparations for the current project were separated for processing; the remaining sample portions are curated in the SIPL for future research.
To prepare the bone samples for isotopic analysis they were first thoroughly cleaned. Small portions of the rib samples (less than 2 grams each) were mechanically cleaned using a Dremel tool with a diamond-studded bit (#7144), removing adhering soil and any other surface contaminants. Because trabecular (spongy) bone has a different
316
TABLE 41. Burial-Associated TechnomicA Bone Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals
Bone Artifacts (Technomic) No Technomic Scapula Bone Bone Bone Antler Other Any Artifacts saws strigils awls needles wedges bone BoneB
Available Samples Males 53 4 0 8 2 1 3 16 Females 36 3 2 1 0 0 0 6 Indet 18 0 1 1 0 1 1 4 Total 107 7 3 10 2 2 4 26 Adults Subadults 23 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total 130 7 3 10 2 2 4 26 Available
In Isotope Study Males 31 1 0 7 2 1 3 13 Females 23 2 2 1 0 0 0 5 Indet. 6 0 1 1 0 0 1 3 Total 60 3 3 9 2 1 4 21 Adults Subadults 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total In 81 3 3 9 2 1 4 21 Study ADefinition of technomic from Binford 1962. BAny Technomic Bone category includes scapula saws, bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, and other bone.
turnover rate and is more susceptible to diagenesis and contamination than compact bone, it was also important to remove all trabecular bone with the Dremel tool. The samples were rinsed in deionized water (dH2O) to remove adhering dust. Each sample was then washed ultrasonically using the Fisher Scientific Ultrasonic Cleaner FS220 (“sonicator”) in successive rinses of dH2O, 95 percent ethanol, 100 percent ethanol, and finally acetone.
The clean samples were dried in a 60° C oven until all moisture was removed, then divided and weighed for separate collagen and apatite preparation. Ideally, 1.0 to 1.5 grams of clean bone were reserved for collagen preparation, and 0.5 to 1.0 gram was
317
TABLE 42. Burial-Associated Technomic A Stone Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals
Chipped Stone Artifacts Groundstone Artifacts
Other Any Any Projectile chipped Chipped Ground pointsB stoneC StoneD Mortars Pestles Manos Abraders StoneE
Available Samples Males 9 14 21 7 12 0 1 16 Females 3 5 8 7 11 1 0 13 Indet 3 5 7 2 0 1 1 1 Total 15 24 36 16 23 2 2 30 Adults Subadults 0 3 1 1 2 0 0 2 Total 15 25 37 17 25 2 2 32 Available
In Isotope Study Males 9 9 16 5 7 0 0 10 Females 3 3 6 6 8 1 0 11 Indet. 2 2 3 1 0 1 1 1 Total 14 14 25 12 15 2 1 22 Adults Subadults 0 1 1 1 2 0 0 2 Total In 14 15 26 13 17 2 1 24 Study ADefinition of technomic from Binford 1962. BProjectile point count excludes points embedded in bone or very likely involved in traumatic injury. COther Chipped Stone includes flakes, cores, and cobbles. Materials include chert, obsidian, rhyolite, and basalt. DAny Chipped Stone totals all individuals with projectile points and/or other chipped stone. EAny Groundstone includes mortars, pestles, manos and abraders.
allocated for apatite preparation. However, to maximize the potential of the human bone available for analysis, the average starting weight for collagen samples was 0.61 grams
(min 0.17 g, max 1.67 g, n = 126), and for apatite was 0.33 grams (min 0.06 g, max 0.66 g, n = 120). Six bone samples (individuals 128, 136, 156, 169, 186, and 222) were too small to accommodate both preparations, and so were only prepared for collagen analysis.
318
TABLE 43. Burial-Associated Sociotechnic A Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals
Burials with Beads Burials with Pendants or Ornaments Mussel or ClamC Bone AnyD Shell Stone Any B Abalone Shell pen- Pendants or None (Olivella) Beads Beads (Haliotis) ornaments dants Ornaments
Available Samples Males 44 42 2 42 27 3 0 28 Females 28 22 0 22 12 0 1 12 Indet 13 11 1 11 6 0 1 7 Total 85 75 3 75 45 3 2 45 Adults Subadults 20 5 0 5 3 0 0 3 Total 105 80 3 80 48 3 2 49 Available
In Isotope Study Males 20 31 2 31 25 1 0 25 Females 17 16 0 16 9 0 1 9 Indet. 2 6 1 6 6 0 0 6 Total 39 53 3 53 40 1 1 40 Adults Subadults 18 5 0 5 3 0 0 3 Total In 57 58 3 58 43 1 1 43 Study ADefinition of sociotechnic from Binford 1962. BAny Bead category includes all individuals with Olivella shell beads or stone beads. All individuals with associated stone beads at CA-SCL-38 also have Olivella shell beads. CPendants are described as clam shell in the Artifact Catalog and Bellifemine (1997), but the example viewed by the author was a freshwater pearl mussel (Margaritafera margaritafera), see Figure 21. DAny Pendants or Ornaments category includes all individuals with Haliotis, clam shell or bone ornaments or pendants.
Eight faunal samples were also prepared for collagen analysis using the same protocol. Three of these (one coyote and two grizzly bears) were prepared for apatite analysis as well. Sample weights for the faunal specimens were slightly greater than for the humans. Average faunal sample weight for collagen preparation was 1.05 grams (min
.27 g, max 2.24 g, n = 8). For apatite, average faunal sample weight was 0.54 g (min 0.33 g, max 0.66 g, n = 3).
TABLE 44. Burial-Associated IdeotechnicA Artifacts with Study Sample Individuals
Stone Artifacts (Ideotechnic) Faunal Remains (Ideotechnic) Claws or Bird bone non- tubes or Stone Stone Charm- “Magic” Cinnabar / Stingray human None whistles pipes spoons stones stones “ochre” points Antler teeth Available Samples Males 66 12 5 0 9 2 3 0 1 3 Females 49 6 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 Indeterminate 21 3 1 0 2 1 1 1 0 0 Total Adults 136 21 6 1 11 3 3 1 2 5 Subadults 24 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 Total Available 160 21 6 1 11 3 4 1 3 5 In Isotope Study Males 36 8 3 0 9 2 2 0 0 2 Females 31 4 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 Indeterminate 6 2 0 0 2 1 0 1 0 0 Total Adults 73 14 3 1 11 3 2 1 1 4 Subadults 22 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 Total In Study 95 14 3 1 11 3 3 1 2 4 A Definition of ideotechnic from Binford 1962.
319
320
TABLE 45. Burial-Associated Shell Quantities for Study Sample Individuals
Shell Bead Class 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Bead Qty None 1-10 11-50 51-100 101-500 501-1000 Over 1000 n
Available samples
Males 51 8 3 4 11 8 8 93 Females 34 12 1 1 7 1 -- 56 Indeterminate 16 6 1 1 3 -- -- 27 Total Adults 101 26 5 6 21 9 8 176 Subadults 21 4 -- -- 1 -- -- 26 Total Available 122 30 5 6 22 9 8 202
In Isotope Study Males 26 3 2 2 8 8 8 57 Females 21 9 -- 1 5 1 -- 37 Indeterminate 4 3 -- 1 2 -- -- 10 Total Adults 51 15 2 4 15 9 8 104 Subadults 19 4 -- -- 1 -- -- 24 Total In Study 70 19 2 4 16 9 8 128
Collagen Sample Preparation and Analysis
The first step of isolating the protein (collagen) component of the bone was to remove the mineral component, using prolonged soaks in a dilute acid solution
(approximately 40 ml of 0.25M HCl, or enough to cover the sample). The solution was changed every two days until all mineral has dissolved. Demineralized samples were then rinsed three times with deionized water.
The second step was to remove humic acids and other contaminants with a 24- hour soak in a 0.125M NaOH solution. Again, approximately 40 milliliters were used, enough to cover the sample. After 24 hours had elapsed, each sample was rinsed five times with deionized water.
321
Next, each sample was solubilized (gelatinized), by adding approximately 15 milliliters of very weak HCl solution (pH 3), sealing tightly, and incubating in an oven at
70 to 90°C. After 24 hours, the sample was centrifuged, the solubilized collagen was poured off into a clean Teflon cup, and another 15 milliliters of pH3 solution was added to the remaining sample. This process was repeated three times or until all visible collagen had solubilized. The Teflon cups were stored in the 70 to 90°C oven to evaporate all liquid. When solubilizing was complete, a few milliliters of pH3 solution were added to the Teflon cup to liquefy the collagen, and the sample was poured into a clean, labeled, pre-weighed, glass scintillation vial.
The final step of preparation in the CSU Chico Stable Isotope Preparation Lab was to lyophilize (freeze-dry) the samples. After solubilizing, the sample vials were frozen. Frozen samples were placed into a lyophilizer overnight. The next day the vials were removed, tightly sealed, and weighed to determine collagen yield (used for quality assessment).
The prepared samples were transported to the Stable Isotope Facility (SIF) in the Department of Plant Sciences at UC Davis. Small portions of freeze-dried collagen
(1.5 to 2.0 mg) were measured into tin capsules, and then submitted to SIF lab personnel for analysis, under the supervision of Dr. David Harris. Values for δ13C and δ15N were obtained using a PDZ Europa ANCA-GSL elemental analyzer, which was interfaced to a
PDX Europa 20-20 isotope ratio mass spectrometer (reported precision ± 0.2‰ for δ13C and ± 0.3‰ for δ15N). Several replicates of two previously calibrated reference samples were interspersed with the project samples during the analysis to ensure consistency and to calibrate the results.
322
After analysis of carbon and nitrogen isotope values, remaining portions of purified, lyophilized collagen from twenty individuals and five fauna were sent to Dr.
Olaf Nehlich at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Department of
Human Evolution, in Leipzig, Germany, for analysis of sulfur isotope composition.
Sulfur isotope values (δ34S) in bone collagen reflect the local geology of food resources
(Nehlich 2010; Richards et al. 2001, 2003). The individuals selected for this additional process included nineteen adult males, one infant, two bears, one coyote, and two rabbits.
Faunal samples were included with the expectation that these animals had been eating local resources and could provide a value for sulfur isotopes in the Santa Clara Valley.
The adults include four males found in an unusual mortuary context Burials 141, 142,
143, and 144), who were suspected of being outsiders. Other males are included in the hopes of differentiating humans eating a local diet from those who had been living and dining elsewhere. The infant (Burial 220) was part of a double burial with an adult male, also included in this study (Burial 219), and is likely to have been eating a locally derived diet.
Apatite Sample Preparation and Analysis
To test the isotopic composition of the apatite (mineral) fraction of bone from
CA-SCL-38, the clean, dry, and weighed bone samples were each mechanically ground to a fine powder by crushing them with a steel mortar and pestle until all bone powder passed through a micro-sieve fitted with a size 60 mesh screen. The powdered bone was weighed at this stage, and then poured into a centrifuge tube.
For the second step of preparation, a measured portion of dilute bleach solution was added to each sample to remove the organic component of the bone (1.5%
323 sodium hypochlorite (NaOCl) at the ratio of 0.04 ml of solution for every mg of bone powder). The bone powder was soaked in the bleach solution for 24 hours, and swirled periodically to expose all powder to the solution. After 24 hours, the sample was centrifuged, the old bleach solution poured off, and a new measure of bleach solution was added. Following the second 24 hour soak, the samples were again centrifuged, the solution poured off, and the samples were rinsed three times with deionized water, centrifuging between each rinse.
The final step of apatite preparation was to soak the samples for two 12-hour periods in a buffered acetic acid solution (1M CH3COOH buffered with NaOH to pH 4.5) to remove the diagenetic contaminants. The same proportion of solution to sample is used to control the reaction. After each 12-hour period, the samples were centrifuged and then the old solution poured off. After the final soak, the samples were rinsed three times with deionized water, and then dried overnight in a 70°C oven.
Prepared apatite samples were delivered to the UC Davis Stable Isotope
Laboratory in the Department of Geology. Initial analytical tests were completed by Dr.
David Winter using the GVI Optima Stable Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometer (SIRMS), which loads samples via a 44-sample carbonate carousel and uses a shared acid bath for sample combustion. Results from this first sample run were problematic. Review of reference sample values included in the run showed a progressive accumulation of some isotopic values (especially heavy oxygen isotopes), which skewed the results. To avoid this “memory effect” problem, the samples were run a second time under the direction of
Dr. Howard Spero, using the GVI Isoprime Mass Spectrometer, which combusts each
324 sample individually (avoiding the shared acid bath). Results from this second run produced unambiguous δ13C values, and will be the ones used in this study.
Tests of Sample Quality
Buried bone is subject to changes in composition due to diagenesis, the breakdown and contamination of material after deposition. Diagenetic processes may alter bone structure and chemical integrity. Exposure to minerals carried in groundwater, associated soil components, microbial and bacterial contaminants, and modern pollutants can all affect bone chemistry. To ensure that stable isotope analysis yields results that pertain to the bone and not to environmental contaminants, it is essential to test for sample quality. Three methods were used in this study to assess the integrity of collagen samples; these are collagen yield, C/N ratio, and collagen appearance. Two methods were used to test the integrity of the apatite samples: infrared splitting factor (IR-SF) and
CO3/PO4 (C/P) ratio. Explanations of these methods and discussion of test results will follow.
Assessment of Collagen Sample Quality
Collagen yield is determined by subtracting the final collagen sample weight from the clean bone sample weight recorded before processing and is expressed as a percentage of the original bone weight. Yields over 3.5 percent suggest good preservation
(Ambrose 2000). A study by van Klinken (1999) placed the threshold lower, but advised that additional quality measures should be used for samples with yields between 2 and
0.5 percent. Most samples included in this project had a collagen yield over 3.5 percent (n
= 127 of 136, see Tables 46 and 47). Three samples in this study had relatively low
325
TABLE 46. Sample Quality and Stable Isotope Results
Collagen Apatite Appea- C/N Pellet Pellet 13 15 34
Burial # Yield rance Ratio Q δ C δ N δ S IR-SF C/P Q d13C
1 21.16% Great 3.20 -18.86 8.19 ND 3.6538 0.1333 -14.80 3 6.48% Good 3.25 -18.84 6.37 3.6563 0.1293 -12.93 4 16.40% Great 3.26 -19.81 6.93 3.4709 0.1606 -15.83 5 20.14% Great 3.29 -19.49 6.97 3.2209 0.2036 -15.26 8 23.09% Great 3.20 -18.58 9.26 ND 3.4898 0.1567 -14.76 9 1.20% Good 3.27 -19.49 7.74 3.6106 0.1624 -13.15 10 18.09% Great 3.18 -19.97 7.49 -4.29 3.4252 0.1512 -15.68 13 24.49% Great 3.20 -18.58 9.32 1.81 3.1806 0.1986 -14.67 18 19.97% Great 3.20 -20.30 6.33 3.4371 0.1517 -15.13 21 18.81% Great 3.30 -19.07 7.47 3.3306 0.1654 -14.98 23 16.79% Great 3.20 -19.32 6.53 3.3129 0.1296 -14.23 28 3.10% Great 3.26 -19.18 7.87 3.5009 0.1413 -13.26 31 25.57% Great 3.17 -19.35 8.39 3.1500 0.2217 -16.15 35 5.26% Okay 3.22 -18.69 9.74 3.8312 0.1156 * -13.46 37 15.44% Great 3.18 -19.54 7.59 3.3278 0.1659 -14.83 38 14.11% Great 3.17 -19.05 8.75 3.3745 0.1766 -15.19 42 7.91% Okay 3.30 -18.85 8.69 ND 3.3470 0.1921 -13.63 43 5.34% Okay 3.24 -18.77 8.25 3.6407 0.1270 -12.88 44 16.11% Great 3.23 -19.45 6.14 3.5000 0.1319 -14.93 45 21.09% Great 3.21 -18.97 8.70 3.2994 0.1679 -14.72 46 6.81% Great 3.21 -18.32 9.16 3.2946 0.1586 -14.40 48 10.24% Great 3.22 -19.22 8.32 3.7574 0.1273 -13.45 51 17.63% Great 3.18 -19.63 8.10 -3.85 3.4019 0.1650 -15.46 52 24.48% Great 3.21 -18.40 10.00 3.3193 0.1803 -14.11 53 23.96% Great 3.18 -18.07 9.64 3.1742 0.2043 -14.17 56 9.89% Good 3.25 -19.66 6.82 3.6069 0.1598 -11.93 58 15.34% Great 3.30 -20.13 7.00 3.5180 0.1578 -13.95 63 13.55% Great 3.22 -19.26 7.63 3.6356 0.1340 -13.65 64 5.45% Great 3.32 -18.09 10.17 ND 3.7807 0.1366 -12.17 65 20.74% Great 3.19 -18.79 8.53 3.7098 0.1335 -14.26 66 11.74% Great 3.26 -19.52 7.23 3.3385 0.1746 -14.46 67 19.75% Great 3.21 -19.47 7.26 3.2323 0.1935 -14.74 68 25.95% Great 3.22 -19.68 7.49 3.4703 0.1621 -14.62 69 23.39% Great 3.22 -18.27 9.89 3.4863 0.1636 -14.00 71 18.73% Great 3.22 -18.50 9.75 3.4602 0.1602 -13.49 72 16.09% Great 3.23 -18.48 9.50 3.7695 0.1241 * -13.36 73 11.00% Good 3.22 -18.86 8.62 ND 3.4565 0.1504 -12.00 80 24.10% Great 3.22 -18.98 8.60 3.5845 0.1497 -14.15 81 25.04% Great 3.21 -19.29 7.35 3.4019 0.1689 -14.47 82 21.33% Good 3.21 -19.31 7.72 -0.70A 3.4712 0.1602 -13.73 84 19.17% Great 3.22 -17.54 12.11 3.4747 0.1515 -13.15 85 19.77% Great 3.21 -19.22 8.31 3.5628 0.1508 -14.32 86 18.84% Great 3.23 -18.68 8.48 1.53 3.8286 0.1251 -13.45
326
TABLE 46 (Continued).
Collagen Apatite Appea- C/N Pellet Pellet 13 15 34
Burial # Yield rance Ratio Q δ C δ N δ S IR-SF C/P Q d13C
87 19.20% Great 3.22 -19.38 7.61 3.3431 0.1692 -14.71 88 14.74% Great 3.22 -18.50 9.49 3.4154 0.1719 -13.32 90 20.13% Great 3.29 -19.73 7.07 3.5163 0.1606 -14.84 91 15.71% Great 3.30 -18.31 9.27 3.5903 0.1202 * -14.26 92 21.74% Good 3.24 -18.68 8.85 0.99 3.5794 0.1563 -13.50 94 -0.83% Great 3.25 -18.27 9.89 3.5794 0.1561 -12.39 95 11.68% Great 3.21 -18.36 9.64 3.7761 0.1339 -12.71 97 17.81% Good 3.24 -18.52 9.13 3.4123 0.1730 -12.69 99 11.51% Good 3.26 -19.25 8.44 3.4424 0.1810 -13.32 105 16.80% Great 3.30 -18.88 7.35 3.4747 0.1395 -13.53 107 19.41% Great 3.30 -18.57 8.29 3.3655 0.1597 -14.74 108 14.61% Good 3.24 -19.86 6.79 3.1923 0.2010 -15.79 115 5.81% Great 3.27 -19.38 6.96 3.4059 0.1614 -14.64 116 19.84% Great 3.31 -19.38 7.06 3.3407 0.1603 -15.14 117 15.01% Great 3.22 -18.43 9.57 3.7485 0.1366 -13.75 119 20.28% Great 3.23 -19.25 11.62 3.5424 0.1349 -15.26 120 20.76% Great 3.24 -19.34 8.75 3.6035 0.1432 -14.37 125 25.25% Great 3.23 -19.99 6.76 3.6047 0.1424 -14.97 127 18.48% Good 3.25 -18.52 10.25 3.5688 0.1316 -14.89 128 20.25% Great 3.23 -19.76 8.92 129 24.96% Great 3.24 -19.17 7.91 3.3562 0.1767 -14.51 130 17.97% Great 3.22 -18.65 9.41 3.7699 0.1311 -13.42 132 21.90% Great 3.30 -19.50 7.60 3.3429 0.1739 -14.62 134 3.48% N/R 2.82 * -19.64 8.17 -13.96 135 16.59% Great 3.24 -19.21 8.22 3.6952 0.1255 -13.80 136 4.67% Okay 3.36 -20.09 10.61 137 5.13% Great 3.29 -19.27 7.98 3.5341 0.1481 -13.55 140 20.24% Good 3.22 -18.86 9.96 0.91 3.5854 0.1502 -14.20 141 19.15% Great 3.23 -18.51 6.48 3.03 3.4188 0.1651 -13.97 142 12.79% Great 3.23 -18.51 6.10 ND 3.4154 0.1588 -13.32 143 14.61% Great 3.24 -18.28 6.74 3.93 3.4409 0.1579 -14.00 144 15.09% Great 3.25 -18.46 6.39 ND 3.4420 0.1548 -13.65 146 15.02% Great 3.26 -19.71 7.69 3.6154 0.1730 -14.69 148 19.38% Great 3.24 -18.73 9.53 3.5086 0.1551 -14.26 152 21.16% Great 3.27 -19.88 7.94 -2.85 3.5824 0.1357 -15.10 156 12.94% Good 3.27 -17.60 12.77 159 -6.06% Great 3.25 -19.31 8.04 3.5944 0.1354 -13.71 160 23.02% N/R 3.21 -18.74 9.15 3.6457 0.1474 -14.15 161 5.30% Great 3.24 -18.54 9.46 3.5201 0.1754 -12.84 164 12.43% Great 3.23 -19.10 7.58 3.6830 0.1466 -13.62 166 20.82% Great 3.20 -17.49 11.68 3.4756 0.1616 -13.18 167 19.45% Great 3.22 -18.58 8.74 3.6347 0.1396 -14.00 168 18.33% Great 3.28 -19.42 8.11 3.3853 0.1529 -14.07
327
TABLE 46 (Continued).
Collagen Apatite Appea- C/N Pellet Pellet 13 15 34
Burial # Yield rance Ratio Q δ C δ N δ S IR-SF C/P Q d13C
169 14.79% Great 3.24 -17.84 10.37 171 5.24% Good 3.27 -19.27 8.65 ND 3.5208 0.2084 -12.85 172 18.22% Great 3.23 -19.23 7.78 3.1955 0.1988 -13.43 175 0.3% N/R N/R N/R N/R -12.29 176 8.15% Good 3.33 -19.61 8.21 4.0620 0.1089 * -12.82 177 14.34% Great 3.27 -19.25 10.72 3.5183 0.1844 -13.25 179 12.86% Great 3.26 -18.64 9.69 3.5265 0.1755 -12.22 182 20.27% N/R 3.22 -18.60 8.87 3.2605 0.1779 -13.88 183 18.45% Great 3.23 -19.20 7.06 3.3785 0.1882 -13.25 184 19.21% Good 3.22 -17.66 10.39 3.6344 0.1509 -12.92 186 13.08% Good 3.28 -17.90 11.97 188 20.83% Good 3.24 -18.90 9.44 3.1678 0.2392 -15.88 194 -16.21% Great 3.25 -17.92 10.48 3.5128 0.1471 -13.38 194a 20.01% Great 3.25 -18.81 8.77 3.2577 0.2216 -15.04 195 4.61% Great 3.27 -19.19 8.34 3.7719 0.1172 * -14.26 196 21.62% Great 3.26 -18.94 7.37 3.4364 0.1630 -14.44 197 22.26% Good 3.23 -19.72 7.84 3.4505 0.1945 -15.60 198 10.82% Okay 3.29 -18.69 8.97 3.7666 0.1538 -12.02 201 25.69% Great 3.24 -18.75 9.05 3.1321 0.2081 -14.57 202 22.06% Great 3.24 -18.51 9.51 3.4254 0.1701 -14.98 203 18.82% Great 3.29 -19.48 5.79 2.9375 0.2929 * -15.02 207 23.72% Great 3.23 -19.65 7.83 3.4235 0.1844 -14.63 209 9.88% Great 3.23 -20.30 6.55 3.1515 0.2130 -15.60 210 22.16% Great 3.25 -19.98 6.41 3.3690 0.1792 -14.57 212 6.65% Good 3.33 -19.58 7.20 3.4254 0.1991 -12.92 214 -140.61% Great 3.30 -20.28 6.37 3.6166 0.1315 -15.19 217 -7.60% Great 3.26 -18.85 6.97 3.4173 0.1695 -13.76 218 29.79% Great 3.24 -19.52 6.69 3.4390 0.1579 -14.68 219 22.96% N/R 3.24 -19.31 7.45 -2.00 3.3297 0.1845 -14.66 220 19.38% Great 3.28 -17.90 10.27 ND 3.5373 0.1438 -13.84 221 21.54% Great 3.26 -18.64 8.32 3.4726 0.1655 -13.96 222 17.71% Great 3.28 -17.29 9.79 225 12.97% Great 3.28 -19.72 8.76 3.5823 0.1570 -13.77 226 18.26% Great 3.26 -19.53 7.01 3.7186 0.1506 -13.32 227 26.28% Great 3.27 -19.82 6.96 3.6442 0.1379 -14.54 228 16.08% Good 3.27 -19.41 7.20 3.7345 0.1546 -13.16 230 20.55% Good 3.29 -19.23 7.43 3.4519 0.1699 -14.42 233 22.04% Great 3.32 -18.25 9.57 3.4118 0.1855 -14.41 234 22.78% Great 3.32 -17.97 9.39 3.5333 0.1522 -14.28 235 11.63% Great 3.32 -20.19 8.32 3.3529 0.1979 -15.76
328
TABLE 46 (Continued).
Collagen Apatite Appea- C/N Pellet Pellet 13 15 34
Burial # Yield rance Ratio Q δ C δ N δ S IR-SF C/P Q d13C
236 5.58% Good 3.33 -18.52 8.82 3.8194 0.1432 -12.19 237 15.15% N/R 3.33 -19.14 8.00 3.4977 0.1560 -13.45 QC = Quality control, * = values raise concerns about sample quality (discussed in text). ND = No data, awaiting result from Max Planck Institute. AValue equals mean of two test results (-1.03 and -0.36).
TABLE 47. Sample Quality and Stable Isotope Results – Faunal Samples
Collagen Apatite Faunal C/N Pellet IR-SF Pellet Burial # Specimen Yield Ratio d13C d15N d34S IR-SF Result C/P d13C
22 Bear 1 19% 3.24 -19.67 4.25 1.38 3.2634 Good 0.1913 -14.50 250-173 Sylvilagus 1 14% 3.27 -20.85 4.57 -5.35 250-186 Sylvilagus 2 12% 3.24 -22.19 7.20 ND 250-74-1 Goose 20% 3.25 -20.91 5.73 250-74-2 Duck 10% 3.28 -26.73 7.78 300-17 Bear 2 13% 3.26 -20.55 2.87 ND 3.1895 Good 0.2137 -15.91 NP1F Coyote 18% 3.23 -19.33 8.24 ND 3.0714 Good 0.2465 -14.55 NP2F Goose 15% 3.24 -20.86 4.00 ND = No data, awaiting result from Max Planck Institute.
yields (Burial 9 at 1.20%, Burial 28 at 3.10%, and Burial 134 at 3.48%). The sample from
Burial 175 yielded too little collagen to run (0.3%). Unfortunately, calculated yields were below zero for the remaining five samples. The latter result, where processed sample weight is less than starting sample weight, is the result of weighing errors. Fortunately, two additional methods were used to evaluate sample integrity.
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After the collagen samples were lyophilized, they were visually inspected for quality. Well-preserved, good quality collagen should be pale in color and solid or foamy in texture. Collagen of marginal quality is dark amber in color, and clusters in small beads. Poor quality collagen is very dark in color, forming a crust at the bottom of the vial. Visual inspection of the samples in this study found two examples where collagen quality appeared to be poor (Burials 28 and 237), and eleven examples where collagen appeared to be of marginal quality (Burials 42, 88, 94, 136, 168, 176, 179, 198, 222, 228, and 236).
The final test of collagen quality is the atomic carbon to nitrogen (C/N) ratio.
For each sample run through the PDZ Europa ANCA-GSL elemental analyzer at the UC
Davis Stable Isotope Facility, the weights of carbon and nitrogen present in the sample were measured. Calculating the ratio of carbon to nitrogen particles in the sample provides a good estimate of bone quality, as proteins have a predictable structure and composition. If the measured quantity of carbon or nitrogen is outside the expected range, components of the bone have either been lost or new particles (contaminants) have been deposited. The expected C/N ratio for modern bone ranges between 2.9 and 3.6 (DeNiro
1985).
All but one of the samples in this study fell within the acceptable C/N range.
The C/N ratio for Burial 134 was slightly below, at 2.82. The collagen yield for this individual was also low (3.48%), making quality of this sample marginal. However, the
δ13C and δ15N values for this individual fell within one standard deviation of the population mean, which suggests that the isotopic results may still be reliable. Based on the results of collagen sample quality testing, all human and faunal samples will be
330 included where results were available (n = 127 humans and 8 fauna, Burial 175 is excluded).
Assessment of Apatite Sample Quality
To assess sample integrity of the bone mineral (apatite) samples from this study, all original samples were analyzed using Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy
(FTIR) (n = 123, including 120 humans and 3 fauna). Samples were prepared and tested in the Department of Chemistry at CSU Chico, with permission of Dr. Randy Miller, and under the guidance of Melanie Beasley. For each sample, 2.0 milligrams of prepared bone apatite was ground in an agate mortar with 200 milligrams of potassium bromide
(KBr). A pellet was created by pressing the mixture into a paper disk using a hydraulic press at 10,000 psi of pressure for two minutes. The chemical bonds within each pelleted sample were evaluated using a Nicolet Magna 500 FTIR analyzer, which directs infrared light through the pellet. Absorbance levels were measured for wavelengths between 4000 and 400 cm-1 using 100 scans at a resolution of 8 cm-1. Each type of molecule within the sample absorbed light at specific wavelengths, based on the natural vibrational frequencies of its chemical bonds (Pavia et al 1999:A15). The proportions of absorbed infrared wavelengths were graphically captured as a spectrum of wavelength amplitudes for each sample. Specific peaks from the spectra produced by FTIR analysis were measured using OMNIC 7.0 software.
The first index of sample quality measured using the FTIR spectra is the ratio of carbonate to phosphate, the CO3/PO4, or C/P, ratio. During life, carbonate groups (CO3) naturally substitute for phosphate groups (PO4) in the formation of apatite molecules
(Ca10(PO4)6(OH)2. After death, diagenetic processes introduce additional carbonates
331 which continue to replace phosphates, altering the biogenic ratio of carbonates to phosphates (Wright and Schwarcz 1996). Measuring the ratio of carbonate to phosphate in the sample therefore is an excellent assessment of the degree of diagenesis. Unaltered modern bone has a C/P ratio of 0.25; any additional carbonate acquired through diagenetic processes would produce a higher C/P ratio (Wright and Schwarcz 1996). A low C/P ratio indicates a depletion of carbonate in the sample; samples below 0.125 are excluded from Wright and Schwarcz’s study. C/P ratio is determined by establishing a baseline on the spectrum and then dividing the measured amplitude of the carbonate peak at 1415 cm-1 by that of the phosphate peak at 1035 cm-1.
The second measure of sample quality is the infrared splitting factor (IR-SF), also called the crystallinity index (CI). This ratio divides the combined amplitudes of phosphate peaks at 605 and 560 cm-1 by that of the trough between them at 590 cm-1.
Modern bone shows an IR-SF value of 3.1, ranging to 3.5 with acetic acid treatment
(Wright and Schwarcz 1996). Higher values indicate that size within the apatite lattice structure has increased (due to either new crystal growth or dissolution of smaller crystals). Crystallinity is a concern because exogenous materials can become incorporated in the matrix, affecting the isotopic composition of bone.
The results show a weak, positive correlation between δ13C and the IR-SF (r
=.551, p < .01, n = 123, see Figure 31). When the faunal samples are removed, the correlation is still significant (r =.515, p < .01, n = 120), suggesting that diagenesis may have altered composition of the apatite in these samples. This relationship implies that
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FIGURE 31. Plot of relationship between the infrared splitting factor (IR-SF) and apatite δ13C values for CA-SCL-38 samples (fit line excludes fauna).
26.5 percent of the variability in δ13C can be explained by diagenetic changes to crystalline structure of the apatite (r2 = .265).
Additionally, a significant negative correlation exists between δ13C and the
C/P ratio (r = -.417 p < .01, n = 123, see Figure 32). Without the faunal samples, the correlation is still significant (r = -.326, p < .01, n = 120). When samples with C/P values less than 0.125 (Burials 35, 72, 91, 176, and 195) and samples with C/P values over 0.25 (Burial 203) are trimmed from the sample, the correlation remains significant
(r = -.306, p = .001, n = 114). This relationship implies that 10.6 percent of variability in
333
FIGURE 32. Plot of relationship between C/P ration and apatite δ13C values for CA- SCL-38 samples (fit line excludes fauna).
δ13C can be explained by diagenetic changes to carbonate composition of the apatite (r2 =
.106). Trimming the sample to remove the individuals with C/P values below 0.125 or above 0.25 reduces the relationship to 9.4 percent (r2 = .094).
The correlation between δ13C and both the IR-SF and the C/P ratios raises some concern about apatite quality from this site. However, a consideration of the nature of statistics puts this result into perspective. As sample sizes increase, smaller Pearson’s r correlation values become significant (Bernard 2006:631). A sample size of 120 (or 123 including fauna) is unusual in isotope studies. Studies which use IR-SF and C/P ratio to
334 establish metrics for evaluation of sample quality have typically used smaller sample groups (e.g., n = 25 in Nielsen-Marsh and Hedges 2000b; n = 41 in Wright and Schwarcz
1996). Further, when plotting samples which have been damaged by diagenetic processes, a clear linear relationship is visible between the IR-SF or C/P ratios and the
δ13C values (Nielsen-Marsh and Hedges 2000b; Wright and Schwarcz 1996). The breadth of the scatter of points seen in Figures 31and 32 provides some level of assurance that considerable biogenetic variation is still present in the observed values of these samples,
13 and that the influence of diagenetic factors is minor. Finally, the δ CApatite results are congruous with those from collagen, and are consistent with expectations for a population with a diet based primarily on terrestrial foods with some marine contributions (see
Chapter VIII). Based on these considerations, the δ13C values from all one hundred twenty three apatite samples are included in stable isotope results and discussion, with minor qualifications.
Summary of Materials and Methods
The human bone samples selected for this stable isotope research project represent a diverse group of individuals from the population recovered from the Yukisma
Mound (CA-SCL-38). These individuals were associated with a variety of burial contexts and artifacts, and so should represent a meaningful cross-section of social roles and statuses for dietary correlation. Collagen samples, which are the most meaningful indicators of dietary protein, proved to be of good quality. Apatite samples, used to assess whole diet variation, may have been subject to some degree of diagenetic change in crystalline structure and carbonate composition. However, a contextual consideration of
335
13 the apatite results suggests that the δ CApatite values are likely to be consistent with the original biogenetic values. Correlation between collagen and apatite δ13C values will be presented in Chapter VIII, the Results chapter.
CHAPTER VIII
RESULTS OF STABLE ISOTOPE
ANALYSIS
Introduction
This chapter presents the results of stable isotope analysis of bone collagen and apatite for 128 individuals whose remains were excavated from the Yukisma Mound
(CA-SCL-38) in Santa Clara County, California, between 1993 and 1994. Of the 128 individuals initially selected to be part of this study, collagen results were obtained for all but one (Burial 175). Apatite data was obtained for 122 individuals, which includes all samples submitted. Apatite samples were not prepared for six subadults (Burials 128,
136, 156, 169, 186, and 222) because the available sample material was insufficient for both preparations. Additionally collagen results were obtained for eight faunal samples
(two bears, two rabbits, one coyote, two geese, and one duck). Three faunal samples (two bears and one coyote) were also submitted for apatite analysis and yielded results.
From the samples of purified collagen, stable isotope values of carbon (δ13C) and nitrogen (δ15N) were recorded. From the bone apatite samples, only carbon values
(δ13C) are reported in this study. At the time of this writing, data from eleven of the 25 collagen samples submitted for sulfur isotope analysis (δ34S) have been received.
The presentation of results will begin by examining the general dietary patterns of the population. Stable isotope results are plotted against a theorized foodweb
336 337 to estimate dietary choices from the available menu. Temporal variation in diet will be reviewed based on radiocarbon, obsidian hydration, and shell bead dates. An examination of dietary variation between demographic groups will compare diet of males and females and of individuals of different age classes. Statistical comparison of isotope values will conclude by correlating dietary patterns with mortuary context and artifactual associations. Statistics were calculated using IBM SPSS Statistics 21. The research questions posed at the end of Chapter VI (Direct Evidence for Paleodietary
Reconstruction) will be answered in this chapter’s conclusion, based on the results of dietary analysis.
Population Dietary Patterns
The δ13C and δ15N values of the collagen samples from SCL-38 have a significant linear relationship (r = .672, r2 = .452 p < .01, n = 127), suggesting that most members of this population were choosing their diets from the same menu of local food options (see Figure 33). The positive linear relationship suggests that these foods came from two isotopically distinct sources. Based on the available menu in prehistoric Central
California, the diet would have been a mix of terrestrial and marine foods.
A technique for estimating marine contribution to diet is to examine the difference between δ13C values from apatite and from collagen. The apatite fraction is composed of carbon from the whole diet (including protein, carbohydrates, and lipids).
Fractionation within the body causes apatite δ13C values to be enriched by approximately
9.4 permil over diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre 1993). The collagen fraction is built primarily from the protein component of diet, and fractionation causes an
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FIGURE 33. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values of human bone collagen from CA-SCL-38.
enrichment of approximately 5 permil in collagen δ13C values (Ambrose and Norr 1993;
Hedges 2003; Tieszen and Fagre 1993). The difference between the collagen and apatite
δ13C values, after accounting for fractionation, should be 4.4 permil if dietary proteins are sourced from the same resources as the rest of the diet. Within the menu of prehistoric
Central California, differences less than 4.4 permil suggest a significant contribution from marine proteins. Values greater than 4.4 permil suggest that most dietary components were from terrestrial resources (see Chapter VI for additional discussion).
Figure 34 shows the relationship between δ13C values of bone collagen and apatite.
Figure 35 presents apatite-collagen spacing values for individuals from SCL-38. Overall, the population appears to have eaten a primarily terrestrial diet, which included some marine foods.
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FIGURE 34. Stable carbon isotope values of human bone collagen and bone apatite from CA-SCL-38.
FIGURE 35. Apatite-collagen spacing values for estimation of marine protein contributions to diet at CA-SCL-38.
340
A new tool for differentiating contributions between protein resources from terrestrial and marine ecosystems was developed by Froehle and colleagues (2010).
13 13 When δ CApatite and δ CCollagen are plotted against calculated regression lines representing dietary signatures, the proximity to these lines represents relative contribution of each dietary resource. For the SCL-38 population, the data again suggest that proteins were mostly terrestrial, with some variable amount of marine contribution (see Figure 36).
FIGURE 36. Model for terrestrial and marine protein consumption based on Froehle, Kellner, and Schoeninger method (2010).
341
To further evaluate the composition of diets at SCL-38, isotope values from this population were plotted against dietary signatures of economically important food resources (Figure 37). This theoretical isotopic food web was developed by Bartelink
Marine Mammals
Marine Bay Fish Shellfish
Freshwater Fish Terrestrial Carnivores
C3, Terrestrial Terrestrial Herbivores and Marsh Plants Freshwater Mussels
FIGURE 37. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values of bone collagen from CA- SCL-38 compared to a theoretical isotopic food web for Central California.
Source: Adapted from Bartelink, Eric J., 2006, Resource Intensification in Pre-Contact Central California: A Bioarchaeological Perspective on Diet and Health Patterns among Hunter-Gatherers from the Lower Sacramento Valley and San Francisco Bay. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University.
(2006) based on measured isotopic values of food resources from California. Dietary signatures include offset for fractionation within the tissues of the consumer (see Chapter
342
VI). Accordingly, the measured δ13C values of foods were increased by 5 permil and δ15N values were increased by 3 permil to produce the dietary signature box values for each resource. These adjustments were not performed on the faunal data from SCL-38, so these animals are plotted within the diet that they likely consumed, rather than the signature they would produce in humans if eaten.
The isotopic values of human bone are a composite average of dietary resources from the last ten years of life for an adult (fewer years in children). Because of this, stable isotope values of bone do not indicate specific food resources consumed, but rather are bulk averages of general dietary patterns (Pate 1994). The isotopic values from this study are consistent with a diet based on terrestrial and marsh plants, terrestrial herbivores, freshwater fish, and bay shellfish, enriched with some marine fish. Marine mammals are unlikely to have been a component of the everyday diet, but may have been consumed on rare occasions. Consumption of terrestrial carnivores is consistent with observed isotopic values, but because the values of these animals overlap other important resources, their inclusion in diet cannot be verified isotopically. Freshwater mussels may have contributed to the diet, but do not appear to have been a primary source of protein.
Insects such as caterpillars or moth larvae (herbivorous species) and grasshoppers and yellow jacket larvae (omnivorous species), were also likely to have been part of the local diet (Lightfoot and Parrish 2009). These species would have δ13C values similar to their food sources (Fry et al. 1978) and δ15N values reflecting trophic levels (Donlan 2011), as do mammals.
Although the correlation of δ13C and δ15N values suggests a common menu of dietary components for these individuals, there is also a degree of variation within the
343 population, indicating differential use of menu items. Collagen values, which are indicators of protein composition in the bulk diet, range more than 3 permil for δ13C
(min. -20.30‰, max. -17.29, mean -19.01, SD 0.64, n = 127). δ15N values from collagen, which reflect the trophic levels of dietary proteins, have a range of almost 7 permil (min.
5.79, max. 12.77, mean 8.40, SD 1.38, n = 127). Finally, δ13C values from apatite, which sources carbon from dietary lipids, carbohydrates, and proteins, have a range of over 4 permil (min. -16.15, max. -11.93, mean -14.05, SD 0.93, n = 122). The correlation of dietary patterns within the community, plus the variation of dietary composition within that dietary range, suggest a degree of differential access to resources.
When compared to mean stable isotope values from other Central California sites, the values from CA-SCL-38 are statistically different than those from the coast, the
Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta, and the northern and eastern communities of the San
Francisco Bay Area, (determined by ANOVA and Bonferonni post-hoc test, p <.01).
Differences between mean isotope values from CA-SCL-38 and other South Bay sites are not statistically significant; however, the mean δ15N value at the Yukisma site is enriched by 0.42 permil relative to other nearby sites, suggesting that freshwater fish or bay shellfish may have been more important sources of protein than at other South Bay sites.
A comparison of regional means is presented in Table 48. Mean values with standard error bars for each comparative site are presented in Figure 38 (values from Bartelink
2006, Beasley 2008; Eric Bartelink, personal communication, March 27, 2011; Melanie
Beasley, personal communication, March 28, 2011).
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TABLE 48. Comparison of Stable Isotope Values from Collagen Between CA-SCL-38 and Mean Regional Values for Central California.
Collagen Apatite Region δ13C δ13C δ15N δ15N δ13C δ13C n Mean SD *p Mean SD *p n Mean SD *p
CoastA 34 -14.04 2.64 >.001 14.83 3.45 >.001 0 San Francisco 160 -16.19 2.41 >.001 12.20 3.51 >.001 119 -11.57 1.48 >.001 BayB South San Francisco 44 -18.95 1.07 No 7.98 1.71 No 44 -12.35 1.92 >.001 BayC Sacramento- San 220 -19.79 0.64 >.001 9.59 1.06 >.001 205 -13.95 1.41 No Joaquin DeltaD Sacramento 55 -20.00 0.66 >.001 10.74 1.39 >.001 55 -13.21 1.14 >.001 ValleyE CA-SCL-38 126 -19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 120 -14.07 0.93
*p = Statistical significance of difference between this region and CA-SCL-38 mean (ANOVA, Bonferroni post-hoc test). ACoast sites: CA-MRN-266, CA-MRN-232, CA-MRN-242, CA-SCL-204, CA-SCL-343. BSan Francisco Bay sites: CA-ALA-307, CA-ALA-309, CA-ALA-328, CA-ALA-329CA-SCL-869, CA- CCO-295, CA-SCL-30H, CA-SCL-134. CSouth San Francisco Bay sites: CA-SCL-287, CA-SMA-263, CA-SCL-851, CA-SCL-870, CA-SMA-267, Wardell Court, CA-SCL-869. DSan Francisco Delta sites: CA-CCO-548, CA-CCO-137, CA-CCO-138, CA-CCO-141. ESacramento Valley sites: CA-SJO-68, CA-SJO-142, CA-SJO-154, CA-SAC-43, CA-SAC-60, CA-SAC- 06.
Dietary Patterns by Temporal Period
Using radiocarbon dating, obsidian hydration, and temporally significant shell bead and pendant styles, a temporal period was assigned to 88 individuals from SCL-38
(see Figure 26), of whom 66 are included in this isotope study. Almost all dates from this site have indicated use during the Late Period (740-230 BP). A few burials were dated to the Middle Period (2160 to 940 BP) and Middle-Late Transition (MLT, 940-740 BP), but
20 CA-ALA-307 CA-ALA-309 18 CA-ALA-328 CA-ALA-329 16 CA-CCO-137 CA-CCO-138 14 CA-CCO-141 CA-CCO-295 12 CA-CCO-548 CA-MRN-232 10 CA-MRN-242 CA-MRN-266 8 CA-SAC-06 CA-SAC-43
d15N of Bone Collagen 6 CA-SAC-60 CA-SCL-134 4 CA-SCL-287 CA-SCL-204 2 CA-SCL-851 CA-SCL-869 0 CA-SJO-142 -24-22-20-18-16-14-12-10 CA-SJO-68 d13C of Bone Collagen CA-SCL-38
FIGURE 38. Comparison of stable isotope values of bone collagen with other Central California sites.
Source: Comparative data courtesy of Eric Bartelink, personal communication, March 27, 2011, and Melanie Beasley, personal communication, March 28, 2011. 345
346 some of these dates are suspicious based on artifact associations (see discussion in
Chapter III). Nonetheless, mean isotope values for all temporal periods represented by the available data are presented in Table 49. Variation in isotope values through time is also graphically depicted in Figure 39.
TABLE 49. Stable Isotope Results by Temporal Period
Collagen Apatite δ13C δ13C Temporal Years BP Mean δ13C δ15N δ15N Mean δ13C PeriodA BC/AD n ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n ‰ SD
Middle 2160-940 BP 6 -18.80 0.35 8.75 1.00 6 -13.58 0.75 Period (210 BC-AD 1010) MLT 940-740 BP 2 -19.52 0.64 7.48 0.01 2 -15.33 0.49 (AD 1010-1210) Late Period 740-440 BP 37 -18.78 0.68 9.06 1.46 35 -13.89 0.81 1 (AD 1210-1510) Late Period 440-230 BP 20 -19.04 0.70 7.82 1.29 20 -14.13 0.90 2 (AD 1510-1720) AScheme D (Groza 2002)
Sample sizes from the Middle Period and MLT are too small for statistical analysis. There is a statistically significant difference between δ15N values of individuals from LP1 compared to those in LP2 (t = 3.171, df = 55, p < .01), but not in carbon values
13 13 from collagen or apatite (δ CCollagen: t = 1.351, df = 55, p = .18; δ CApatite: t = 1.020, df
= 53, p = .31). Between the first and second phases of the Late Period, δ15N values drop
1.23 permil on average, indicating a significant change in protein availability or trophic level emphasis through time.
347
FIGURE 39. Box plots of mean isotopic values by temporal period.
348
Dietary Patterns by Age Category
For statistical comparison, the sample population from SCL-38 was divided into four age groups: infants (birth to 2 years), subadults (3 to 15 years), adults (16 to 40 years), and elders (over 41 years). Results are summarized in Table 50 and presented in detail in Figure 40 and Figure 41. No significant difference was found in isotope values
13 between the adult and elder age groups (δ CCollagen: t = 1.483, df = 101, p = .141;
15 13 δ NCollagen : t = 1.115, df = 101, p = .268; δ CApatite : t = 0.819, df = 102, p = .415), suggesting that there was no patterned change in diet with advancing age. Sample sizes in the subadult and infant categories were not large enough for statistical comparison, but enriched δ15N values are seen in infants and depleted δ15N are seen in children (Table
50).
TABLE 50. Stable Isotope Results by Age Group for Individuals from CA-SCL-38
Collagen Apatite
δ13C δ15N n δ13C Age Group Age range δ13C δ15N δ13C (years) n Mean Mean Mean ‰ SD ‰ SD ‰ SD
Infants Birth -2 8 -18.90 1.05 10.59 1.51 4 -14.94 0.81 Subadults 3-15 16 -19.10 0.71 7.76 1.54 14 -14.29 0.83 Adults 16-40 75 -18.95 0.61 8.41 1.25 76 -13.94 0.86 Elders Over 41 28 -19.15 0.58 8.12 0.97 28 -14.11 1.12
The most likely explanation for elevated δ15N values in infants is the effects of breastfeeding (see discussion in Chapter VI). Newborn infants have similar δ15N values to those of their mothers, but with breastfeeding the δ15N values of the infant’s bone collagen become progressively enriched due to the trophic level effect, until the values
349
FIGURE 40. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen by age group.
plateau at 2 to 3 permil greater than those of the mother (Fogel et al. 1989; Fuller et al.
2006). With the introduction of weaning foods, the δ15N values of an infant’s tissues begin to decline, approaching the levels seen in the general population following cessation of breastfeeding.
Consumption of marine proteins will also cause enriched δ15N values, but these will be associated with enriched δ13C values in the same individuals. As previously mentioned, the correlation between δ13C and δ15N values is significant in this population
(r = .672, r2 = .452 p < .01, n = 127). To isolate the effects of the local menu on isotope values and exclude the influence of breastfeeding, correlation was calculated again
350
FIGURE 41. Stable carbon isotope values from bone collagen and apatite by age group.
including only the adults. When subadults were excluded, the strength of correlation between δ13C and δ15N values was increased (r = 0.752; r2 = 0.565; p < .001, n = 103).
When four adult outliers (Burials 141, 142, 143, and 144) were removed from the calculation, the strength of the correlation improved again (r = 0.876; r2 = 0.767; p <
.001, n = 99), suggesting that 77 percent of variability in δ15N values can be explained by
δ13C values for adults within this population (implications for population affinity of these four individuals will be discussed in Chapter IX).
To normalize the dietary variation from consumption of local terrestrial and marine foods, I ran a linear regression, predicting expected δ15N values based on observed δ13C values. Standardized residuals were used to estimate how far the observed
δ15N values were from the expected values for each individual. For standardized
351 residuals, the difference from the expected value is divided by the estimated standard deviation of all (adult) residuals to produce a z-score. Accordingly, individuals with δ15N values matching expectations receive a score of zero. Each standard deviation has a value of 1.0, so it can be said with 95 percent confidence that individuals with standardized residual values between -2.0 and 2.0 are consuming food items consistent with other adults at the site, based on the local menu of terrestrial and marine foods. Residual values outside this range suggest a different food source or menu selection than most adults in the local population. The results are presented in Figure 42, plotted according to the median age estimation for each individual (based on Morley 1997, see Appendix A).
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2 Standardized Residual Value
( SD from expectedd15N relative to d13C) -3
-4 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 Estimated age of individual (in years)
FIGURE 42. Standardized residual values showing the difference between predicted and observed δ15N based on δ13C values of bone collagen, by estimated age.
352
Focusing on the subadults, significant variation from expected δ15N values is seen in infants and children less than ten years old. An expanded graph highlights this variation (Figure 43). The addition of a trend line illustrates a pattern of gradual
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
Standardized ResidualStandardized Value -3 (SD from (SD relative expected d15N to d13C) -4 012345678910 Estimated age of individual (in years)
FIGURE 43. Standardized residual values showing the difference between predicted and observed δ15N based on δ13C values of bone collagen, for subadults under 10 years.
enrichment of δ15N values up to age two, then a decline to values consistent with the diet of the adult population by age three-and-a-half to four years. This trend is consistent with a pattern of exclusive breastfeeding until approximately age two, then the addition of weaning foods to the diet, and cessation of breastfeeding by age three or four (see
Gardner et al. 2011 for a more detailed discussion).
The three-and-a-half year old with very elevated δ15N values may have been breastfed longer than average or may have had a diet supplemented with some other high
353
δ15N valued food item. An important consideration when dealing with stable isotope analysis of bone is that estimated age of these individuals is age at death, and people who had been sickly for long periods prior to death may have received different care (and consumed different diets) than healthy individuals. One way to avoid this analytical dilemma is to use permanent molars for isotope analysis, which are formed progressively from birth through age 20 and do not remodel (see Eerkens et al. 2011, and Eerkens and
Bartelink, in press); unfortunately, teeth were not available from the SCL-38 population.
The residual values for children between five and ten years of age dip below expected δ15N values. While not outside the 99 percent confidence range for the local menu, this dip suggests that children in this age group may have been consuming less protein than adults, or obtaining protein from lower trophic level foods. This same pattern of childhood depletion in δ15N values has been observed in other isotopic studies of prehistoric weaning practices in Central California, including a study from the Marsh
Creek site (CA-CCO-548), located about 30 miles (48 km) northeast of the Yukisma
Mound, and occupied between 4,000 and 3,000 years ago (Eerkens et al. 2011), and at
CA-ALA-554, a site located about 16 miles (26 km) north of the Yukisma Mound
(Greenwald and Eerkens 2013).
Dietary Patterns by Biological Sex
Significant differences in diet were observed between males and females for
δ13C values from bone collagen (t = 4.13, df = 91, p < .001), with a mean difference of
0.48 permil between the sexes. Difference between males and females in δ15N values was also significant (t = 3.93, df = 91, p < .001), with a mean difference of 0.93 permil. In
354 bone apatite, differences in δ13C values were observed, but failed the test of significance
(t = 1.75, df = 91, p = .083), with a mean difference of only 0.35 permil. Results are presented in Table 51 and graphed in Figure 44. Subadults are excluded because
TABLE 51. Stable Isotope Results by Sex for Adults from CA-SCL-38
Collagen Apatite Biological Sex 13 13 15 15 13 13 (Adults) δ C δ C δ N δ N δ C δ C n Mean ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n Mean ‰ SD
Males 56 -18.80 0.53 8.71 1.21 57 -13.83 0.94 Females 37 -19.28 0.57 7.78 0.96 37 -14.19 0.98 Indeterminate 10 -19.17 0.69 8.22 1.00 10 -14.13 0.61 All Adults 103 -19.00 0.60 8.33 1.18 104 -13.99 0.94
biological sex from subadult skeletons cannot be reliably determined. These results suggest that males had a slightly greater proportion of higher trophic level proteins in their diets on average than did females.
Dietary Patterns by Mortuary Context
Several variables of mortuary context were potentially relevant to social identity, and therefore are considered here to test for dietary correlation (see Table 52).
Sample sizes for secondary burials are not sufficient for a meaningful statistical comparison with primary burials, however the observed isotope values for these two modes of interment were almost identical.
Some variation was observed between individuals buried in single interments and those in double, multiple, or cluster burials. Although δ15N values of individuals in double interments appear somewhat enriched relative to those buried alone, no significant
355
FIGURE 44. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen by sex.
13 difference was found between their stable isotope values (δ CCollagen: t = -0.726, df =
15 13 112, p = .469; δ NCollagen : t = 1.641, df = 101, p = .104; δ CApatite : t = 0.244, df = 108, p = .808). Individuals in multiple interments show depleted δ15N values relative to those in all other burial groups. Burials in the cluster had the highest average δ15N values of any burial configuration. The observed variation in isotope values can be explained by other factors of identity. The multiple burials include four individuals with isotope values outside the 99 percent confidence level for a local diet (see Figure 40). The double burials include four infants, also demonstrated to have atypical isotope values for the population
(and skewed in the opposite direction). Burials in the cluster are also located in the central ring (spatial cluster 5), discussed below.
356
TABLE 52. Stable Isotope Values by Mortuary Context Variable
Mortuary Collagen Apatite Context δ13C δ13C δ15N δ15N δ13C δ13C Variable Value n Mean ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n Mean ‰ SD
Interment Primary 113A -19.01 0.65 8.37 1.36 109 -14.00 0.94 type Secondary 4 -19.02 0.46 8.31 1.75 4 -14.49 1.17
Associated Single 92 A -19.10 0.61 8.29 1.27 89 -14.08 1.01 burials Double 22 -18.99 0.69 8.80 1.53 21 -14.14 0.73 Multiple 5 -18.46 0.11 7.01 1.31 5 -13.92 0.51 Cluster 8 -18.42 0.69 9.48 1.34 7 -13.56 0.58
Burial Tightly Flexed 100 -19.00 0.66 8.46 1.32 95 -13.97 0.89 posture Flexed 5 -19.20 0.36 7.75 0.93 5 -14.39 1.39 Semi-Flexed 5 -19.13 0.61 8.21 0.71 5 -13.87 1.25 Extended 3 -18.97 1.01 6.61 0.46 3 -13.76 0.38 Disorganized 2 -18.83 0.52 6.73 0.47 2 -13.45 0.28
Burial Right side 29 -18.87 0.72 8.54 1.33 28 -13.92 0.82 position Left side 30 -19.06 0.58 8.41 1.37 28 -14.09 0.86 Dorsal 40 -19.07 0.61 8.17 1.23 39 -13.85 0.99 Ventral 10 -19.09 0.87 8.23 1.71 10 -14.08 1.17 Seated 4 -18.70 0.64 8.52 1.28 3 -14.20 0.67 Other 1 -18.58 N/A 9.26 N/A 1 -14.76 N/A
Burial North 51A -19.00 0.69 8.57 1.51 47 -13.95 0.95 orientation (NW-N-NE) East 61A -18.97 0.62 8.32 1.41 60 -13.89 1.04 (NE-E-SE) South 43 -19.03 0.63 8.25 1.17 43 -14.07 1.04 (SE-S-SW) West (SW-W-NW) 46 -19.00 0.70 8.49 1.31 42 -14.06 0.75
Special Burning 81 -19.08 0.66 8.24 1.47 77 -14.14 0.99 Mortuary Cremation 8 -18.67 0.76 8.89 0.89 7 -13.88 0.77 Preparation Rock cairns 7 -19.01 0.44 8.01 1.58 6 -14.52 1.04 No special prep 46 -18.91 0.60 8.63 1.17 45 -13.91 0.82
Spatial 1 16 -19.15 0.38 7.73 1.01 16 -14.09 1.07 Cluster 2 4 -19.46 0.62 7.86 1.00 4 -14.86 1.23 3 3 -19.32 0.79 8.21 0.18 3 -14.39 1.21 4 19 -19.07 0.77 8.35 1.98 16 -14.51 0.69 5 60 A -18.89 0.55 8.77 1.20 59 -13.75 0.87 6 4 -18.71 0.55 9.26 0.93 4 -14.64 1.07
357
TABLE 52 (Continued).
Mortuary Collagen Apatite Context δ13C δ13C δ15N δ15N δ13C δ13C Variable Value n Mean ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n Mean ‰ SD
Spatial 7 9 -19.33 0.88 7.62 1.51 9 -13.83 0.79 Cluster 8 11 -19.01 0.80 7.94 1.25 10 -14.05 0.93 (cont.) Sample mean (all 127 19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 122 -14.05 0.93 individuals) Bold = values with statistical significance (explained in text) or more than ± 0.5‰ from the sample mean. A Number of cases differs from Chapter VII because no collagen results were available for Burial 175.
Almost all individuals at SCL-38 were buried in a flexed burial posture. The five individuals buried in extended or disorganized postures do appear to have had
13 13 different diets than flexed individuals. Mean values of δ CCollagen and δ CApatite are less for those in extended and disorganized postures, with mean differences of less than half a
15 permil compared to tightly flexed individuals. Mean δ NCollagen values are significantly different, with values for individuals buried in an extended posture 1.85 permil less and in disorganized postures 1.73 permil less than the mean value for individuals in tightly flexed postures. The distribution of values based on burial posture is found in Figure 45.
While the sample sizes for extended and disorganized burial postures are too small for statistical analysis, the mean differences are meaningful, and again may be traced to other aspects of social identity. The three individuals in extended postures include two of the four outliers mentioned previously (Burials 142 and 143). Another established outlier is buried in a disorganized position (Burial 144). The second individual in a disorganized posture is an elder female (Burial 183) with higher
13 15 δ CCollagen and δ NCollagen values than the outlier.
358
FIGURE 45. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen by burial posture.
Observed burial position was highly variable, with individuals flexed on either side, positioned on their backs (dorsally), folded frog-like (ventrally), or seated. One individual was on his back with hips and limbs above the body (Burial 8). While good sample sizes were available for most of these burial positions, an ANOVA test found no statistically significant difference between the values of individuals in various burial
13 15 positions for of any measured isotopes (δ CCollagen : df[6,120], p = .745; δ NCollagen :
13 df[6,120], p = .824; δ CApatite : df[6,115], p = .107).
Burial orientation appears to have no relationship to dietary patterns, as the mean values for all measured isotopes are within 0.27 permil for all directions. The only variation in dietary patterns and burial orientation that approaches significance is
359
13 δ CApatite values of individuals oriented towards the east, versus those oriented in any other direction (t = -1.889, df = 120, p = .06). The mean difference between easterly oriented burials and those in other directions is only -0.32 permil, and is not likely to indicate a meaningful difference in dietary patterns.
Although special mortuary preparation is commonly associated with specific social identities and elite social status, few differences were observed between the isotope values of individuals with burning, cremation, or rock cairns and those without any
15 special mortuary preparation (see Figure 46). There difference between the δ NCollagen
FIGURE 46. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen by special mortuary treatment.
values of individuals with associated burning (including cremation, pre- or post-interment fires, and associated charring or vitrified clay) and those without burning just barely fails
360 the test of significance (t = 1.929, df = 123, p = 0.056). If infants (with enriched
15 δ NCollagen values due to breastfeeding) are excluded, the relationship is significant (t =
2.089, df = 115, p = .04). The mean value of those with burning is almost half a permil lower than for those without associated burning.
Exposure to high temperatures can alter the isotopic ratios within bone, particularly δ15N values. Experimental data demonstrated that both δ13C and δ15N values remain stable with heat exposure up to approximately 200°C, but that exposure to temperatures over 300°C may result in an increase in δ15N values of as much as 5 permil
(Schurr et al. 2008). Additionally, changes are observed in the carbon to nitrogen (C/N) ratio of burned bone as nitrogen is lost and the bone is carbonized (Schurr et al. 2008).
External appearance is considered a good proxy for the degree of thermal modification to bone (Devlin and Herrman 2008). The color of bone changes predictably with elevated temperature, turning first pale yellow or pale brown at temperatures below
285°C, then progressing to black and then grey tones at higher temperatures (Shipman et al. 1984). In prehistoric cremations, it is common for some elements to be more heat- affected than others. For those at SCL-38, the available sample portions of bone showed no color change and tested within acceptable carbon to nitrogen (C/N) ratios (see Chapter
VII). Therefore, the isotopic values of these samples are unlikely to have been significantly affected by heating. Additionally, Schurr and colleagues (2008) observed enriched δ15N values with exposure to high temperatures, and the mean δ15N values for those with associated burning at SCL-38 was actually slightly lower than for those without burning. These results suggest that the difference between mean δ15N values of those with and without burning at SCL-38 is real and not a product of thermal alteration.
361
The last aspect of mortuary context considered here is association with spatial clusters. Bellifemine (1997) identified eight spatial clusters at SCL-38 with associated variation in artifact density and artifact diversity. Isotope values by spatial cluster are presented in Figure 47. Because a disproportionate number of individuals are associated
FIGURE 47. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen by spatial cluster.
with Cluster 5 (the center ring), statistical comparison was made between those within the central cluster (n = 60), and those outside the central cluster (n = 66). Mean values for all three measured isotopes were enriched for those in the central cluster, and all differences
13 proved to be statistically significant. The δ CCollagen values of those in Cluster 5 were enriched by an average of 0.24 permil over the others (t = -2.133, df = 124, p < .05).
362
15 Values of δ NCollagen of Cluster 5 individuals were 0.72 permil greater on average than
13 those in other clusters (t = -3.022, df = 124, p < .01). Differences in δ CApatite values were also significant (t = -3.561, df = 119, p = .001), with a mean difference of 0.58 permil. While statistically significant, these differences are not large, and can be explained by the composition of this cluster (to be discussed in the section of Chapter IX dealing with status).
The sample size in other clusters is too small for statistical comparison; however a few results are worth noticing. The enriched isotope values found in Cluster 6
15 individuals are noteworthy, with δ NCollagen values averaging even higher than those in
Cluster 5. Cluster 4 contains a disproportionate number of outliers, with four adults with
15 very low isotope values and five infants with enriched δ NCollagen values, producing a standard deviation of almost 2 permil for nitrogen isotope values in this group.
Statistically, the extreme values in Cluster 4 effectively neutralize each other, but the diversity of values in this cluster will be discussed further in Chapter IX. Overall, these dietary data support Bellifemine’s interpretation (1997) that cemetery organization at
SCL-38 reflected differential status within the community.
In conclusion, not all mortuary context variables were found to have meaningful correlation with dietary patterns. Significant differences in isotope values were noted in associated burials, with those in the cluster having higher carbon and nitrogen values from collagen than single burials, and cluster burials having higher nitrogen values than double burials, which were higher than multiple burials. Burial posture was also telling, where those buried in un-flexed positions had lower nitrogen values than those with any degree of burial flexion. Burial position and orientation did
363 not have significant correlation with dietary markers. Individuals with associated burning
15 had statistically lower δ NCollagen values than those without, a surprising result. Finally, the spatial organization of the cemetery appears to be the attribute of mortuary context with the most significant correlation to dietary patterns.
Dietary Patterns by Artifact Associations
Technomic Artifacts
Technomic artifacts are the functional tools used for meeting the basic needs of life (Binford 1968, see Chapter 3). These utilitarian objects were associated with 46 burials in the test group (36% of the sample). Mean isotope values for each artifact type are presented in Table 53; individual values are displayed in Figure 48.
Unfortunately, no significant difference in any measured isotope value was
13 noted between individuals with technomic artifacts and those without (δ CCollagen: t = -
15 13 .029, df = 125, p = 0.98; δ NCollagen: t = -.669, df = 125, p = .51; δ CApatite: t = -1.095, df
= 120, p = .28). Further, there was no significant difference found between individuals
13 15 with or without bone artifacts (δ CCollagen: t = -.011, df = 125, p = 0.99; δ NCollagen: t = -
13 .613, df = 125, p = .54; δ CApatite: t = -1.114, df = 120, p = .27). Presence of chipped
13 stone also had no significant association with diet (δ CCollagen: t = -.059, df = 125, p =
15 13 0.87; δ NCollagen: t = -.239, df = 125, p = .81; δ CApatite: t = -1.091, df = 120, p = .28).
13 Groundstone also failed the test of correlation with isotope results (δ CCollagen: t = -.694,
15 13 df = 125, p = 0.49; δ NCollagen: t = -.529, df = 125, p = .60; δ CApatite: t = -.857, df =
120, p = .39).
364
TABLE 53. Stable Isotope Values by Burial Association with Technomic Artifacts
Collagen Apatite Technomic 13 Artifact Artifact Type n δ C δ13C δ15N δ15N n δ13C δ13C Group Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD ‰ ‰ ‰
Bone
Artifacts Scapula saws 3 -19.01 0.08 7.48 0.65 3 -14.27 1.29 Bone strigils 3 -19.48 0.23 7.88 0.78 3 -14.05 0.60 Bone awls 8 A -18.95 0.66 8.96 1.46 9 -13.83 0.81 Bone needles 1A -18.64 N/A 9.36 N/A 2 -12.26 0.50 Antler wedges 1 -18.07 N/A 9.64 N/A 1 -14.17 N/A Other bone 4 -18.80 0.69 8.71 1.25 4 -13.78 0.78 Any bone (total) 20A -19.01 0.61 8.58 1.26 21 -13.85 0.84
Chipped
Stone Projectile points 14 -19.18 0.47 8.15 0.80 14 -14.02 1.07 (non-traumatic) Other chipped 14 A -18.82 0.61 8.72 1.68 15 -13.62 1.02 stone Any chipped 25A -18.99 0.59 8.46 1.38 26 -13.88 0.99 stone (total)
Ground
Stone Mortars 13 -19.01 0.37 8.29 0.86 13 -14.02 0.87 Pestles 16 A -18.92 0.55 8.69 0.97 17 -13.73 0.82 Manos 2 -18.82 0.35 7.89 0.58 2 -14.86 0.17 Abraders 1 -19.07 N/A 7.47 N/A 1 -14.05 N/A Any ground 23 A -18.92 0.49 8.40 0.93 24 -13.91 0.91 stone (total)
Any technomic artifacts 46 -19.01 0.55 8.51 1.13 47 -13.94 0.91
No technomic artifacts 81 -19.01 0.70 8.34 1.50 75 -14.13 0.95
Sample mean (all individuals) 127 -19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 122 -14.05 0.93 Bold = values more than ± 0.5‰ from population mean.
At the level of individual artifact types, a few mean values were found to vary from the population mean by more than half a permil. Individuals with scapula saws (two adult females and one adult male) or bone strigils (two adult females and an adult of indeterminate sex) had depleted δ15N values relative to the population mean, suggesting
365
FIGURE 48. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen for individuals with burial-associated technomic artifacts.
lesser consumption of animal proteins. These values are consistent with the previously observed dietary variation based on sex.
Those with bone awls (six males, one female, and one adult of indeterminate sex) or bone needles (two males) had enriched δ15N values. Those with bone needles also
13 had depleted δ CApatitevalues relative to the population mean. The adult male with the antler wedge had depleted collagen δ13C values and enriched δ15N values. These patterns of lower carbon and higher nitrogen values suggest that the enriched δ15N is coming from increased consumption of terrestrial proteins, rather than marine foods. This variation is also consistent with previously observed dietary patterns by sex.
366
The only other notable variation within the technomic artifact category is in groundstone. One individual with a mano (an adult of indeterminate sex) has a depleted
δ15N value, while the other (an adult female) has a δ15N value close to the population
13 mean. Both have elevated δ CApatitevalues. This pattern could be caused by consumption of non-protein marine foods such as seaweed.
Sociotechnic Artifacts
Sociotechnic artifacts are those with established associations with social identity, status and wealth. In support of the hypothesis that wealthy individuals and/or people of higher social status would have different access to resources than lower status or poorer individuals, significant differences were observed between those with
13 sociotechnic artifacts and those without for all three measured isotopes (δ CCollagen: t = -
15 13 2.159, df = 125, p < .05; δ NCollagen: t = -2.921, df = 125, p < .01; δ CApatite: t = -3.134, df = 120, p < .01). The mean values for all isotopes were higher (more positive) for
13 individuals with associated sociotechnic items than for those without (δ CCollagen: +.25‰;
15 13 δ NCollagen: +.70‰; δ CApatite: +.52‰). The slightly higher mean values of both carbon and nitrogen isotopes suggest that higher trophic level foods, such as marine proteins, may have been the preferred foods for wealthy individuals or people of higher social status.
However, of the 71 individuals with sociotechnic artifacts in the isotope study,
37 are male and two are infants. Both of these groups have already been shown to have enriched isotope values compared to females and children, and the demographic composition of this group may be enough to explain the small differences in mean isotope values. The mean isotope values for individuals with each type of sociotechnic
367 artifact are presented in Table 54. Note that this table indicates presence of these artifacts rather than quantity (which will be discussed later in this chapter). Isotope values for individuals with burial-associated sociotechnic artifacts are presented in Figure 49. The specific distributions for those with shell beads and with Haliotis pendants are presented in Figure 50.
TABLE 54. Stable Isotope Values by Burial Association with Sociotechnic Artifacts
Collagen Apatite 13 n δ13C δ13C δ15N δ15N n δ C δ13C Sociotechnic Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Artifact ‰ ‰ ‰ Group Artifact type Beads Shell beads 58 -18.88 0.60 8.72 1.27 57 -13.88 0.82 (Olivella) Stone beads 3 -18.43 0.36 8.38 1.39 3 -14.05 0..95 Any beads (total) 58 -18.88 0.60 8.72 1.27 57 -13.88 0.82
Pendants or
Ornaments All abalone 42 -18.94 0.57 8.52 1.19 43 -13.73 0.88 (Haliotis) Banjo pendants 6 -18.90 0.56 8.60 1.13 6 -13.94 1.13 (Haliotis) Mussel or Clam 1 -19.42 N/A 8.11 N/A 1 -14.07 N/A shell ornaments Bone pendants 2 -19.25 0.02 7.53 0.14 2 -14.04 0.54 Any pendants or 42 -18.61 0.57 8.52 1.19 43 -13.73 0.88 ornaments (total)
Any sociotechnic artifacts 70 -18.90 0.61 8.71 1.33 69 -13.83 0.84
No sociotechnic artifacts 57 -19.15 0.67 8.02 1.35 53 -14.35 0.97
Sample mean (all individuals) 127 -19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 122 -14.05 0.93 Bold = values more than ± 0.5‰ from population mean.
As for specific sociotechnic artifact types, there was a significant difference in all measured isotope values for individuals with shell beads versus those without
368
FIGURE 49. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen for individuals with burial-associated sociotechnic artifacts.
FIGURE 50. Detail of stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen for individuals with burial-associated shell beads and Haliotis pendants.
369
13 15 (δ CCollagen: t = -2.113, df = 125, p < .05; δ NCollagen: t = -2.454, df = 125, p < .05;
13 δ CApatite: t = -1.968, df = 120, p = .05). Individuals with stone beads (two males and
15 13 one adult of indeterminate sex) had δ NCollagen and δ CApatite values near the population
13 mean, and were only enriched in δ CCollagen, although the large standard deviations and small sample size indicate more variability than the mean might suggest.
Interestingly, isotopic values from bone collagen were not statistically
13 different for individuals with Haliotis pendants than for those without (δ CCollagen: t = -
15 .845, df = 125, p = .40; δ NCollagen: t = -.706, df = 125, p = .48), but were significant for
13 apatite (δ CApatite: t = -2.910, df = 120, p < .01) with a mean difference of .50 permil
(see Figure 51). Enriched apatite values without enriched collagen suggest variation in
FIGURE 51. Detail of stable carbon isotope values from bone collagen and apatite for individuals with burial-associated Haliotis pendants.
370 non-protein food sources, such as seaweed. The number of individuals with banjo-style
Haliotis pendants is too few for statistical comparison, but there is almost no difference between the mean isotopic values for those with this type of pendant versus those with any type of Haliotis ornament. Four of the six individuals with banjo-style pendants are dated to the first phase of the Late Period; the other two are dated to the second phase.
Burial 168, an adult male, had a large cache of 17 clam shell ornaments, the most recovered with any individual at the site. Both his carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen were slightly lower than the population mean, and the apatite
δ13C was similar to the rest of the population. With only one individual, this difference is interesting but not meaningful.
The two individuals with bone pendants were both adult females. Both also
13 had associated Haliotis pendants and small caches of shell beads. The lower δ CCollagen
15 and δ NCollagen are consistent with the mean difference between male and female dietary patterns, which may suggest that the differences governing food division by sex are more significant to diet than those associated with these sociotechnic artifact types.
Ideotechnic Artifacts
Ideotechnic artifacts are associated with ritual or symbolic functions. Taken together, the difference in dietary patterns between isotope values of those buried with
13 these items and those without them was not significant (δ CCollagen: t = -.1.560, df = 125,
15 13 p = .12; δ NCollagen: t = -1.544, df = 125, p = .13; δ CApatite: t = -.1.741, df = 120, p =
.08). The mean isotope values for individuals with each ideotechnic artifact type are presented in Table 55. Details of individual values by number of associated ideotechnic artifact types and for specific ideotechnic artifacts are presented in Figure 52.
371
TABLE 55. Stable Isotope Values by Burial Association with Ideotechnic Artifacts
Collagen Apatite δ13C δ15N δ13C Ideotechnic Mean δ13C Mean δ15N Mean δ13C Artifact Group Artifact Type n ‰ SD ‰ SD n ‰ SD
Bone Artifacts Bird bone tubes 14 -18.94 0.64 8.54 1.32 14 -13.74 0.69 and whistles
Stone Artifacts Stone pipes 3 -18.80 0.44 8.53 0.73 3 -13.47 0.69 Stone spoons 1 -19.26 N/A 7.63 N/A 1 -13.65 N/A Charmstones 10A -18.74 0.36 9.23 0.52 11 -13.58 0.89 “Magic” stones 2 -18.99 0.12 8.46 1.39 3 -14.38 1.87 Cinnabar Cinnabar/ 3 -19.19 0.32 8.15 0.51 3 -13.47 1.34 “ochre”
Faunal remains Stingray points 1 -19.07 N/A 7.47 N/A 1 -14.98 N/A Antler 2 -19.05 0.28 7.71 1.04 2 -13.54 0.31 Claws or non- 4 -18.63 0.70 8.87 1.14 4 -13.65 0.53 human teeth
Any ideotechnic artifacts 31 -18.85 0.53 8.73 1.10 32 -13.81 0.82
No ideotechnic artifacts 96 -19.06 0.68 8.29 1.44 90 -14.14 0.96
Sample mean (all individuals) 127 -19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 122 -14.05 0.93 Bold = values more than ± 0.5‰ from the sample mean. A Number of cases differs from Chapter VII because no collagen results were available for Burial 175.
Measured stable isotope values for individuals with more than one type of ideotechnic artifact have a smaller range of variation than those with just one type (see
Figure 52). All seven individuals in this study who had more than one type of ideotechnic artifact were buried in the central cluster (Cluster 5), already noted to have enriched δ15N values relative to other sectors of the cemetery. Individuals buried with multiple types of ideotechnic artifacts at SCL-38 who were not part of this study include one other individual from Cluster 5 and one each from Clusters 1, 4, and 8.
372
FIGURE 52. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values from bone collagen for individuals with burial-associated ideotechnic artifacts, with detail for associations with bird bone tubes and whistles, charmstones, cinnabar, and ideotechnic faunal remains.
373
Bird bone tubes were likely ear or nose ornaments or whistle blanks, but may also have been used in healing practices. Bone whistles were used in rituals and as dance accompaniment. Because it is not possible to clearly differentiate tubes and whistle blanks based on the archaeological records, tubes and whistles are grouped together for this analysis. The isotope values of those buried with tubes and whistles are not
13 significantly different than for those without these items (δ CCollagen: t = -.431, df = 125,
15 13 p = .67; δ NCollagen: t = -.388, df = 125, p = .70; δ CApatite: t = -.1.325, df = 120, p =
.19). If bird bone tubes and whistles were markers of identity, no specific dietary patterns were associated with these social roles.
Charmstones do appear to have a relationship to dietary patterns. A significant
15 difference is observed in δ N values (t = -2.088, df = 125, p < .05), with a mean difference of 0.45 permil. If the one outlier case is excluded (Burial 134, a sample of questionable quality—see Chapter VII), the relationship is strengthened, and the mean difference more than doubles to 1.02 permil. The differences between those with charmstones and those without are not significant, although the apatite carbon value
13 13 difference approaches significance (δ CCollagen: t = -1.388, df = 125, p = .17; δ CApatite: t
= -.1.776, df = 120, p = .08). The small range of variation in isotope values for those with charmstones supports the hypothesis that these were tools of shamans who would have observed strict dietary guidelines, particularly if the value from Burial 134 is excluded (see Figure 52).
Cinnabar was associated with six humans at SCL-38, three of whom were included in this study. This group is too small for statistical comparison, but the data are presented here for consideration. All three individuals were buried in Cluster 5 (two of
374 the three individuals with cinnabar who were not included in this study were also in
13 Cluster 5). Individuals buried with cinnabar have higher (less negative) δ CApatite values on average than the population mean. However, the large standard deviation indicates quite a bit of variation in this value.
Totemic faunal remains, including stingray points, antler and animal claws or teeth, were also inadequately represented in burial assemblages from SCL-38 for statistical comparison. However, the individual values from bone collagen are presented in Figure 52 for consideration. The adult of indeterminate sex with stingray spines had
15 13 lower δ N and δ CApatite values than the population mean. The female and adult of indeterminate sex who were buried with associated antlers had dissimilar isotope values.
Likewise, no pattern was apparent between the two adult males and two adult females with animal claws or teeth, although it is interesting to note that individual with the most enriched values in this group was an elder female (Burial 184).
Overall, the association of these ideotechnic artifact types with dietary patterns is weak. Only charmstones emerge as a meaningful proxy for specific dietary practices. Variation observed in this category may be associated with the dietary patterns already noted between biological sexes and between spatial clusters in the cemetery.
Dietary Patterns by Artifact Abundance
Three measures of artifact abundance will tested for correlation to isotope values. These include shell bead quantity, overall artifact quantity, and artifact quantity without shell beads. Shell bead quantities have been divided into shell bead classes for ease of statistical comparison. A Spearman’s rank correlation test found a significant
375 relationship between isotope values and shell bead class for all measured stable isotopes
13 2 15 2 (δ CCollagen: r = .208, r = .04, p = .02; ; δ NCollagen: r = .252, r = .06, p < .01;
13 2 δ CApatite: r = .23, r = .05, p = .02). Mean isotopic values for each bead class are presented in Table 56. In Figure 53, the general positive trend of each isotopic value with larger caches of shell beads is presented graphically.
TABLE 56. Stable Isotope Results by Shell Bead Class
Collagen Apatite δ13C δ13C δ15N δ15N δ13C δ13C Shell Bead Class n Mean ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n Mean ‰ SD
0 No beads 69 -19.12 0.67 8.13 1.42 65 -14.21 1.01 1 1-10 19 -18.95 0.64 8.61 1.43 18 -14.15 0.65 2 11-50 2 -19.18 0.45 8.78 1.67 2 -14.41 0.30 3 51-100 4 -18.76 0.27 8.85 1.04 4 -13.55 1.22 4 101-500 16 -19.01 0.53 8.39 0.99 16 -13.87 0.82 5 501-1000 9 -18.65 0.68 9.15 1.41 9 -13.60 0.82 6 Over 1000 8 -18.68 0.67 9.10 1.35 8 -13.63 0.99 Population total 127 -19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 122 -14.05 0.93
Of the individuals included in this data sample, 43 (33%) had no burial- associated artifacts at all. Eight individuals, all adult males buried in Cluster 5, had more than one thousand associated artifacts, including beads. In a test of correlation, overall artifact abundance was found to have a significant but weak relationship with all three
13 2 15 2 isotope values (δ CCollagen: r = .268, r = .07, p < .01; δ NCollagen: r = .269, r = .07, p <
13 2 .01; δ CApatite: r = .191, r = .04, p < .05). To eliminate the bias of large quantities of shell beads, this test was also run excluding the shell bead quantities. Again, a significant
13 relationship was found between artifact quantity and all isotope values (δ CCollagen:
376
FIGURE 53. Box plots of mean isotopic values by shell bead class.
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2 15 2 13 2 r = .182, r = .03, p < .05; δ NCollagen: r = .227, r = .05, p = .01; δ CApatite: r = .259, r
= .07, p < .01). However, with or without beads, artifact abundance explains less than 10 percent of variation in all isotope values.
Dietary Patterns by Artifact Diversity
Another metric for social status is association with a diverse cache of artifact types (see Chapter IV). Individuals in this study had up to nine types of associated artifacts. Types include scapula saws, bone strigils, bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, other bone implements, projectile points not directly associated with traumatic injury, other chipped stone artifacts (excluding debitage), mortars, pestles, manos, abraders, stone beads, Olivella shell beads, Haliotis pendants, clam shell pendants, bone pendants, bone tubes or whistles, stone pipes, stone spoons, charmstones, magic stones, cinnabar, stingray points, antler, and claws or non-human teeth. Mean isotope values by number of burial-associated artifact types are presented in Table 57.
A test of correlation found a significant relationship only between artifact diversity and δ13C of apatite (r = .260, r2 = .07, p < .01). While the relationship is significant, artifact diversity explains only 7 percent of variation in apatite δ13C values.
No correlation was found between collagen stable isotope values and artifact diversity
13 2 15 2 (δ CCollagen: r = .135, r = .02, p = .13; δ NCollagen: r = .141, r = .02, p = .11). As with artifact abundance, the weakness of association between dietary patterns and artifact diversity suggests that individuals with these markers of wealth did not have dietary patterns that changed predictably with accumulation of goods.
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TABLE 57. Stable Isotope Results by Artifact Diversity
Collagen Apatite Artifact types δ13C δ13C δ15N δ15N δ13C δ13C n Mean ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n Mean ‰ SD
0 40 -19.17 0.71 7.95 1.42 36 -14.28 1.01 1 25 -19.03 0.69 8.50 1.64 23 -14.45 0.88 2 24 -18.96 0.68 8.50 1.34 24 -13.89 0.95 3 16 -18.79 0.41 8.98 0.85 16 -13.62 0.71 4 13 -18.75 0.59 8.80 1.37 13 -13.99 0.49 5 3 -19.05 0.35 8.50 1.00 3 -13.56 0.79 6 4 -19.14 0.55 8.44 0.82 4 -13.30 1.21 7 1 19.26 N/A 7.63 N/A 2 -12.97 0.96 8 0 ------0 -- -- 9 1 -19.07 N/A 7.47 N/A 1 -14.98 N/A Population total 127 -19.01 0.65 8.40 1.38 122 -14.05 0.93
Results of Sulfur Isotope Testing
Of the 25 samples submitted for sulfur isotope testing (δ34S), results have been received for only 13, including 11 adult males and 2 faunal samples (1 bear and 1 rabbit).
Significant variation was noted in values (see Figure 54). Mean δ34S for humans from
SCL-38 was -0.14 permil, with a standard deviation of 2.79. The minimum δ34S value was -4.29 permil and the maximum, 3.93 permil, for a range of over 8 permil.
The two individuals with the highest δ34S values are among the four males with δ15N values outside the 99 percent confidence range for a local diet (see Figure 42).
If the δ34S values for these two (Burials 141 and 143) are trimmed from the sample, the mean drops to -0.94 permil, the standard deviation is reduced to 2.38, and the range is reduced to just over 6 permil.
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FIGURE 54. Stable sulfur isotope values for humans and fauna from CA-SCL-38.
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The correlation between δ34S and δ13C values in humans was significant and strong (p < .001, r = .972, r2 = .94), even when including the possible outliers. When the outliers are excluded, the relationship is actually slightly weaker (p < .001, r = .963, r2 =
.93). However, there was no significant correlation between human δ34S and δ15N values unless these two outliers were trimmed from the sample. After trimming, correlation was significant (p = .02, r = .737, r2 = .54). The pattern of high δ34S values and depleted δ15N values is not typical of any known population in the San Francisco Bay area, in the East
Bay, or in the Sacramento Valley (Gardner et al. 2012).
Conclusion
While many variables of demography, mortuary context, and artifact associations may be significant to social identity, only a few variables tested in this study have a statistical relationship with isotopic indicators of diet. Nine questions were posed about dietary patterns at SCL-38 at the end of Chapter VI (Direct Evidence for
Paleodietary Reconstruction). Based on the results presented in this chapter, these questions can now be answered.
1. What general dietary pattern is observed for the population at CA-SCL-38?
2. How does this local pattern compare to available data from other Central
California sites?
3. Do dietary patterns change through time?
4. Is there evidence that access to different foods is acquired through a lifetime, or is appropriate to certain age groups?
5. Is there evidence for gendered identities which affect dietary choices?
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6. Is there evidence for status-based food access, based on mortuary treatment
(body position, body orientation, associated burning)?
7. Do dietary patterns differ for individuals buried in different spatial clusters within the cemetery at CA-SCL-38?
8. Are there artifacts that are associated with distinct dietary patterns?
9. Do dietary patterns differ for individuals with greater quantities of associated grave goods?
Firstly, the general dietary pattern at SCL-38 includes primarily terrestrial resources with some marine contributions and is generally homogeneous with some individual variation. From the many available foods on the menu, stable isotope values are consistent with diets including terrestrial and marsh plant foods (e.g., seeds, nuts, acorns, greens, roots, and tubers), terrestrial mammals (e.g., elk, deer, and rabbits), insects (grasshoppers, yellow-jacket larvae, caterpillars or moth larvae), freshwater fish, and bay shellfish. Marine fish would have played a minor part in the diet. Marine mammals are unlikely to have been a major component of the diet, but may have been consumed on rare occasions. Isotopic data are inconclusive for the consumption of terrestrial carnivores and freshwater mussels.
The dietary pattern at SCL-38 is not statistically different from other South
San Francisco Bay Area sites, but does show slightly higher δ15N values, suggesting increased reliance on bay shellfish or marine fish at SCL-38 compared to other nearby sites. However, all available δ13C and δ15N isotope values are significantly lower at SCL-
38 than at coastal sites or sites on the east or north shores of San Francisco Bay, suggesting that those regions included more marine foods in their diets. Delta sites have
382 statistically significant differences in both collagen isotope values, with lower δ13C, but higher δ15N values, perhaps indicating greater reliance on freshwater fish.
Only a few burials from SCL-38 have been dated prior to the Late Period
(before 740 BP), and the associations with these early burials cast some doubt as to the accuracy of the temporal assignments. Statistical comparison was possible between the first and second phase of the Late Period, however, and a statistically significant difference was noted in declining δ15N values through time. This observation is consistent with interpretations of resource depression in the Late Holocene (e.g., Broughton 1994).
Alternatively, it could suggest reduced reliance on bay shellfish or other marine resources.
The only significant dietary difference associated with age groups was explained by the breastfeeding of infants. A dip in δ15N relative to δ13C values in children between 5 and 10 years of age suggests a greater reliance on plant foods during this period, with less input from animal proteins. No statistically significant difference was observed between the diets of adults (age 16-40) and elders (over 41 years old), although mean values for elders were slightly lower for all isotopes.
There was evidence for gendered identities affecting dietary choices at SCL-
38. Based on biological sex assessment, males were shown on average to have higher
δ13C and δ15N values from bone collagen than females. Higher δ13C values from apatite were also observed, but were not statistically significant. This suite of enriched isotopes suggests that males consumed foods of slightly higher trophic levels than females, perhaps including increased quantities of animal proteins.
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Of the variables considered for mortuary context, there was no dietary pattern noted with interment type (primary or secondary), burial position (right side, left side, ventral, dorsal, etc.), or burial orientation. Variation seen between single, double, multiple and cluster variables was explained by other factors of identity, as were the values of individuals buried in non-flexed postures. Individuals with associated burning had slightly lower δ15N values on average than those without. Based on the premise that individuals of higher status would be buried with more complex mortuary rituals, it follows that if these individuals consumed higher status foods, these were not the highest isotopic value foods on the menu. Terrestrial resources may have been more valued than marine fish, freshwater fish, or bay shellfish. This will be discussed further in Chapter IX.
Spatial organization of the cemetery does appear to have a meaningful association with dietary patterns, particularly for those in the central cluster (Cluster 5) versus those in other sectors. Values for all three measured isotopes were significantly higher for those interred in the central cluster, with mean values 0.24 to 0.72 permil greater than those in other sectors of the cemetery. While individuals in Cluster 5 have diverse isotope values, the general enrichment in this sector supports Bellifemine’s
(1997) early observation of spatial organization at the cemetery.
Evaluation of burial-associated artifact types showed no relationship between the presence of technomic artifacts and dietary patterns. Individuals with shell beads and
Haliotis ornaments did have enriched values for all observed stable isotopes, although when Haliotis ornaments where considered separately, the only significant difference was in δ13C values of bone apatite. Of all ideotechnic artifacts considered, the only significant association with dietary patterns was with charmstones.
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Measures of artifact abundance held significant but extremely weak relationships with dietary patterns. Artifact diversity was not related to isotope values in any significant way. These results are somewhat surprising, and suggest that indicators of wealth and prestige may not have been associated dietary privileges or isotopically significant variation in cuisine. These results will be considered in light of indicators of social identity in Chapter IX.
CHAPTER IX
DISCUSSION: DIET AND IDENTITY AT
THE YUKISMA MOUND (CA-SCL-38)
Introduction
With the diverse menu available to the prehistoric residents of the Santa Clara
Valley, many foods would have been potentially good to eat. But not all food resources with nutritional potential would have been consumed, and those that were may have been used selectively. Appropriate food choices are shaped by cultural preferences, infused with symbolic associations, and limited by taboos and restrictions. Beyond the dominant staples (“cultural superfoods”), some options will be associated with prestige, some with magic, some with masculinity or femininity, and some with danger. The negotiation of socially ascribed meanings of foods shapes dietary choices based on self-actualized or relationship-based social identities.
This chapter examines the relationship of dietary patterns at CA-SCL-38 with attributes of social personae visible in the archaeological record. The results of stable isotope analysis presented in Chapter VIII are integrated with the aspects of social identity discussed in Chapter IV. This information is further informed by the mortuary context and artifact associations discussed in Chapter III, to produce an overview of context and dietary correlations by social category, including social age, gender, disability, specialization, status, and population affinity.
385 386
Social Identities and Diet at SCL-38
Social Age
Social age refers to the socially designated age categories which separate childhood from adulthood, and possibly differentiate adults from elders. Because responsibilities and expectations for individuals may change with age, contextual evidence from artifact associations will provide clues to translate biological age observed by osteologists to social age categories used by the ancestral Ohlone. The individuals included in this study included all subadults where bone samples were available (n = 24), as well as 75 adults between the ages of 16 and 40 years and 28 elders over 41 years of age. The transition from subadult to adult at 16 years of (biological) age and the transition from adult to elder after the 40th year are consistent with previous studies (Bellifemine
1997; Jurmain 2000; Morley 1997). In the following discussion, childhood and elder patterns will be distinguished from adult patterns.
Childhood. Children are less likely to have responsibilities for production of material goods, and therefore are less likely to be associated with technomic (utilitarian) artifacts. Only six subadults (14%) had associated technomic artifacts, while 78 adults
(38%) were buried with these useful items, a statistically significant difference (Χ2 =
11.22, df = 2, p < .01, V = .21). Within the sample group, the same relationship is observed and the association of technomic artifacts with adults is slightly stronger (Χ2 =
7.46, df = 1, p < .01, V = .24).
Examination of specific types of technomic artifacts reveals that not all types had the same significance for childhood. Technomic bone artifacts (scapula saws, bone strigils, bone awls, bone needles, antler wedges, and other bone artifacts) were found
387 with 30 of 204 adults (15%), but with none of the 43 subadults at the site. Technomic chipped stone was associated with 3 subadults (7%), and 42 adults (21%). Technomic groundstone objects (mortars, pestles, manos, or abraders) were associated with 4 subadults (9%) and 34 adults (17%). The absence of bone tools with individuals under 16 years of age supports the transition to the social category of adulthood around this time.
Chipped stone with subadults (an infant, a young child, and an adolescent) included flaked chert, but never projectile points. Groundstone with subadults included pestles with four non-infant children and a mortar with one young child (B135). Another infant,
(B119) was also placed within a mortar, immediately above the remains of an adult female. These mortars likely served a symbolic purpose in the mortuary preparation of these subadults, rather than representing utilitarian possessions of the decedents. The significance of pestles likewise may be more symbolic than functional.
Children were sometimes associated with sociotechnic artifacts (beads and pendants). Three infants, four children under five years old, two children between six and ten years old, and one adolescent had associated beads or pendants. Of these, all had shell beads except one infant. Haliotis pendants were associated with that infant, plus three children under five, and one child between six and ten. These valuable items will be considered in the discussion of status below. However, it is fair to suppose that children under the age of ten would have these items due to ascribed status, rather than life achievements.
Ideotechnic artifacts were associated with one child under five years old, two between six and ten years old, and one adolescent. The young child (B178) had a charmstone tip and cinnabar on the surface of a small pestle. The older children had
388 associated cinnabar (B135) and a piece of elk antler (B217). The adolescent (B75) had a bird bone tube. The association of subadults with these ritually significant artifact types suggests that their social identities afforded them ceremonial recognition as part of the group. This is an important distinction, as the overall underrepresentation of infants at
SCL-38 suggests that not all young children were interred in the cemetery site.
Specialized mortuary treatment of children also included double burials and associated burning. Of the 15 infants recovered at SCL-38, 11 (73%) were buried with another individual. Thirty-six percent of subadults (n = 10 of 28) were interred in double burials. Only 14 percent of adults and elders were interred with another individual (n =
29 of 204). Additionally, burning was common in funerary practices for infants, with a prevalence of 60 percent (n = 9 of 15), compared to 43 percent for children (n = 12 of
28) and 46 percent of adults and elders (n = 94 of 204).
Because of the small sample size for subadults, the diet of children could not be statistically differentiated from that of adults, although infants displayed evidence of breastfeeding and weaning (discussed in Chapter VIII). The pattern of δ15N enrichment indicated that infants were exclusively breastfed for approximately two years. Weaning foods were introduced around age two, and most children were completely weaned by age three to four years, although children who were sickly may have received different care. Stable isotope values of children between five and ten years old had lower δ15N values than expected for the population (see Chapter VIII), which suggests that they may have consumed less animal protein or lower trophic level foods than older children and adults.
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The artifactual and dietary evidence of childhood at SCL-38 suggests that children were not responsible for production of material goods, but may have participated in some subsistence practices (based on association with chipped stone tools). Further, some children were born to higher social status than others, and some had more elaborate mortuary rituals.
Adulthood and Elders. Once past the childhood years, each individual negotiated the roles and responsibilities associated with adulthood. Of the 204 adults excavated from SCL-38, 59 (29%) were over the age of 41, beyond childbearing years, and may have had different social roles as elders in the community. Comparison of mortuary contexts, artifact presence, artifact abundance, and dietary patterns between adults and elders in this burial population revealed evidence of only a few changes in social roles or recognition with advancing age.
No statistically significant differences were noted in mortuary treatment of elders compared to other adults, except that elders were almost twice as likely to be oriented towards the north (52% of elders, or 31 of 59, compared to 29% of adults, or 42 of 145). The relationship between northerly interment and age class is statistically significant, but the association is weak (Χ2 = 0.14, df = 1, p < .01, V = .22). No significant patterns were noted between adults and elders with other directional orientations or in burial type, burial position, burial posture, or special mortuary preparation (burning, cremation, or rock cairns). Based on these observations, there was no evident change in mortuary ritual for the elders of the community compared to adults who died earlier in life.
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Additionally, differences in presence, quantity, or diversity of artifact associations between adults and elders were insignificant or very weak. Elders over 40 years were almost equally likely to have associated technomic artifacts as adults (36% compared to 38%), and slightly less likely to have sociotechnic artifacts (41% of elders,
54% of adults). Elders also had a lower frequency of ideotechnic objects (14% compared to 23%). However, none of these differences is statistically significant. Both adults and elders had caches of more than one thousand beads (5% of adults, 3% of elders), but there is no statistically significant relationship between age class and bead quantity class. There is a statistically significant relationship between artifact quantity and elder versus adult age class (r = -0.156, F[1, 204], p = .03), but the relationship is so weak that it is essentially meaningless (r2 = .02). A significant but weak relationship also exists between age class and artifact diversity (χ2 = 20.225, df = 9, p = .02, V = .32). Generally, adults were more likely to be associated with diverse assemblages, however the individual with the most diverse assemblage at SCL-38 with ten artifact types was an elder female (B93).
Other than that individual, no elders had more than three associated artifact types.
No significant differences were found between isotope values of adults and
13 15 those of elders (δ CCollagen: t = 1.483, df = 101, p = .14; δ NCollagen: t = 1.115, df = 101,
13 p = .27; δ CApatite: t = 0.819, df = 102, p = .42). These findings, in association with the lack of differentiation in mortuary practice or artifact associations, suggest that if elder status was recognized by this group, there was no associated change in social status, social roles, or patterned modification of diet with advancing age.
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Sex and Gender
In this text, the words male and female refer to biological sex, while man/men, woman/women, or two-spirits refer to gender identities. For an informed discussion of gender roles in the prehistoric past, evidence of distinction must be observed in classes of artifacts, mortuary preparations, spatial organization in the cemetery, or skeletal indicators of activity patterns (e.g., musculoskeletal markers or patterns of osteoarthritis).
With the assumption that the gender identities of most individuals will align with biological sex classifications, material evidence which is primarily associated with one biological sex can be extended to a discussion of individuals who do not match binary categories and may represent third gender (males in altern roles) or fourth gender
(females in altern roles) classifications.
For the purposes of this discussion, it is unfortunate that no distinct patterns of artifact distribution by sex were apparent at SCL-38. While a few unique objects were found with males or with females, any object which occurred more than three times at the site was associated with individuals of both sexes. While males were overrepresented in the central cluster of the cemetery (Cluster 5) and females were overrepresented in other areas (Clusters 1, 3, 4, and 7), all clusters included multiple individuals of both sexes
(Bellifemine 1997). Patterns of osteoarthritis are reported in Jurmain’s (2000) analysis of the skeletal remains; however frequencies are low and patterns by sex are not included in the report. Ultimately, no archaeological markers of gender designations could be observed in this dataset; therefore, discussion of gender is limited to binary sex classifications. Third gender individuals were undoubtedly part of the social milieu as
392 well, (Harrington 1942; Holliman 2005; Willoughby 1963) but cannot be distinguished based on the available evidence from SCL-38.
There were some notable differences in artifact diversity and abundance by sex. Males had larger caches of artifacts, including statistically significant differences in quantity of sociotechnic artifacts (t = 2.835, df = 161, p < .01) and in overall quantity of grave goods, both with and without shell beads (with beads: t = 2.843, df = 161, p < .01; without beads: t = 2.547, df = 161, p = .01). However, differences in quantities of technomic artifacts were not significant (t = 1.058, df = 161, p = .29), nor were differences in quantities of ideotechnic items (t = 0.879, df = 161, p = .38). Of the three classes of artifacts, males were only more likely to have associated ideotechnic objects, and this relationship was very weak (χ2 = 5.259, df = 1, p = .02, V = .18).
Quantities of shell beads in burials were also significantly but weakly related to sex (χ2 = 32.797, df = 18, p = .02, V = .25). Men were twice as likely to have large caches of over one hundred shell beads (29% of males compared to 14% of females).
Only males had shell bead caches of over one thousand beads (n = 9). Accumulation of beads or goods was not associated with advancing age for either sex.
Dietary difference between males and females was significant (see Chapter
VIII) with males showing higher mean values for all measured isotopes. These differences suggest that males consumed a slightly greater proportion of higher trophic level proteins than did females. These differences are also reflected in dental health, particularly in the presence of abscesses. Females had significantly more abscesses than males (χ2 = 23.2, p < .001; Jurmain 2000:23). The pattern of relatively poor dental health in females is consistent with Kolpan’s (2009) observations of Early Period Windmiller
393 populations from the Sacramento Valley and Delta regions and with Bartelink’s (2006) observations of Sacramento Valley and San Francisco Bay populations, particularly during the Middle Period, but also in the Early and Late Periods. Differences in dental health are likely due to dietary variation and possibly related to labor activities, as women may have had more contact with carbohydrates (preparing of acorn mush, seed cakes, gathering of fruits) and been more prone to snacking on these higher-sugar foods (Kolpan
2009).
The observed differences in type and quantity of artifacts have implications for gender identity at SCL-38. The presence of technomic artifacts (utilitarian bone tools, chipped stone, and groundstone) in burials of both sexes implies that labor responsibilities were flexible, or that the items in these burials were donated by mourners rather than reflecting activities of the deceased. Men were not statistically more likely to have associated markers of wealth and prestige, but did have a greater abundance of these items than women. The association of ritual objects with males is significant, but some females also possessed these objects including the elder female with the greatest artifact diversity at the site (Burial 93).
The difference in dietary patterns and dental health between males and females does support ethnohistoric reports of a division of labor, where men were more responsible for hunting game and women were more responsible for gathering plant foods and preparing meals. However, the diversity seen in this assemblage suggests that these gender roles were flexible, and may have been multiple. Both men and women used
(or were given) utilitarian tools without clear sexual divisions by tool type. Both men and women also had associated objects signifying wealth and prestige, but men were entitled
394 to greater quantities of these items. Men were also more likely to have objects associated with the spiritual or ritual realm, but some women also occupied these roles. The absence of burial associated artifacts may also suggest that these objects were inherited rather than buried with the deceased (cf. Binford 1962). If so, the relative lack of goods with females may suggest matrilineal inheritance of wealth objects.
Disabilities
The osteological analysis of the remains from SCL-38 yielded insights into the challenges that some of these individuals faced during life. Of the 248 unique individuals, 24 (10%) exhibited some sort of condition that would have significantly influenced their ability to participate in the same activities as able-bodied members of society. Of these, eight were congenital or developmental conditions, nine were traumatic injuries that resulted in prolonged infections or compromised limb function, six were vertebral lesions suggesting long battles with disease (Wu 1999), and one suffered a perforating cranial injury two years prior to death which probably would have produced severe neurological and behavioral symptoms (according to consultation with Dr. Bruce
Ragsdale, per Jurmain 2000:33). The stable isotope values from the bone collagen of the individuals with disabilities are highlighted in Figure 55.
Dietary patterns of individuals with congenital or developmental conditions were very consistent with the fit line for the whole population, suggesting that these individuals ate the same sorts of foods as everybody else. Burial 227 (the individual with the most negative stable isotope values in this group) was a young adult of indeterminate sex, but possibly female (Morley 1997), with a severe cleft palate. As discussed in
Chapter III, this person was buried with a bullroarer, which may have served as an
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FIGURE 55. Stable isotope values of individuals with disabilities.
innovative communication device. A young adult male (B226) with no associated artifacts was paired with Burial 227 in a double burial. The isotope values of B227 were at the low end of the range of values for the population, and suggest a diet of primarily terrestrial plant foods, such as acorn mush.
The other four individuals in the study with congenital defects exhibited vertebral deformities, including two individuals with spina bifida (Burial 90, a female in her twenties, and Burial 97, a young adult male), one with an unfused dens process on the axis vertebra (Burial 219, a male in his twenties), and one with an asymmetrical articulation between the occipital condyles of the cranium and the first cervical vertebra
396
(Burial 69, a male in his thirties). Of this group, the female has the most negative isotope values, just slightly higher than the individual with the cleft palate.
Three adult males with congenital disabilities were not included in the isotope study. Burial 27 had developmental asymmetry of the left arm. Burial 29 had deformity of the sternum and clavicles. Burial 157 had an occluded external auditory meatus (a developmental defect per Jurmain 2000). Artifact associations with these individuals varied widely (see Table 58). Two individuals in this group had more than one thousand associated shell beads (Burials 97 and 69) and one had more than four hundred beads
(Burial 90). The other five had no beads at all.
All individuals from SCL-38 with traumatic injuries which would have caused disability in life were adults in their thirties or forties. Four males from this group were included in the isotope study. Burials 13 and 151 both experienced projectile point injuries which healed with complications, one resulting in a severe infection
(osteomyelitis) in the right femur, the other involving perforation of the 5th lumbar vertebra with reaction in the inter-vertebral disc space. Burial 148 had a poorly healed fracture of the right tibia, resulting in shortening of the limb. Burial 42 experienced a crushing injury to the left elbow. Radiocarbon and obsidian hydration dates place Burials
13 and 42 in the first phase of the Late Period (740-440 BP). The diet of these males was absolutely typical of males at the site, with no alteration observed due to their mobility challenges. Three males not included in the study exhibited leg fractures causing deformity or severe infection (Burials 16, 24, and 76). Two elder females are also included in this group, one with a crushing injury to the right humerus and scapula
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TABLE 58. Artifact Associations by Disability Type
Disability Burial Age # Artifact Total Type # Sex Group Technomic Artifacts Sociotechnic Artifacts Ideotechnic Artifacts Types Bead qty class artifacts
Congenital 27 M A 0 0 0 39 M A Mortar 1 0 1 69 M A Worked bone tool Olivella shell beads 2 Over 1000 3575 90 F A Olivella shell beads Bone tubes/whistles 2 100-500 461 97 M A Bipointed bone tool Olivella shell beads & Haliotis Bone tubes/whistles, stone pipe, 6 Over 1000 1530 pendants charmstone 157 M A Pestle 1 0 1 219 M A Bone awl Haliotis pendants 2 0 2 227 I A Bullroarer 1 0 1
Traumatic 13 M A Mortar Olivella shell beads & Haliotis Charmstone 4 501-1000 944 pendants 16 M E 0 0 0 24 M E Olivella shell beads 1 1-10 6 42 M E Bone awl & projectile Bone tubes/whistles 3 0 23 point 54 F E Scapula saw Olivella shell beads 2 100-500 168 55 F E Mortar 1 0 1 76 M E Haliotis pendants 1 0 18 148 M A Haliotis pendants Charmstone 2 0 2 161 M E 0 0 0
Chronic illness 6 I A 0 0 0 33 M A Bone tubes/whistles, stone pipe, antler 3 0 28 62 M A Olivella shell beads Bone tubes/whistles 2 1-10 15 107 F E Mano 1 0 2 109 M A 0 0 1 183 F E 0 0 0
Neurological 120 F A Mortar & pestle Olivella shell beads 3 1-10 5 398
(Burial 54), and another with an un-united but healed fracture (synchondrosis) of the left ulna.
Six individuals from SCL-38 (Burials 6, 33, 62, 107, 109, and 183) had lytic lesions on vertebral elements suggesting that they suffered from tuberculosis (either M. bovis or M. tuberculosis) or a fungal infection called coccidiodomycosis (“Valley Fever”)
(Wu 1999). In either case, the formation of vertebral lesions suggests that these individuals had been ill for a long period prior to their deaths. Two females in their thirties or forties are included in the isotope study. One of them, Burial 107, was radiocarbon dated to the first phase of the Late Period. Stable isotope values suggest that these women had been consuming a mix of terrestrial foods and shellfish, but that their diets were low in animal proteins.
The individual identified with a neurological disorder was a female about 19 years old at the time of her death. She had sustained a perforating cranial injury approximately two years prior to her death which would have resulted in severe behavioral and neurological symptoms. The lesion perforated both the inner and outer tables of the left parietal near lambda. It measured approximately 18.3 millimeters in diameter and had well rounded edges (Jurmain 2000). She was buried with a mortar above her, on which were laid the remains of an infant, approximately 1½ years old.
Given the healing of the wound and the age of the infant, it is likely that conception and the injury occurred at the same time or within just a few months. This woman appears to have been well nourished, with δ15N values one permil higher than the mean for females in the population. The infant had been breastfed with no evidence yet for the introduction of weaning foods. The woman also had a pestle and three Olivella beads. The infant had
399 one Olivella bead and an associated chert cortical flake. This pair was dated to 1308-1388
AD (calibrated radiocarbon date).
Overall, individuals with disabilities were slightly more likely to be have associated technomic artifacts (46%, n = 11 of 24) than adults without disabilities (36%, n = 67 of 186). They were almost equally likely to have associated sociotechnic items
(46% of individuals with disabilities, 49% without), and somewhat more likely to have associated ideotechnic artifacts (29% of individuals with disabilities, 19% of those without). None of the differences in artifact distribution are statistically significant, however. Dietary patterns mirror those of the rest of the community, with most variation explained by sex. None of these individuals fall outside the 95 percent confidence level for consumption of the same local diet as their peers. The patterns of artifact associations and isotope values suggest that these people were well regarded and well cared for, but that they did not receive special recognition or status because of their conditions.
Specialization
Specialists emerge in complex social organizations as individuals with achieved skills or inherited prestige entitling them to roles of specialized production of goods or to ritual positions such as dancers, drummers, or shamans. In ranked and particularly hierarchical societies, these roles may exempt individuals from some or all subsistence responsibilities and thereby affect the pattern of dietary provisioning within the group. Additionally, dietary taboos would have been observed by ritual specialists
(Harrington 1942; Jacknis 2004), and may be apparent in stable isotope values. Evidence for craft specialization and ritual specialization at SCL-38 will be considered below, in the context of observed dietary variation.
400
Craft Specialization. Some evidence was found for local craft specialization within the site. Of the 25 individuals with associated bird bone tubes or whistles, nine
(five adult males, one adult female, and three adults of indeterminate sex) had more than five whistles, perhaps more than would have been needed for personal use. These individuals may have had local expertise in production of these objects for dancers or other ritual participants. The largest caches of bird bone whistles were found with males in their twenties or thirties: Burial 33, with 25 whistles, and Burial 182, with 24 whistles.
Also, two elders (Burial 42, male and Burial 103, female) were found with more than five bird bone tubes. The largest cache contained 11 tubes. While these caches of tubes and whistles may exceed the quantity needed for personal use, these assemblages are not so large as to suggest that these individuals would have been relieved of subsistence responsibilities to produce these objects. Of the individuals with bone tubes or whistles included in the isotope study, mean differences in isotope values between those with more than five tubes (n = 7) and those with fewer tubes (n = 7) was less than the standard deviation of values within each group, suggesting that there was no difference in dietary composition between these individuals (see Table 59)
Table 59. Stable Isotope Values for Individuals with Large Caches of Bird Bone Tubes and Whistles
# Bird Bone Collagen δ13C Collagen δ15N Apatite δ13C Tubes or Whistles n Mean ‰ SD Mean ‰ SD n Mean ‰ SD
None 113 -19.02 0.65 8.38 1.39 108 -14.09 0.96 Less than 5 7 -18.73 0.66 8.63 1.71 7 -13.76 0.72 More than 5 7 -19.15 0.59 8.44 0.92 7 -13.73 0.72
401
Some caches of burial-associated worked Olivella shells were identified as type A4 beads, but may have been bead blanks (Alan Leventhal, personal communication, March 13, 2013). Unfortunately, there is insufficient data available at this time to analyze the implications of possible bead blanks at SCL-38 as no beads were identified as blanks in the artifact catalog. Because shell beads served as currency, if bead production was occurring on site, individuals with these items would have held high status. If bead blanks can be identified from the artifact collection curated at San Jose
State University, future tests of stable oxygen isotopes might be able to identify whether these shells were gathered locally, which would support the hypothesis of local production.
Ritual Specialization. Ritual specialists filled traditional roles as dancers, musicians, and shamans. Dance regalia may have included capes, skirts or aprons made of furs, feathers, or grasses, headpieces adorned with feathers, and body paint including cinnabar (Bates 1982; Harrington 1942). Abalone (Haliotis) pendants, particularly those of banjo shape, may have been associated with specific ritual and dance roles of the
Kuksu cult (Bennyhoff 1977). Musicians would have accompanied the dancers, playing bird bone whistles, bone or wooden flutes, rattles (made from cocoons, split sticks, deer hooves, turtle shells, or rattlesnakes), and wooden drums.
If these items were buried with individuals from SCL-38, few preserved. No clothing, featherwork, or furs were recovered. Cinnabar may be the only clue as to the identity of dancers, but this pigment was used for other ritual purposes as well (e.g.,
Munro-Fraser 1881:53). The dietary associations with Haliotis pendants will be discussed in the status section, below. The only musical instruments found were bird bone whistles,
402 associated with 17 burials at the site. Isotope values of individuals with whistles are not significantly different than for those without. The one bullroarer found may have been used as an instrument, but contextually appears to have been a signaling device (see discussion in the disability section, above). No drums or rattles were identified in the archaeological record. Overall, these possible associations with dancing and music do not appear to have a correlation with distinct food choices.
Ritual specialists who served in shamanic roles were tremendously important members of society in prehistoric Central California. Ethnohistoric accounts suggest that shamans were most commonly male, but sometimes were female (Harrington 1942).
Shamans used objects and ritual knowledge to manage and balance power in the world.
They served as ambassadors between the realm of the living and the realms above and below. They also served as ambassadors between tribal groups, and often travelled for diplomatic purposes (Bean and Vane 1992:16). The risk involved with wielding this specialized knowledge would have granted these individuals prestige within the group, and was likely associated with accumulation of wealth (Bean 1992b:31). Shamanic social roles were obtained by being called to service, but often ran in families, particularly families who already had influence and power in the tribe (Bean and Vane 1992). As such, they would have had access to high quality foods, but also were required to observe strict dietary guidelines and taboos (Jacknis 2004:103).
At SCL-38, ideotechnic artifact types (bird bone tubes or whistles, stone pipes, stone spoons, charmstones, “magic” stones, cinnabar, or totemic faunal remains) were associated with only 18 percent of burials. Individuals with these objects were predominately male (n = 26, 26% of males), but nine females (14%), six adults of
403 indeterminate sex (14%), and three subadults (7%) also had these ritually significant items. Of the various ideotechnic artifacts identified at SCL-38, the only objects with distinct dietary associations were charmstones (see Chapter VIII).
Charmstones were power objects, used to control weather, influence hunting or fishing outcomes, and heal the sick (Sharp 2000). Ethnographic reports from the Napa region indicate that they were suspended over streams or
laid upon ledges of rocks on high peaks, with the belief that, owing to their peculiar form and some occult power which they possessed, they traveled in the night through the water to drive the fish up the creeks to favorite fishing places, or through the air to drive the land game up towards certain peaks and favorite hunting grounds. [Yates 1889:304]
The association with fishing provides an interesting suggestion about dietary patterns, which is supported by the isotope evidence for individuals buried with charmstones. A statistically significant difference in δ15N values exists between those with charmstones and those without, with a mean difference of more than one permil when one sample of dubious quality (Burial 134) is trimmed from the group. Based on isotope signatures of foods on the local menu, the enriched δ15N values could well be due to greater consumption of freshwater fish. Additionally, variation of both δ13C and δ15N values in bone collagen is very small for individuals with charmstones (δ13C: mean =18.64, SD =
0.18, δ15N: mean = 9.35, SD = 0.39, trimmed sample), suggesting that these individuals observed the same dietary restrictions.
Status
Along with demographic categories such as social age and gender, status is one of the most commonly examined attributes of social identity in the archaeological record. Special or time-intensive mortuary treatment, abundance of artifact associations,
404 association with costly artifacts (items requiring significant time investment to manufacture or made from rare or exotic materials) or with culturally significant wealth items (such as shell beads) all suggest that some individuals held higher status than others without these associations. At SCL-38, attributes of burial context, artifact associations, and artifact abundance all indicate differential treatment of some individuals during their funerary preparations, which suggests that these individuals held different statuses during life.
Wealth. Measures of wealth, such as presence of sociotechnic artifacts (shell beads or pendants), quantity of shell beads, quantity of artifacts, or artifact diversity all show that wealth was unevenly distributed within this population. These measures of wealth were not correlated with advancing age, indicating that wealth was inherited.
While it might be expected that greater wealth granted access to prestige foods, the correlation between shell bead class and all measured isotope values in this study showed that accumulating shell beads explained only 4 to 6 percent of variation in stable isotope values (r2 values from .04 to .06, see Chapter VIII). Likewise, artifact abundance was correlated with isotope values, but predicted only 4 to 7 percent of variation when shell beads were included in abundance calculations. Without shell beads, the relationship was still very weak (r2 values from .03 to .07).
Artifact diversity is another proxy for wealth in the archaeological record. But the only relationship between artifact diversity and diet was with δ13C values of apatite, and again the relationship was very week (r2 = .07). Wealth at SCL-38 is present and unevenly distributed, but stable isotope analysis does not detect any difference in diet based on these markers of status.
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Prestige. Of the many attributes of mortuary context examined in this study, only burning and spatial organization of the cemetery were correlated with dietary patterns. Mortuary practices involving fire were common at SCL-38, involving 60 percent of all burials where context was recorded (n = 155 of 242). Fire was incorporated into the mortuary ceremony in many ways, including burning of an individual’s possessions or mortuary offerings in the grave prior to interment, burning of these items above the interred body, or burning of the body itself. Thirty-five individuals with associated burning were classified as cremations. Mortuary practices involving burning suggest more elaborate and costly ceremonies, and are expected to be associated with prestigious individuals.
There was no correlation between burning or cremation and the presence of technomic artifacts (burning: χ2 = 3.222, df = 2, p = .20; cremation: χ2 = 2.604, df = 2, p
= .27), or sociotechnic artifacts (burning: χ2 = 0.458, df = 2, p = .80; cremation: χ2 =
3.834, df = 2, p = .15), or ideotechnic artifacts (burning: χ2 = 0.018, df = 2, p = .99; cremation: χ2 = 1.005, df = 2, p = .61). Nor was there any significant relationship between burning or cremation and artifact abundance (burning: t = -0.29, df -= 240, p =
.77; cremation: t = 1.396, df -= 240, p = .16), shell bead class (burning: rs = -0.007, p =
.91; cremation: rs = -0.020, p = .76), or artifact diversity (burning: rs = -0.092, p = .15; cremation: rs = -0.088, p = .17). The use of fire in mortuary practices therefore appears to have been independent of wealth, as measured by these variables, and is predicated on some other aspect of social status. Measured values of stable isotopes are lower on average for individuals with burning than for those without, with a significant difference in δ15N values. This pattern suggests that individuals with associated burning ate lower
406 trophic level foods than those without, concentrating on a diet of terrestrial foods with fewer freshwater fish, shellfish, or other marine resources.
Spatial organization at the cemetery was also significant. Greater concentrations of artifacts, greater incidence of burning, and a greater concentration of adult males were found in the cemetery center (Cluster 5) than in surrounding areas of the site (Bellifemine 1997). As artifact abundance has a neutral relationship with dietary patterns, burning is associated with slightly lower values for all measured isotopes, and males are associated with enriched isotope values, the net effect of these factors is likely to be slightly higher values for all measured isotopes, which is exactly the result of the analysis. While isotope values were significantly more enriched for individuals in Cluster
5, the differences were small, and may be explained by the overrepresentation of males in this cluster.
Moiety Affiliation. One interesting pattern having to do with status and identity is associated with artifacts which might be tied to moiety affiliation. Moieties were clan-like societies within and between communities, which divided ritual responsibilities, animal totems, habitation areas within the villages, and burial areas within cemeteries (Bean 1976). Based on the symbolic systems of the Miwok, moieties divided the world into land and water sides (Kroeber 1925:455). The land side moiety was associated with the bear, the water side with the deer. Other animals associated with the land side include the puma, wildcat, dog, fox, raccoon, tree squirrel, badger, jackrabbit, and birds of prey. On the water side appear antelope, coyote, beaver, otter, waterfowl, fish, and many insect species. Interestingly, Haliotis shell pendants and bead money were attributes of the water side.
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While working with the Yokuts in the 1930s, Anna Gayton found that affiliated totem animals were protected. “The totemic animal was venerated. Under no circumstances did an individual kill his animal, and in the case of its being edible—as bear, dove, or fish, its flesh was never eaten. A person who unwittingly ate of such food would always be nauseated by it” (Gayton 1930:367). From an isotopic point of view, if moiety affiliation shaped food choices, the difference between the high trophic level terrestrial animals affiliated with the land side and eaten by water side people, and the low trophic level terrestrial animals plus fish affiliated with the water side and eaten by land-side people, would be detectable. However, as Levi-Strauss pointed out, “natural species are chosen [as totems] not because they are 'good to eat' but because they are
‘good to think’ ” (Levi-Strauss 1971:89). The relationship between the ancestral Ohlone and totem species is not known, and any culture-historic projection into the past and across territories should be done cautiously and with qualifications.
At SCL-38, individuals with Haliotis pendants did have distinct isotope values from those without these items. The difference was in δ13C values of apatite, which was enriched by an average of .50 permil for those with these items (n = 43 with pendants, 79 without). The interesting aspect of the enriched apatite value is that collagen isotope values are not significantly different between those with and without Haliotis pendants.
Enrichment of only the δ13C values of apatite is also seen in individuals with cinnabar
(n = 3) and with stone pipes (n = 3). Bone pendants and totemic faunal remains (stingray points, antler, claws, or non-human teeth) may have been associated with moiety affiliation, but individuals with these items do not display the same isotopic pattern.
408
15 13 However, both δ N and δ CApatite values were enriched in individuals with associated antlers.
Enrichment of carbon values in apatite would be caused by a non-protein dietary source. One likely resource is seaweed. Kelps and seaweeds were popular snack foods among northern California groups, such as the Pomo (Dubin and Tolley 2008;
Lightfoot and Parrish 2009). Dried seaweed is lightweight, easy to transport, and can be stored for over a year (Dubin and Tolley 2008:29). While kelp may not be a good source of dietary fiber or protein, it contains carbohydrates, many vitamins and minerals, and may even provide some degree of protection against heavy metal poisoning.
Polysaccharides in alginates bind metal ions (MacArtain et al. 2007), which would have been important if mercury from the nearby cinnabar mine at New Almaden leached into the Guadalupe River or other nearby groundwater or drainage systems.
There is some question as to whether the bioavailability of kelp would allow incorporation of marine carbon enough to affect δ13C values in human bone apatite.
13 Ambrose and colleagues (1997) observed enriched δ CApatite without elevation of collagen values in a prehistoric population from the Marianas Islands, which they interpreted to be an indication of the consumption of seaweed or sugar cane; unfortunately, it was not possible to differentiate between those resources. Another study of dietary patterns of Scottish sheep demonstrated a measurable difference in δ13C values of tooth enamel in sheep which had been consuming seaweed, with values more than 6 permil higher than when the same sheep were eating terrestrial resources (Balasse et al.
2006). Further, the association with Haliotis pendants, a species found only in the ocean,
409 suggests that these individuals travelled to the ocean, or were connected by traders, and would have had access to seaweed and kelp.
Social Organization and Power. Reflecting on Binford’s (1971) indications of egalitarian and ranked social organization, the archaeological data from SCL-38 can be applied to interpret social organization at this site. Binford suggested that in egalitarian societies, technomic artifacts would be present with most individuals, and refined forms would reflect achieved status and therefore be associated with older individuals. In ranked societies, fewer technomic artifacts would be associated with individuals of higher status and esoteric forms of these artifacts would be present. At SCL-38, technomic artifacts were present with only one-third of individuals (n = 85, 33%). Refined forms were present, particularly in the groundstone assemblage, but some of these objects were associated with children who would have been unlikely to achieve such status so early in life (e.g., Burial 137, a two- to three-year-old child with a flower-pot mortar). At SCL-38, individuals with large bead caches often had technomic artifacts as well (see Figure 56); however, individuals with more than 1,000 beads had no more than two technomic artifacts, while those with fewer beads had up to 12. The technomic artifact evidence supports an interpretation of ranked status at SCL-38.
Regarding sociotechnic artifacts, Binford (1971) predicted that distribution of these prestigious symbols in egalitarian societies would vary with age and demographic categories, and in ranked societies variation would be more complex with some forms limited to individuals of certain status positions. At SCL-38, beads were found with individuals of all age classes. However children never had more than 400 beads, whereas adults had up to 4,091 (Burial 166, an adult male). The distribution of wealth items
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FIGURE 56. Relationship between technomic artifact presence and bead lot size.
suggests both inherited and achieved wealth. In terms of social organization, this implies ranked, but not hierarchical or strictly class-based social organization.
Binford predicted that variation in mortuary context, including grave goods, orientation, and spatial distribution, would cross-cut age and sex categories in ranked societies. At SCL-38, there were few significant patterns of grave goods associations based on demographic categories, and no observed associations with orientation. Spatial distribution of burials does appear to be patterned, emphasizing certain demographic groups in each sector, but never to the exclusion of all other age and sex categories. The
411 concentration of artifacts and associated burning in mortuary practices for individuals in the central cluster supports Binford’s measure for ranked society in this regard.
Finally, Binford predicts that in egalitarian societies an individual’s possessions symbolizing status will be destroyed at death or buried with the decedent, but in ranked societies these objects will be inherited. At SCL-38, there were several instances of “killed” mortars, pestles, or charmstones, which would support Binford’s prediction for egalitarian societies, but it is impossible to know which objects were inherited instead of being buried or destroyed. For this estimation, it cannot be known whether absence of evidence is evidence of absence. Further, according to Binford’s logic, the presence of “killed” artifacts would suggest egalitarian social organization, but this practice has been associated with prestige in several hierarchical or ranked societies, such as the Wari of Peru (Tung 2012).
The framework provided by Eric Wolf (1999) outlines four modalities of power which were each exercised in the social organization of prehistoric Central
California in some way. Personal power of individuals to compel or physically overpower others is always an attribute of human populations, based on physical and cognitive variation. The use of social power may be inferred by the presence of moiety groups, social organizations which balanced ritual, spiritual, and subsistence responsibilities. The networks formed by exogamous marriage across moieties created and maintained relationships across distance which could be leveraged for trade or political negotiations. Central California moieties appear to have been similar to the numayma of the Kwakiutl of British Columbia, which were internally stratified multi- house social units including extended families built from exogamous marriages (Wolf
412
1999). Variation in wealth within spatial units at the SCL-38 cemetery supports the internal stratification of social units within the community.
Those with positions of authority would have been able to rely on cross- regional networks of influence in the exercise of tactical and organizational power.
Organizational power may be apparent with evidence of feasting ceremonies, particularly if they involve redistribution of accumulated resources. At SCL-38, the midden deposit and lack of other evidence of habitation (e.g., house floors, cooking features), may suggest that feasting took place at this site. Annual mortuary feasts are recorded for the northern Costanoan in Harrington (1942). A similar interpretation of site use was made for the Ryan Mound (ALA-329), a nearby contemporaneous site (Leventhal 1993).
Further, the presence of individuals with embedded projectile points suggests that battles took place, which would imply the exercise of tactical power.
The chiefdom system of the Kwakiutl is described as, “an arrangement that could sustain an order of social stratification, not through decisive force concentrated in the institutions of a superordinate state but through a mix of material, organizational, and ideational features and sanctions” (Wolf 1999:123-124). The same could be said for the organizational system of the ancestral Ohlone, and in this regard, a moderate degree of structural power is present there as well. Structural power refers to the control of resources, energy and labor. There is no evidence of stratification involving control of labor classes in Central California, as there is for the Chumash of the Santa Barbara
Channel (Arnold 1987, 1992) or the tribes of the Northwest Coast (Matson and Coupland
2009). The political organization of Central California does not appear to have been hierarchical, but chiefs nevertheless exercised power over local resources. Some evidence
413 of this can be found in limited access to some resources based on territorial circumscription, to be addressed in the population affinity discussion, below.
In conclusion, the assemblage at SCL-38 includes most of Binford’s (1971) indicators for ranked social organization. The uneven distribution of artifact types and quantities, cross-cutting demographic categories of age and sex, suggests inherited wealth as well as opportunity for achievement later in life. Dietary patterns do not correlate well with markers of wealth in this society, but do correlate with other status markers such as
Haliotis pendants, possibly a symbol of moiety affiliation. Prestige is not necessarily related to wealth, as elaborate mortuary treatments are observed for individuals with wide-ranging artifact associations. Power was certainly exercised, but archaeological correlates are vague.
Population Affinity
The last aspect of social identity to be addressed in this study is population affinity—the observable differences between members of the local population and individuals who were buried at the Yukisma Mound but lived their lives elsewhere.
Differences in population affinity may be observed in the archaeological record as distinct features of skeletal biology, non-traditional mortuary practice, unusual grave goods, or differences in dietary patterns. Since the present study focuses on dietary patterns, these will be considered first.
The mosaic landscape of Central California provided a very diverse menu of food choices, but also made access to specific resources easier from some sites than from others. Regional differences in stable isotope values of human bone tissues were closely correlated to local environments, such that populations on the coast or bayshore generally
414 consumed more marine resources than those in the valleys. Additionally, population pressure and competition for resources may have led to territorial circumscription, further limiting access to more distant resources. The result was a diverse pattern of food consumption within the San Francisco Bay Area (see Figure 38), in which the distinct dietary pattern of individuals from each site manifested as different stable isotope mean values and ranges of variation.
Individuals buried at the Yukisma Mound consumed few marine resources,
13 and showed a modest range of variation in stable isotope values (δ CCollagen: mean= -
15 13 19.01‰, SD 0.64, n = 127; δ Ncollagen: mean= 8.40‰, SD 1.38, n = 127; δ Capatite: mean= -14.05‰, SD 0.93, n = 122). The collagen δ13C and δ15N values of adults from
SCL-38 were found to co-vary, such that δ13C values explained 57 percent of variability in δ15N values for adults (r = 0.752; r2 = 0.565; p < .001, n = 103), and graphed results were patterned along a fit line (see Figure 40). When stable isotope results from this site were plotted, the values for four adult males (Burials 141, 142, 143, and 144) were anomalous, with slightly enriched δ13C values and depleted δ15N values relative to the fit line for the population. When these four individuals were trimmed from the adult population, the strength of correlation between δ13C values and δ15N values improved to
77 percent (r = 0.876; r2 = 0.767; p < .001, n = 99). The four males had stable isotope values very similar to one another, but distinct from the rest of the local population.
Additional dietary evidence for population affinity was observed when a regression was run to predict δ15N values for SCL-38 adults, based on observed δ13C values (see Figure 42). Residual values, measuring the difference between predicted and observed δ15N values, were standardized by dividing them by the standard error.
415
Standardized residual scores for these four individuals fell more than three units below the rest of the population (values ranging from -3.272 for B141 to -3.746 for B142), placing them outside of the 99 percent confidence range for a locally derived diet. The difference in the diet of these four men is strong evidence that they had not been eating from the same menu as others from the site over the past ten years or so, and were unlikely to have been part of the local population.
Stable isotope values of sulfur distinguish geological differences in soils, which are passed along through plants to consumers without fractionation (Nehlich 2010;
Richards et al. 2001, 2003). From SCL-38, δ34S values have been obtained for 11 adult males, one rabbit and one bear. Two of the males with unusual dietary signatures were included in this sample. Values for B141 (δ34S = 3.03‰) and B143 (δ34S = 3.93‰) are the highest seen at SCL-38 (see Figure 54). A strong linear relationship between δ13C values and δ34S values is observed, and is actually stronger when including these individuals (p < .001, r = .972, r2 = .94) than when they are excluded (p < .001, r = .963, r2 = .93). However, there is no relationship between δ15N and δ34S values unless they are trimmed (with: p = .96; without: p = .02, r = .737, r2 = .54). Similar δ34S values have been observed for two individuals at the Ryan Mound, CA-ALA-329 on the eastern
Bayshore, and one individual from the Blossom Mound, CA-SJO-68 in the Sacramento
Valley (unpublished data courtesy of Eric Bartelink and Benjamin Fuller). However, the combination of δ13C, δ15N, and δ34S values is unprecedented in Central California isotope research. These individuals were either from a different (untested) region or were eating a radically different diet than others at the Yukisma Mound.
416
Further clues to the social identity of these individuals, as perceived by people from the Yukisma Mound, are found in their mortuary context. The four young men were buried together in one grave in progressively disorganized poses with no evidence of ceremony (see Figure 57). The grave was located within Cluster 4, an area in the south central portion of the cemetery with an overrepresentation of infants (n = 6, 67%) and of females (n = 13, 20%), and an intermediate diversity and density of grave goods relative to other spatial clusters at the site (Bellifemine 1997).
FIGURE 57. Excavation photo of B141, B142, B143, and B144 from CA-SCL-38. (Courtesy of Ohlone Families Consulting Services, used with permission of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribal Council).
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Burial 141 was the first in the grave, placed on his side in the traditional flexed position. He was between 21 and 30 years old and had two small pieces of faunal bone and six Cerithidea (horn snail) shells, but no other grave goods. Potential evidence of healed trauma included exostoses on the lateral aspect of the distal left femur and dorso-medial aspect of the proximal right femur, consistent with myositis ossificans
(possible muscle pulls, Jurmain 2000:140).
Burial 142 was the third in the grave, extended ventrally on top of Burial 143.
He was between 15 and 18 years old and had 36 pieces of faunal bone and 60 associated
Cerithidea shells, but no other grave goods. He had a small lytic lesion (7.0 x 4.1 mm) at the distal end of his right femur and an embedded projectile point fragment (7.9 x 4.8 mm) in the lateral margin of his distal left femur with no evidence of remodeling
(Jurmain 2000:138, 146).
Burial 143 was the second in the grave, extended dorsally. He was between 21 and 30 years old and had no grave goods. A small obsidian fragment was embedded in his rib (left side, rib 8, 9, or 10), with no evidence of remodeling (Jurmain 2000:138).
Burial 144 was the last in the grave, splayed dorsally. He was between 18 and
27 years old and had three bird bone tubes, an obsidian flake, and an associated obsidian projectile point. Radiocarbon dating of charcoal associated with Burial 144 yielded a corrected date of 245 +/- 50 cal. B.P. (WSU-4878), the most recent date obtained for the
CA-SCL-38 assemblage. A note in the osteological report states, “R. elbow, distal humerus and proximal ulna, medial aspect, narrow indentations; possible cut marks?”
(Jurmain 2000:138). However, following close examination, Jurmain determined that the
418 indentations were more likely caused by post-mortem damage (Robert Jurmain, personal communication, April 4, 2012).
Still, this observation is intriguing, as similar burial contexts at other Central
California sites have involved trophy taking. Trophy victims in this region were most likely to have missing or displaced forearm bones and cutmarks on the distal humerus.
They are more likely to be interred in multiple burials, to be positioned ventrally and/or haphazardly, to be young adult males, and to display evidence of other peri-mortem trauma (Andrushko et al. 2005, 2010; Bellifemine 2007; Musladin et al. 1996). In Central
California, trophy taking is most commonly seen at South Bay sites, with decreasing frequency after 700 A.D. (Bartelink et al. in press).
A final addition to the mystery of identity of these four males comes from
DNA research of Cara Monroe (Monroe et al. 2013). As part of her genetic studies of the
SCL-38 population, she found that the mtDNA haplogroups for these four individuals were consistent with those found in local populations. Burials 141 and 143 were haplogroup A, a rare but not uncommon type in Central California. Burial 142 was haplogroup D, a common type throughout the region. But Burial 144 was found to be a rather unique variant of haplogroup C, found only in the San Francisco Bay Area.
Because mitochondrial DNA is maternally inherited, these results suggest that the mothers of these men were from the San Francisco Bay Area, and perhaps married exogamously into other regions. The men may have been returning to visit cousins, to fight a common enemy, or for trade negotiations. “Moiety exogamy was associated with ritual reciprocity, and consequently moieties served to define potential marriage alliances as well as religious, economic, and sometimes military alliances” (Bean 1976:105).
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Summary: Social Identity and Diet
As a result of this investigation, archaeological indicators of social identity were identified for social age, gender, disability, specialization, status, and population affinity. However, dietary differences were only noted in a few of these categories.
Infants and children had fewer artifact associations than adults, especially technomic items. However, even infants had sociotechnic objects, suggesting ascribed status. Evidence of breastfeeding and weaning was observed in infant diets. Children also appear to have had slightly different diets than adults. Infants and children were more likely than adults to be interred in double burials and to have funerary rituals including fire. No changes in mortuary context, artifact associations, or dietary patterns were observed for elder adults.
Few distinctions could be made based on evidence of gender or disability.
Males had slightly different diets than females. The slight enrichment of all stable isotope values in males is consistent with a division of labor, although no artifact types at this site are exclusively associated with either sex. Although 24 adults from the SCL-38 assemblage were observed to have congenital or pathological conditions which would have impaired their ability to participate in subsistence and other life activities, there was no observed difference in mortuary context, artifact associations, or dietary patterns in these individuals compared to others at the site.
Possible evidence of craft specialization at a local scale was noted, but there were no dietary implications. Ritual specialists buried with charmstones appeared to follow a particular dietary regime, supporting ethnohistoric reports of dietary taboos for shamans.
420
There were many indications of wealth at the site, including differences in shell bead cache size, artifact abundance, and artifact diversity. These differences cross- cut demographic categories of age and sex, but did not have identifiable correlations with mortuary contexts or dietary patterns. Mortuary preparations involving burning were not correlated with markers of wealth although the use of fire indicates a more costly funerary ritual and was likely a sign of prestige. Dietary patterns of those with associated mortuary burning included slightly lower δ15N values than others at the site, suggesting lesser consumption of marine foods or other high trophic-level proteins. Individuals with
Haliotis pendants, which may be associated with moiety affiliations, appear to have had a different balance of non-protein resources in their diets than others at the site which might be explained by consumption of seaweed and kelp. Overall, the indicators of social status at SCL-38 supported Binford’s (1971) criteria for ranked social organization.
The dietary pattern at SCL-38 was distinct from those observed through stable isotope analysis at other sites around the San Francisco Bay, the Sacramento-San Joaquin
Delta, the Sacramento Valley, and the Central California coast. Dietary variation seen at the site is patterned such that individuals who had not been eating from the local menu had isotope values which fell outside the expected range for the population. Population affinity can be inferred from similarity of mortuary context and dietary patterns with others at the site. The stable δ13C, δ15N, and δ34S values of four adult males interred together in an unusual burial context mark them as outsiders. Their burial within the cemetery is mysterious.
CHAPTER X
CONCLUSION: FOODWAYS OF THE
ANCESTRAL OHLONE AT
CA-SCL-38
Introduction
A review of archaeological records, reconstruction of the early environment of the Santa Clara Valley, examination of faunal, botanical, and artifactual evidence, a bioarchaeological review, and new data from stable isotope analysis from the Yukisma
Mound have supported the hypothesis that the social environment of the ancestral Ohlone was diverse, ranked, and included room for individual variation in identity construction.
The synthesis of this information reveals new evidence about how effectively these people met their nutritional requirements, about which foods would have been on the menu in the prehistoric past, and about the diets they constructed from the available menu. Each of these aspects of paleodiet, based on definitions from Reitz and Wing
(2008:251), will be considered in this concluding chapter. The discussion will also address the matter of cuisine, including the preparation, style of cooking, and social rules about distribution of foods apparent from the available data. Dietary patterns associated with social roles will be reviewed, concluding with a new exploration of prestige foods.
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Nutrition, Menu, Diet, and Cuisine
Nutrition
All humans require a balance of proteins, carbohydrates, fats, vitamins and minerals to maintain body tissues and stay healthy and active. The additional requirements of growth, development and reproduction increase the body’s demand for nutrients, and intensify the consequences of nutritional deficiency. As broad-spectrum omnivores, humans are faced with the challenge of sourcing foods which fill these requirements. Indeed, Kroeber commented that California Indians “are perhaps the most omnivorous group of tribes on the continent” (Kroeber 1925:523). Humans live with the
“omnivore’s paradox” (Fischler 1988; Rozin 1976; later dubbed the “omnivore’s dilemma” by Pollan 2006), because we have a physiological system that gives us the flexibility to eat a wide variety of foods but at the same time requires multiple resources to meet nutritional needs. Our freedom to choose from a plethora of food products is also our danger. Culinary innovation in a changing environment may result in discovery of new cuisine, or may have dire consequences. “Omnivores, such as…humans, faced with an enormous number of potential foods, must choose wisely. (Nutritional balance)…must by necessity come from incorporation of appropriate nutrients in the environment and, hence, behavior” (Rozin 1976:23). With the support of our social and economic networks, humans develop local cuisines to meet nutritional requirements.
Measures of nutrition for the present study come from the review of bioarchaeological data (Jurmain 2000), discussed in Chapter VI. Among the 248 unique individuals from SCL-38, only one was noted to have osteological evidence of a nutritional deficiency. This individual (Burial 102), an adolescent between the ages of 9
423 and 13, had healed lesions in one eye orbit, characteristic of cribra orbitalia. This condition was most likely caused by megaloblastic anemia in very early childhood due to vitamin B12 deficiency (Walker et al. 2009). The most common cause of vitamin B12 deficiency is low consumption of animal products including meat, shellfish, fish, or eggs.
However this condition can also be related to traumatic injury or caused by subperiosteal inflammation due to deficiencies of vitamin C or vitamin D. This individual, unfortunately, was not included in the present stable isotope analysis.
Other than B102, all individuals at SCL-38 appear to have had a nutritionally complete diet. With such low incidence of skeletal markers for dietary stress, it appears that the ancestral Ohlone were experts in choosing foods to satisfy their nutritional requirements. The value of their experience is highlighted by the plight of Spanish explorers, who suffered dreadfully from scurvy and malnutrition while traveling through this land in the 18th century (Stanger and Brown 1969). Their successors brought domesticated crops and animal species along when establishing the California Missions, presidios and pueblos, to buffer their unfamiliarity with the local resources.
The Menu
The ancestral Ohlone lived in a diverse environment, amidst the tidal flats and marshlands of the Baylands, the wet meadows of the Bottomlands, riparian corridors dotted with groves of willow and sycamore, and expanses of valley oak savanna and dry grasslands. These habitats were bordered by the Bay to the north, the foothill chaparral of the bedrock hills to the east, and the mixed hardwood forest of the coastal mountains to the west. Together, these habitats were a rich source of food options.
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Botanical studies at four Santa Clara Valley archaeological sites (including
SCL-38) have identified remains of least 65 species of native plants and 16 species of native trees (see Table 26). Eight of these trees produced edible nuts (hazelnuts, three types of acorns, walnuts, pine nuts, buckeye nuts, and nuts from the California bay).
Junipers produced edible berries. Of the identified plant species, 24 produced edible seeds, including sunflowers, wild mustard, goosefoot, wild cucumber, several species of grasses, and wild buckwheat. Twelve identified native species produced edible greens, including tarweed, peppergrass, saltbush, goosefoot, clover, Miner’s lettuce, and dock.
Native elderberries, manzanita berries, toyon berries and blackberries provided tasty fruits. Edible pollen was available from cattails. Identified remains of edible geophytes included wild celery root, brodiaea bulbs, and cattail roots. The use of additional plant species is suggested by ethnohistoric accounts, which report local consumption of amole, which was likely soaproot, and chuchupate, which was likely wild parsnip or balsam root
(Brown 2011).
At the same four Santa Clara valley sites, diverse faunal assemblages have been studied. Identified taxa include 9 species of fish, 5 species of reptiles or amphibians,
19 species of birds, and 31 species of mammals (see Table 28). Of these, 14 land mammals, 2 sea mammals, 8 types of waterfowl, and 2 other birds were identified in the
SCL-38 assemblage (see Table 27). The menu of terrestrial fauna included artiodactyls
(Tule elk, black-tailed deer, and pronghorn), lagomorphs (jackrabbits and cottontails), canids (dogs, wolves, and coyotes), bears (grizzly and black bears), rodents (gophers, rats, mice, squirrels, and moles), other terrestrial mammals (foxes, raccoons, skunks, and weasels), and wild cats (bobcats and mountain lions). Marine fauna were rare in Santa
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Clara Valley assemblages, but remains of sea otters and one California sea lion were identified at SCL-38. A few fish bones were present at SCL-38 but have not been identified to species. Fish identified at nearby sites include Sacramento suckers, Pacific herring, Pacific sardines, hitches, minnows, splittails, steelheads, rockfish, and sharks.
Local assemblages have also revealed remains of frogs, Pacific pond turtles, and snakes which may have been part of the menu. Santa Clara Valley bird remains included land birds, such as quail, waterfowl (such as ducks, geese, cranes, herons, egrets, loons, pelicans and cormorants), and birds which may have had ceremonial significance (hawks, eagles, northern flickers, crows, and owls). Finally, several species of shellfish have been identified at these four sites, including 10 bivalves (clams, cockles, mussels, oysters, and scallops), 2 crustaceans (barnacles and crabs), sea urchins, and 10 species of gastropods (including abalones, limpets, and snail species). Of these, six species were identified at SCL-38 (see Table 29).
A few other important resources would have been available, but are not preserved in the archaeological record. Insects such as grasshoppers, army worms
(Noctuidae moth larvae), and caterpillars would have been seasonally abundant.
Ethnohistoric reports suggest that these protein-packed resources were roasted and eaten by California Indians, and Harrington (1942) confirmed that grasshoppers were eaten by the northern Costanoan. Additionally, yellow-jacket larvae were a considered a delicacy
(Harrington 1942; Lightfoot and Parrish 2009). Another resource that was exploited by many Native Californian groups is seaweed. Seaweed could be dried and stored, and provided a good source of salt, micronutrients, fiber, and carbohydrates.
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The diversity of the Santa Clara Valley menu would have provided many options for foods, but not all choices were pursued in equal measure. Factors of resource availability due to seasonality, possible resource depression, or territorial circumscription would limit options. Additionally, social and symbolic significance of food classifications would influence which food choices were considered to be safe and contextually appropriate. Dietary patterns were shaped by the choices of foods consumed from the available menu.
Diet
Dietary patterns at SCL-38 are revealed through stable isotope analysis of human bone tissues as well as indirect sources of evidence such as faunal and botanical identification (see Chapter V). While stable isotope analysis is an excellent tool for detecting general dietary patterns of populations and dietary variation at an individual level, this method does not identify specific food resources on the Central Californian menu. The isotopic signature of terrestrial plants is fairly distinct from other resource types, having the lowest δ13C and δ15N values on the menu. However, within the broad assortment of nuts, grass seeds, geophytes, greens, and fruits on the local menu, there is no meaningful difference in isotopic values passed along to consumers.
The dietary signatures of terrestrial mammals and insects will all produce similar δ13C values in the tissues of consumers, but δ15N values will vary based on trophic level. Accordingly, the artiodactyls (elk, deer, and pronghorns) and the rabbits will be isotopically indistinguishable as terrestrial herbivores, with δ15N values approximately three permil higher than terrestrial plant foods. Canids, bears, foxes, raccoons, and skunks would have δ15N values enriched approximately three permil over
427 the herbivores. The carnivorous wild cats would have the highest δ15N values of this group. Sea mammals would have enriched δ13C values and very high δ15N dietary signatures relative to terrestrial mammals. Caterpillars and army worms would have δ15N values similar to terrestrial herbivores; grasshoppers and yellow-jacket larvae would have slightly enriched δ15N values, similar to other omnivores.
Waterfowl remains at the site suggest that they were part of the local diet
Results of stable isotope analysis of two geese and one duck from SCL-38 indicated that waterfowl would produce a dietary signature with δ13C values ranging from -20.73 to
-15.86 permil (values adjusted by +5‰ for fractionation), and δ15N values ranging from
7.00 to 10.78 permil (values adjusted by +3‰ for fractionation), similar to the dietary signatures of freshwater fish or bay shellfish, but lower than the signature for marine fish
(see Figure 37). These dietary signatures are very consistent with the range of values seen in the human population from SCL-38.
As for aquatic species, marine fish would have enriched δ13C values and δ15N values. Anadromous fish, such as salmon, would have the same dietary signatures as marine species. Freshwater fish have variable dietary signatures, depending on local geology and nitrogenous waste accumulation in lakes; however, the general expectation is for relatively terrestrial low δ13C values and somewhat enriched δ15N values. The isotopic signature of shellfish vary based on the source environment (marine, bay, or freshwater), but δ13C and δ15N values would typically be higher than terrestrial resources
(see Figure 30). Generally, consumption of shellfish on the San Francisco Bayshore produced an intermediate signature between terrestrial and marine resources (see Figure
37). Seaweed could potentially produce a distinct isotopic signature, as it is a source of
428 dietary carbohydrates with enriched (marine) δ13C values which could affect δ13C in bone apatite of consumers, with little available protein to enrich δ13C values in bone collagen.
A recent study of giant kelp off the Big Sur coast found that modern δ13C values varied seasonally between -25 and -13 permil (Foley and Koch 2010).
The individuals buried at SCL-38 clearly had a diverse menu of foods to choose from, and likely consumed all of these resources in some combination during their lives. The composition of bone in adult humans is built from nutrients consumed during the most recent ten years of life or so, and would reflect a bulk average of isotopic signatures of each person’s diet. Growing children have a faster turnover of bone tissue, and their isotope values would reflect diet over a shorter period of time.
With population mean stable isotope δ13C values of -19.01, δ15N values of
13 8.40 permil, and δ CApatite values of -14.07 permil, the diet of individuals from SCL-38 generally focused on terrestrial plants and animals with some enrichment of δ15N values due to consumption of shellfish, freshwater fish, and waterfowl. The dietary pattern for the population is also very consistent with consumption of insects. Marine mammals were not a major part of the diet, but may have been consumed on occasion. Remains of marine mammals found at SCL-38 may have been rare foods or perhaps present for non- alimentary reasons, such as harvesting of sea otter pelts, or as souvenir or ritual objects
(only a small portion of sea lion bone was identified weighing 7.5 grams). People buried at the Yukisma Mound consumed less marine fish than populations who lived along the eastern and northern shores of San Francisco Bay, and significantly less than populations on the coast (see Table 48).
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Dietary patterns of individuals at the Yukisma Mound also shifted through time, with slightly lower δ15N values in the second phase of the Late Period (560-230 BP) than in the first phase (740-440 BP). No significant shift in δ13C values from either collagen or apatite was observed between these periods. Together, these data suggest that there was no significant change in reliance on marine foods between periods, but there was a reduction in use of freshwater fish, waterfowl, or higher trophic level terrestrial mammals during later years.
Cuisine
Food traditions and social practices transform dietary resources into cuisine.
Modes of food preparation, presentation, and distribution are all mediated by socially constructed guidelines. At SCL-38, few distinctions in food distribution were apparent.
Diet of infants reflected an enriched source of δ15N which would have been supplied by breastfeeding. Children between the ages of 5 and 10 years old had somewhat depleted
δ15N values suggesting that they consumed lower trophic level foods or less animal protein than adults. Males had slightly enriched values for all measured isotopes, compared to females.
Correlation of dietary patterns with demographic categories suggests that food was distributed along egalitarian lines. However, differentiation in wealth and mortuary context at SCL-38 was consistent with ranked social organization. The bridge between these apparently conflicting lines of evidence lies in the nature of prestige foods in the prehistoric past of Central California.
Prestige Foods. Prestige foods are an expected category in any cuisine (Jelliffe
1967). These foods are reserved for high status individuals and served on important
430 occasions. Yet, stable isotope analysis did not reveal distinct dietary trends for individuals at SCL-38 with markers of wealth, as measured in presence of shell beads or pendants, quantity of shell beads, total artifact quantity or overall artifact diversity. Either everyone at SCL-38 had access to the same foods, with some minor distinction by sex and age, or the prestige foods consumed are invisible based on the methods of this study.
Certainly, there are nuances of cuisine which cannot be parsed using stable isotope analysis.
Faunal analysis provides some clues about food priorities in the past. Theory from human behavioral ecology suggests that larger animals (such as elk or deer) are always preferred when available, even when smaller animals (such as rabbits) are locally abundant (Bayham 1979; Broughton 1994). These species would be isotopically the same, but may have had very different social significance as part of cuisine. Deer were an important symbolic entity for Central California Indians, as expressed in the totems of moieties (Kroeber 1925). Also, prohibitions against sex before deer hunts were reported to Harrington (1942), suggesting that a degree of personal sacrifice and purification were required to obtain this esteemed prey.
Analysis of butchering patterns and element representation of faunal remains also provides clues about consumption patterns. Much of the faunal collection from SCL-
38 was identified to species, but further analysis about use patterns has yet to be done.
However, work by Simons at with the Tamien Station (SCL-690) faunal collection provides insight about consumption of rodent species. Simons suggests that rodents found in the midden were invasive, and not part of cuisine, because no cutmarks or other indications of food processing (e.g., crushing, charring) were identified on their bones
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(Dwight Simons, personal communication, March 1, 2012). This is a useful distinction, as Harrington (1942) reported that the northern Costanoan burned wood rat nests and smoked out ground squirrel holes to hunt these resources. This may have been a case of local variation in practice, or may represent the difference between traditional cuisine in prehistoric times, and the cuisine of oppression after the arrival of the Spanish. Times of desperation would call for use of less desirable, lower-prestige foods, which may be among those reported in remembered accounts of traditional food use.
Another clue to prestige foods may come in the form of short-term food avoidances observed by the ancestral Ohlone. Austerity diets which are adopted in times of spiritual risk or as sacrifice to obtain a desired goal require avoidance of valued foods.
Austerities “are thought to work either directly by increasing one’s spiritual and physical power or indirectly by impressing the gods and almost obliging them to grant their favours” (Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi 1975:405). Harrington (1942) reported that northern
Costanoan girls had to avoid fresh meat, fish, and fat during puberty, all meat and fish during menses, and all meat and salt for one month after giving birth. Jacknis (2004) drew upon several ethnohistoric accounts in his review of California Indian food avoidances. He found nearly ubiquitous taboos against consumption of meat, fat, salt, and sometimes fish, associated with “liminal moments, passage between one social state and another, when a person was thought to be especially powerful and especially at risk to themselves and others” (Jacknis 2004:92). These avoidances were most commonly observed by women during puberty, menstruation, pregnancy, nursing, or mourning, but men often had to observe the same prohibitions as their wives to ensure successful hunts.
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Sympathetic magic was often invoked as an emic explanatory device; for example, a Pomo account reported that if a pregnant woman ate fish, the fish would drink up all the liquid inside of her (Loeb 1926:249). However, the larger social value of foods must have influenced austerity avoidances during liminal times. Regarding avoidance of salt during mourning periods in India, the following observation was made:
Abstention from salt in its quality of a desirable item means a sacrifice, appropriate during periods of penitence like mourning. On such occasions, salt may be forbidden together with other good things of life such as abundant food, delicacies, alcohol, and sex. A dietary sacrifice would also be appropriate prior to or during important enterprises like war or the vision quest. [Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi 1978:413]
If sacrifice is associated with desirable items, periodic avoidance of fresh meat, fish, salt, and fat or grease is an indication that these foods were considered luxurious.
Generally, short-term food avoidances would have no apparent effect on stable isotope values in bone tissues, as the dietary signature of all foods consumed during bone formation would be represented as a bulk average. However, if menstrual food avoidances lasted ten days per month, as was reported for the Yurok and Tolowa
(Jacknis 2004), it seems possible that the bulk average isotope values from protein consumption might be depleted. This is a facet of variation between male and female dietary patterns that merits further investigation.
Given the information obtained from faunal studies and inferred from food avoidances, high prestige foods included meats, particularly large animals such as elk or deer. Luxury items included salt and animal fat or grease. Fish may have also been a highly valued food, although the stable isotope values of individuals from wealthy and/or prestigious burials did not reveal increased consumption of fish. Rodents, such as wood rats or ground squirrels, may have been considered low-ranked food items, consumed
433 only when territorial infringement and environmental change were introduced by immigrants from Spain, Mexico, and the Eastern United States.
Food Preparation. Past techniques for transforming food resources into tasty cuisine are best observed through ethnohistoric and artifactual clues. The accounts of early European explorers described prepared foods eaten and shared by Indian groups in
Central California. During the 1769 expedition, Juan Crespí and his men were offered cakes made from black seeds, acorns, and fruits as well as acorn mush and mussels
(Crespí 2001). Similar foods were offered to a group led by Captain Pedro Fages in 1772
(Stanger and Brown 1969) and to the crew of the ship San Carlos in 1775, the latter also commenting on gifts of game including deer, elk and waterfowl (Santa María 1999).
Another overland expedition in 1776, chronicled by Pedro Font, noted the popularity of geophytes, including amole, cacomites, and chuchupate (likely soaproot, brodiaea bulbs, and wild parsnip roots) each roasted on some sort of string (Brown 2011).
Artifacts associated with food preparation at SCL-38 include groundstone mortars and pestles. These items, discussed in Chapter V, would be useful for pounding acorns or other nuts, grinding seeds, crushing herbs, or tenderizing small animals. No cooking features were identified at SCL-38, with the exception of vitrified clay. As temperatures of at least 1,200°C are required to transform Santa Clara Valley clay to this state, these features are much more likely to be related to mortuary practices than to food preparation (Parsons and Leventhal 1981). The absence of hearths or earth ovens at SCL-
38 may indicate that food for mortuary rituals held there was prepared off site, that these features existed in unexcavated areas of the site, or that the features were destroyed by historic activities near the site, prior to the 1993 to 1994 excavations. Information from
434 other sites as well as ethnohistoric data suggest that food preparation techniques included roasting and baking in earth ovens, boiling or stewing in baskets with heated rocks or clay balls, and sun drying or smoking of meats, fish and seaweeds (Jacknis 2004).
Distribution of Foods. Finally, there is the question of differential distribution of food resources. Stable isotope analysis detected variation in dietary patterns associated with age, with sex, with ritual specialization, with moiety affiliation, and with prestigious mortuary rituals. Food distribution within family units appears to have been patterned, with men receiving higher trophic level foods and/or more meat that women. Children were also served less meat or lower trophic level foods. These patterns equalize by adolescence such that the most significant differences in dietary patterns of adults and elders are based only on gender roles.
Ritual specialists, identified by association with charmstones, appear to have consumed foods following very specific dietary guidelines. The low variation in their isotopic values suggests that these individuals ate diets very similar to one another. Their dietary signatures are consistent with consumption of large quantities of freshwater fish or bay shellfish, but may be explained through other combinations of foods (such as a mix of terrestrial and marine resources).
Individuals buried with abalone (Haliotis) pendants had slightly enriched δ13C values of bone apatite, without statistically higher values of either δ13C or δ15N from bone collagen. This pattern suggests additional consumption of a non-protein food with higher
δ13C values, such as seaweed.
Abundant evidence for wealth differentiation was observed in the archaeological record from SCL-38, with artifact abundance, shell bead quantity, and
435 artifact diversity measures all showing no clear pattern by sex or age. However, no significant dietary difference was observed between individuals with relatively wealthy mortuary associations and those with few or no associations. If there was differentiation in food provisioning based on wealth, it was based on foods which are not sensitive to isotope analysis, such as large versus small game, freshwater fish versus shellfish, or insects versus mammals.
Additionally no differentiation was noted between individuals with observed evidence of disabilities and those who were apparently able bodied. Of the 24 individuals at SCL-38 with osteological evidence for developmental defects, traumatic injury associated with long-term impairment to limb function or serious infection, chronic illness, or probable neurological disorders, the distribution of artifact types and quantities, mortuary contexts, and dietary patterns were no different than for other individuals at the site. The lack of social distinction towards these individuals suggests that their social identities were not defined by their physical participation in life activities.
Individuals with evidence of mortuary ceremonies involving fire (pre- or post- interment fires or cremation) did have statistically different dietary patterns. The bone collagen of these individuals was depleted in δ15N by an average of approximately 0.5 permil (n = 81 of 127) relative to those buried without associated burning. Mortuary ceremonies involving more elaborate preparations suggest that these individuals held prestigious positions during life. Interestingly, the use of fire in mortuary practice was not associated with measures of wealth.
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Final Comments
The breadth of this thesis project was designed to maximize understanding of the connection between social identity and dietary patterns of the ancestral Ohlone buried at the Yukisma Mound (CA-SCL-38), based on available resources. Even so, additional information would be helpful to understand the relationships between these individuals and the cuisine they prepared together. Ongoing studies of DNA from this population by
Cara Monroe will provide fascinating insights into the internal structure and relationships within this population. Future analyses of faunal remains may yield further information about use of various species at the site and the procurement and processing of animal proteins. Stable isotope analysis in this project was somewhat limited by time and funding; analysis of bone collagen and apatite for the remaining 74 available individuals from this site may provide an even better understanding of dietary patterns. Likewise, additional sulfur isotope analysis could provide insight into exogamous marriage patterns, geographic sourcing of foods and differentiation in sulfur values within the food web of the San Francisco Bay Area. Finally, additional radiocarbon dates from this and other nearby sites would be a wonderful tool to track changes in dietary patterns and social phenomena through time.
As a study of patterns of identity in the archaeological record of Central
California, it is my hope that this project will inspire further discussion about these important aspects of personhood. Through the lenses of artifact associations, mortuary practice, bioarchaeological indicators of health, disease and disability, and the common language of food choices, we can recognize the social personae and agency of individuals as well as the dynamic complexities of social and political life in the past.
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APPENDIX A
DETERMINATION OF UNIQUE INDIVIDUALS
AND RECONCILIATION OF DEMOGRAPHIC
INFORMATION
Introduction
Because no formal site report has been produced for CA-SCL-38 and subtle discrepancies exist between the various sources of demographic data (unpublished field notes, Bellifemine 1997, Morley 1997, and Jurmain 2000), it was necessary to develop logic for the determination of unique individuals from the site, as well as reconciliation of age and sex classifications. Appendix A will describe the process of reconciliation of demographic data from the 1993 to 1994 excavations at SCL-38 and present the supporting data for classifications used in the present study.
Determination of Unique Individuals
Although determining the number of individuals represented by the skeletal remains from SCL-38 might seem to be a relatively straightforward task, the combined effects of long-term site use by the ancestral Ohlone, commingled burials, taphonomic effects and differential decomposition, historic disturbance to the site by ranchers, farmers, developers and inmates, and the very nature of salvage archaeology, make this a very complicated project (see Figure A.1). For the present study, I reviewed the osteological notes and logic of previous researchers (Bellifemine 2007; Jurmain 2000; and Morley 2007) and reconciled these with the original burial records. Each of these sources identified a slightly different number of unique individuals.
485 486
Criteria Count Burial Numbers Affected
Gravelot numbers assigned during excavation 243 1 through 243
Additional commingled individuals identified +3 105A, 119A, 194A during excavation
Additional commingled individuals identified 13A, 30A, 47A, 95A, after excavation by the osteological team +8 145A, 167A, 195A, 235A (Jurmain 2000).
Additional commingled subadults identified 61A, 76A, 90A, 205A, +8 after excavation by Morley (1997) 223A, 229A, 230A, 238A
Burial lots determined to not contain human -4 2, 22, 199, 200 remains (Jurmain 2000)
Commingled individuals identified during excavation, but not verified by Morley (1997) -1 119A or Jurmain (2000)
Fragmentary burials probably not containing a -6 7, 36, 114, 154, 158, 208 unique individual per Jurmain (2000)
Commingled individuals combined by 20 (part of 21), 104 (part of Jurmain (2000), Morley (1997) and/or -3 102), 117 (part of 130) Bellifemine (1997)
Net Unique Individuals 248
Bold = burial ID excluded from list of unique individuals
FIGURE A1. Reconciliation of Unique Individuals Buried at CA-SCL-38.
To determine which records were most likely to represent unique individuals, I used the following criteria:
1. For an individual to be counted as unique, the OFCS contracted osteological team must have identified human remains in the gravelot.
487
2. When resources differ, preference is generally given to individuals identified as unique in Dr. Robert Jurmain’s (2000) report, because he is the most experienced osteologist to have been involved in analysis of the remains. However, two logical exceptions are made. Susan Morley (1997) identified eight individual subadults, not included in Jurmain (2000), but included in my count (see below for detail). Additionally,
I will include eight individuals identified in Burial Records as cremations or secondary burials (Burials 77, 96, 149, 150, 151, 181, 147, and 174) which were excluded by
Jurmain (2000) because of their fragmentary nature.
During the 1993-1994 excavations, Ohlone Families Consulting Services completed 248 Burial Record Forms, which included 243 discrete grave lots, 3 commingled individuals, and 2 features. When the original 243 gravelots were analyzed by the osteological team, an additional eight commingled individuals were identified
(Burials 13A, 30A, 47A, 95A, 145A, 167A, 195A, and 235A), and are included in the present count (Jurmain 2000). Additionally, Susan Morley (1997:62) identified eight cases of subadult remains interred with primary burials, which she counted as discrete individuals when no other subadult burials were found within a 5 meter radius (Burials
61A, 76A, 90A, 205A, 223A, 229A, 230A, and 238A). Although not included in Jurmain
(2000), the logical basis for including these subadults is sound, and they will therefore be part of my estimate. The osteological team determined that four of the original gravelots did not contain human bone, excluding burial lots 2 and 22, which were faunal burials (an elk and a grizzly bear, respectively), and burial lots 99 and 100, which contained no human remains. One individual catalogued during the excavation (Burial 119A) was not identified by Jurmain’s team (Jurmain 2000) or by Morley (1997), and so is excluded
488 from the present reconciliation. Six gravelots, which were not cremations or secondary burials, were excluded by Jurmain due to their very fragmentary nature (Burials 7, 36,
114, 154, 158, and 208). These are excluded here as well because of the likelihood that disturbances prior to or during excavation cause intermixing of elements between gravelots. Finally, the researchers combined three pairs of gravelots, determining that they likely represented the same individual. Burial 20 is excluded as part of 21, Burial
104 is excluded as part of 102, and Burial 117 is excluded as part of 130. After reconciling these available resources, I find that the most likely number of unique individuals represented by the remains excavated by OFCS between 1993 and 1994 is
248. Please see Table A1 for complete detail of the data used to arrive at the list of distinct individuals for this thesis.
The conclusion of my reconciliation is slightly different than that of previous researchers. Jurmain (2000) produced an estimate of 228 distinct individuals. This estimate began with the 243 gravelots identified in the field, and then deducts the four lots without human bone (2, 22, 199, and 200). The number is further reduced by excluding all eleven “very fragmentary” gravelots (20, 36, 77, 96, 149, 150, 151, 154,
158, 181, and 208) and 50 percent of the six “quite fragmentary” gravelots (7, 106, 114,
117, 147, and 174). Three individuals from significantly commingled gravelots were added back in to the count (30A, 47A, and 145A). The osteology team came to the conclusion that remains likely represented 228 distinct individuals (Jurmain 2000:7). This total did not include the incomplete remains of seven individuals identified later in the report (13A, 95A, 105A, 167A, 194A, 195A, and 235A).
Table A1. Reconciliation of Demographic Information from CA-SCL-38
Excavation Jurmain 2000 Other Reconciliation of Isotope Morley 1997 Interpretation Records Interpretation Interpretations Demographic Data Study
N M H K
B
I F L G J
A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 1 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 30 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes Yes 2 (Elk) Yes Yes No N/A No N/A No No N/A N/A N/A No No 10-11 3 Yes Yes Yes I 8-10 Yes I 8-10 9 Yes yrs ± 30 Yes S S2 I Yes Yes mos 4 Yes Yes Yes F 40-50 Yes F 40-50 45 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes 5 Yes Yes Yes F 21-30 Yes F 21-30 24 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 6 Yes Yes Yes I 21-25 Yes I 21-25 24 Yes Yes A A2 I Yes No 7 Yes Yes No* I Indet. Yes I U U Yes No U U I No No 8 Yes Yes Yes M 25-40 Yes M 25-45 34 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 9 Yes Yes Yes F 41+ Yes F 50+ 52 Yes Yes A E2 F Yes Yes 10 Yes Yes Yes M 35-50 Yes M 35-55 47 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes Yes 11 Yes Yes Yes I 17-23 Yes I 17-23 23 Yes Yes A A2 I Yes No 12 Yes Yes Yes I 41+ Yes I 41+ 47 Yes Yes A E1 I Yes No 13 Yes Yes Yes M 30-45 Yes M 30-45 38 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 13A No No No** I Adult Yes I U U Yes Yes U A I No No 14 Yes Yes Yes F 21+ Yes M 31-50 21+ Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No 15 Yes Yes Yes M 25-40 Yes M 25-45 37 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 489
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 16 Yes Yes Yes M 30-50 Yes M 30-50 46 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes No 17 Yes Yes Yes I 35-55 Yes I 35-55 48 Yes Yes A E1 I No No 18 Yes Yes Yes F 25-35 Yes F 25-28 30 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 19 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 35-50 43 Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No 20 Yes Yes No I Indet. No N/A N/A N/A No No U U I No No 21 Yes Yes Yes I 18+ Yes I 18+ 18+ Yes Yes A A I Yes Yes 22 Yes Yes No N/A No N/A N/A No No N/A N/A N/A Yes Yes (Bear) 12 yrs ± 23 Yes Yes Yes I 9.5-12 Yes I 9-12 11 Yes Yes S S3 I Yes Yes 2.5 yrs 24 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 39 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes No 25 Yes Yes Yes M 40-50 Yes M 40-50 48 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes No 26 Yes Yes Yes M 30-50 Yes M 30-50 40 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes No 27 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 30-35 30 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes No 28 Yes Yes Yes F 40-50 Yes F 40-50 37 Yes Yes A A3/E1 F Yes Yes 29 Yes Yes Yes M 25-40 Yes M 25-40 38 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 30 Yes Yes Yes I 5-7 Yes I 5-7 6 Yes Yes S S2 I No No 30A No No Yes F 25+ Yes F 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ F No No 31 Yes Yes Yes F 50+ Yes F 50+ 54 Yes Yes A E2 F Yes Yes 32 Yes Yes Yes F 17-21 Yes F 17-21 23 Yes Yes A A1/A2 F Yes No 490
Excavation Jurmain 2000 Other Reconciliation of Isotope Morley 1997 Interpretation Records Interpretation Interpretations Demographic Data Study
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 33 Yes Yes Yes M 27-37 Yes M 27-37 33 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes No 34 Yes Yes Yes M 35-50 Yes M 35-50 39 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes No 35 Yes Yes Yes F 25+ Yes F 25+ 43 Yes Yes A A2+ F Yes Yes 36 Yes No No I 25+ Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes No A A2+ I No No 37 Yes Yes Yes F 17-19 Yes F 17-19 18 Yes Yes A A1 F Yes Yes 38 Yes Yes Yes M 35-50 Yes M 30-50 44 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes Yes 39 Yes Yes Yes M 20-24 Yes M 20-24 24 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes No 40 Yes Yes Yes I Indet. Yes I U U Yes Yes U U I No No 9.5- 9.5- 41 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 10 Yes Yes S S2 I No No 10.5 10.5 42 Yes Yes Yes M 35-55 Yes M 35-50 42 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes Yes 43 Yes Yes Yes F 35-50 Yes F 35-55 40 Yes Yes A A3/E1 F Yes Yes 4.5- 4.5- 5.2 6 yrs ± 44 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 6.0 6.0 5 24 mos 45 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 24-35 31 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes Yes 12.5- 12.5- 46 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 14 Yes 17 Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 15 15.0 47 Yes Yes Yes M 17-21 Yes M 17-21 19 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes No 47A No No Yes I <14 No N/A N/A N/A No Yes S S I No No 48 Yes Yes Yes F 45-55 Yes F 45-55 51 Yes Yes A E1/E2 F Yes Yes 49 Yes Yes Yes M 21-35 Yes M 21-35 30 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes No 491
Excavation Jurmain 2000 Other Reconciliation of Isotope Morley 1997 Interpretation Records Interpretation Interpretations Demographic Data Study
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 50 Yes Yes Yes M 18-21 Yes M 18-21 21 Yes Yes A A1 M No No 51 Yes Yes Yes M 30-40 Yes M 30-40 32 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 52 Yes Yes Yes M 21-30 Yes M 18-23 26 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 53 Yes Yes Yes M 30-35 Yes M 30-35 32 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 54 Yes Yes Yes F 34-50 Yes F 35-50 44 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 55 Yes Yes Yes F 30-50 Yes F 35-50 42 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 56 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 35 Yes Yes A A3 F Yes Yes 57 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 39 Yes Yes A A3 F Yes No 58 Yes Yes Yes I 16-21 Yes I 16-21 18 Yes 17 Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 2.0- 59 Yes Yes Yes I 2-4 Yes I 3 Yes Yes S S1 I No No 4.0 60 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 38 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 61 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 61A No No No I n/a Yes I 0-4 0.2 Yes Yes S I I No No 62 Yes Yes Yes M 17-21 Yes M 17-21 19 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes No 63 Yes Yes Yes F 25-40 Yes F 25-40 32 Yes Yes A A3 F Yes Yes 64 Yes Yes Yes M 21-29 Yes M 21-29 25 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 65 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes Yes 10.0- 17 66 Yes Yes Yes I 10-15 Yes I 12 Yes Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 15.0 (15-17) 492
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 67 Yes Yes Yes F 18-21 Yes F 18-21 20 Yes Yes A A1 F Yes Yes 68 Yes Yes Yes F 40-60 Yes F 40-60 49 Yes Yes A E1/E2 F Yes Yes 69 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes M 35-45 33 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 70 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 41 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes No 71 Yes Yes Yes M 17-20 Yes M 17-20 18 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 72 Yes Yes Yes F 18-30 Yes F 18-30 24 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 73 Yes Yes Yes M 18-21 Yes M 18-21 22 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 74 Yes Yes Yes F 40-55 Yes F 40-55 47 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 75 Yes Yes Yes I 13-15 Yes I 13-15 14 Yes Yes S S3 I No No 76 Yes Yes Yes M 40-50 Yes M 40-50 50 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes No 76A No No No I N/A Yes I N/A 0.5 Yes Yes S I I No No 77 Yes Yes No I 21+ Yes I 21+ 21+ Yes Yes A A I Yes No 78 Yes Yes Yes F 40-50 Yes F 40-50 42 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 79 Yes Yes Yes M 31-40 Yes M 29-35 34 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 80 Yes Yes Yes M 40-50 Yes M 40-50 42 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes Yes 81 Yes Yes Yes F 35-50 Yes F 35-50 46 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes 82 Yes Yes Yes M 31-40 Yes M 31-40 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 83 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No 84 Yes Yes Yes M 16-20 Yes M 16-20 18 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 85 Yes Yes Yes F 20-30 Yes F 20-30 23 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 493
Excavation Jurmain 2000 Other Reconciliation of Isotope Morley 1997 Interpretation Records Interpretation Interpretations Demographic Data Study
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 86 Yes Yes Yes M 25+ Yes M 35-50 36 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 87 Yes Yes Yes M 35-50 Yes M 35-50 43 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes Yes 88 Yes Yes Yes M 21-35 Yes M 21-35 27 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 89 Yes Yes Yes M 40-50 Yes M 41-50 42 Yes Yes A E1 M No No 90 Yes Yes Yes F 21-25 Yes F 20-25 23 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 90A No No No I N/A Yes I 4 4 No Yes S S1 I No No 91 Yes Yes Yes I 16-20 Yes I 16-20 18 Yes Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 92 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 93 Yes Yes Yes F 45-55 Yes F 45-55 49 Yes Yes A E1/E2 F No No 94 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 31 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes Yes 95 Yes Yes Yes I 15-17 Yes M 15-17 16 Yes Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 95A No No No** I 14+ Yes I 15-18 16 Yes Yes A A1 I No No 96 Yes Yes No I 17+ Yes I 17+ 17+ Yes Yes A A I Yes No 97 Yes Yes Yes M 18-23 Yes M 18-23 21 Yes Yes A A1/A2 M Yes Yes 16 (16- 98 Yes Yes Yes F 18-22 Yes F 18-22 22 Yes Yes A A1 F Yes No 18) 99 Yes Yes Yes F 25-35 Yes F 25-35 31 Yes Yes A A2/A3 F Yes Yes 100 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A2+ I Yes No 101 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 41 Yes Yes A A3/E1 F No No 102 Yes Yes Yes I 9-13 Yes I 9-13 11 Yes Yes S S3 I Yes No 494
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included Feat 102* (Yes) No N/A N/A N/A N/A No N/A N/A No No ure 103 Yes Yes Yes F 45-55 Yes F 45-55 49 Yes Yes A E1/E2 F Yes No w/ 104 Yes Yes Yes I 10-14 I 9-13 11 No No S S3 I Yes No 102 105 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 40 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes Yes 105A (Yes) Yes No** I 15+ Yes I 18+ 18 Yes Yes A A I No No 106 Yes Yes No* I 16+ Yes I 16+ 16+ Yes Yes A A I No No 107 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 42 Yes Yes A A3/E1 F Yes Yes 8.5- 8.5- 108 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 9 Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 9.5 9.5 109 Yes Yes Yes M 21-30 Yes M 21-30 24 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes No 110 Yes Yes Yes F 35-50 Yes F 35-50 41 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 111 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 30 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes No 112 Yes Yes Yes F 17-23 Yes F 17-23 23 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes No 113 Yes Yes Yes M 21-27 Yes M 21-27 24 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes No 114 Yes Yes No* I 16+ Yes I 16+ 16+ No No A A I Yes No 3.8- 3.8- 115 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 4.5 Yes Yes S S1 I Yes Yes 5.0 5.0 116 Yes Yes Yes F 23-30 Yes F 23-30 27 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 117 Yes Yes No* I 15-24 Yes M 15-24 19 Yes No A A1/A2 M Yes Yes 495
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 118 Yes Yes Yes M 30-45 Yes M 30-45 38 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 1.0- 1.0- 119 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 1.5 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes 2.5 2.5 119A (Yes) No No I N/A No N/A N/A N/A No No U I No No 120 Yes Yes Yes F 18-20 Yes F 18-20 19 Yes Yes A A1 F Yes Yes 121 Yes Yes Yes M 40-50 Yes M 40-50 45 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes No 122 Yes Yes Yes F 41-50 Yes F 41-50 45 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 123 Yes Yes Yes F 45-54 Yes F 45-55 48 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 124 Yes Yes Yes I 21+ Yes I 21+ 21+ Yes Yes A A2+ I No No 125 Yes Yes Yes F 45+ Yes F 45+ 45 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes 126 Yes Yes Yes F 40-50 Yes F 40-50 46 Yes Yes A E1 F No No 0.5- 127 Yes Yes Yes I .5-1.5 Yes I 0.5 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes 1.5 1.5 yrs 1.5- 0.5- 128 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 1 Yes ± 16 Yes S I I Yes Yes 2.0 1.5 mos 129 Yes Yes Yes F 40-50 Yes F 40-50 44 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes w/ 130 Yes Yes Yes M 18-25 M 15-24 19 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 117 131 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 40 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes No 132 Yes Yes Yes M 16-20 Yes M 16-20 18 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 496
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 133 Yes Yes Yes I 13-18 Yes I 13-18 16 Yes Yes A A1 I No No 134 Yes Yes Yes I 15-19 Yes I 15-19 17 Yes Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 8.0- 135 Yes Yes Yes I 8-11 Yes I 10 Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 10.0 20-30 136 Yes Yes Yes I 2-3 Yes I 2.5 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes (sic) 3.5 yrs 30-40 137 Yes Yes Yes I 3-4 Yes I 3.5 Yes ± 12 Yes S S1 I Yes Yes (sic) mos 138 Yes Yes Yes M 35-40 Yes M 35-40 40 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 139 Yes Yes Yes I 21-30 Yes I 21-30 25 Yes Yes A A2 I No No 140 Yes Yes Yes M? 31-40 Yes M 31-40 38 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 141 Yes Yes Yes M 17-23 Yes M 17-23 23 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 142 Yes Yes Yes M? 15-18 Yes M 15-18 18 Yes 16 Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 143 Yes Yes Yes M 21-30 Yes M 21-30 26 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 144 Yes Yes Yes M 18-27 Yes M 18-25 25 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 145 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 41 Yes Yes A A3/E1 F Yes No 145A No No Yes I Adult No N/A N/A N/A No Yes A A I No No 146 Yes Yes Yes F 47-60 Yes F 47-60 55 Yes Yes A E2 F Yes Yes 147 Yes Yes No* M 31-40 Yes M 31-40 35 Yes Yes A A3 M No No 148 Yes No Yes M 31-40 Yes M 30-44 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 497
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 149 Yes Yes No I Adult Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ I No No 150 Yes Yes No I 15+ Yes I 15-23 15 Yes Yes S A1 I No No 151 Yes Yes No I Adult Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ I No No 152 Yes Yes Yes M 18-22 Yes M 18-22 22 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 153 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No 154 Yes Yes No I 17+ Yes I 17+ 17+ Yes No A A1 I No No .75- .7- 155 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 1 Yes Yes S I I No No 1.25 1.25 1.0- 156 Yes Yes Yes I 1-2 Yes I 1.5 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes 2.0 157 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 25 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes No 158 Yes Yes No I 15+ Yes I 15-17 15 Yes No S A I No No 5.5 yrs 4.0- 159 Yes Yes Yes I 4-5 Yes I 4.5 Yes ± 1.5 Yes S S1 I Yes Yes 5.0 yrs 160 Yes Yes Yes M 20-29 Yes M 20-29 25 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 161 Yes Yes Yes M 30-45 Yes M 30-45 43 Yes Yes A A3/E1 M Yes Yes 162 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 29 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M No No 163 Yes Yes Yes M 21+ Yes M 21+ 21+ Yes Yes A A2+ M Yes No 164 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 165 Yes Yes Yes M? 41-50 Yes M 41-50 43 Yes Yes A E1 M No No 498
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 166 Yes Yes Yes M 15-23 Yes M 15-23 19 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 167 Yes Yes Yes M 18-24 Yes M 18-24 20 Yes Yes A A1/A2 M Yes Yes 167A No No No** I Indet. Yes I 16+ 16+ Yes Yes A A I No No 168 Yes Yes Yes M 18-23 Yes M 18-23 21 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 3.5- 3.5- 169 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 4.5 Yes Yes S S1 I Yes Yes 5.5 5.5 170 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 171 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 37 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 172 Yes Yes Yes M 31-40 Yes M 31-40 31 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 173 Yes Yes Yes I 13-20 Yes I 13-20 17 Yes Yes A A1 I Yes No 174 Yes Yes No* I 25-35 Yes I Adult 16+ Yes Yes A A2/A3 I Yes No 175 Yes Yes Yes M 25+ Yes M 25-35 25 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 176 Yes Yes Yes M 25-30 Yes M 25-30 27 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 3.5 yrs 2.5- 2.5- 177 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 3 Yes ± 12 Yes S S1 I Yes Yes 3.5 3.5 mos 2.0- 178 Yes Yes Yes I 2-4 Yes I 3 Yes Yes S S1 I No No 4.0 179 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 43 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes Yes 180 Yes Yes Yes M 35-39 Yes M 35-39 37 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No
499
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 32 181 Yes Yes No I Adult Yes I 19-24 Yes Yes A A2 I No No (sic) 182 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 30 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 183 Yes Yes Yes F 45-55 Yes F 45-55 46 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes 184 Yes Yes Yes F 50-60 Yes F 50-60 60 Yes Yes A E2 F Yes Yes 185 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 32 Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No .75- .75- 186 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 1 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes 1.0 1.0 187 Yes Yes Yes F 21-30 Yes F 21-30 20 Yes Yes A A2 F No No 188 Yes Yes Yes M 35-50 Yes M 35-50 42 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes Yes 189 Yes Yes Yes F 35-50 Yes F 35-50 48 Yes Yes A E1 F No No 190 Yes Yes Yes F? 35+ Yes F 35+ 35+ Yes Yes A A3+ F Yes No 191 Yes Yes Yes M 17-23 Yes M 17-23 20 Yes Yes A A1/A2 M Yes No 192 Yes Yes Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 50 Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No 193 Yes Yes Yes F 25+ Yes F 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ F Yes No 194 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 31 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes Yes 10.0- 194A (Yes) Yes No** I 10-13 Yes I 12 Yes Yes S S3 I Yes Yes 13.0 5.0- 195 Yes Yes Yes I 5-7 Yes I 6 Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 7.0 195A No No No** I Adult Yes I 15-22 20 Yes Yes A A1 I No No 500
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 196 Yes Yes Yes F 16-23 Yes F 16-23 19 Yes Yes A A1 F Yes Yes 197 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 198 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 30-50 42 Yes Yes A E1 M Yes Yes 199 Yes No No N/A N/A No N/A N/A N/A No No N/A N/A No No 200 Yes No No N/A N/A No N/A N/A N/A No No N/A N/A No No 201 Yes Yes Yes M 35-50 Yes M 35-50 35 No Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 202 Yes Yes Yes M 25+ Yes M 25+ 42 Yes Yes A A2+ M Yes Yes 7.0- 203 Yes Yes Yes I 7-10 Yes I 8.5 Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 10.0 204 Yes Yes Yes M 16+ Yes M 16+ 16+ Yes Yes A A M No No 205 Yes Yes Yes F 35-50 Yes F 35-50 37 Yes Yes A A3/E1 F Yes No 205A No No No I N/A Yes I 7 7 No Yes S S2 I No No 206 Yes Yes Yes F 25-45 Yes F 25-45 40 Yes Yes A A3 F No No 207 Yes Yes Yes F 45-50 Yes F 45-50 47 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes 208 Yes No No I Adult Yes I 18-23 20 Yes No A A1 I No No 209 Yes Yes Yes F 16-23 Yes F 16-23 20 Yes Yes A A1 F Yes Yes 210 Yes Yes Yes F 25+ Yes F 25+ 58 Yes Yes A E2 F Yes Yes 211 Yes No Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 28 Yes Yes A A2+ I Yes No 212 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 43 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes Yes 213 Yes Yes Yes M? 24-34 Yes M 24-34 29 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes No 501
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A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 4.0- 6 yrs ± 214 Yes Yes Yes I 4-6 Yes I 5 Yes Yes S S1/S2 I Yes Yes 6.0 2 yrs 215 Yes Yes Yes F 40-50 Yes F 40-50 44 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 216 Yes Yes Yes I 16+ Yes I 16+ 16+ Yes Yes A A I Yes No 5.5- 217 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 5 6 Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 6.5 218 Yes Yes Yes F 35-45 Yes F 35-45 38 Yes Yes A A3 F Yes Yes 219 Yes Yes Yes M 25-30 Yes M 25-30 27 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 0.7 220 Yes Yes Yes I .5-1.0 Yes I .5-1.0 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes 5 221 Yes Yes Yes F 25-35 Yes F 25-35 31 Yes Yes A A2/A3 F Yes Yes 6.0- 6 yrs ± 222 Yes Yes Yes I 6-7 Yes I 6.5 Yes Yes S S2 I Yes Yes 7.0 2 yrs 223 Yes Yes Yes F? 35+ Yes F 35-45 49 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 15 223A No No No I 1.5 Yes I U (sic No Yes S I I No No ) 224 Yes Yes Yes M 21-26 Yes M 21-26 24 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes No 225 Yes Yes Yes I 17+ Yes I 17+ 25 Yes Yes A A I Yes Yes 226 Yes Yes Yes M? 17-21 Yes M 17-21 19 Yes Yes A A1 M Yes Yes 227 Yes Yes Yes I 15-19 Yes F 15-19 17 Yes Yes A A1 I Yes Yes 228 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 25 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 502
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I F L G J
A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 229 Yes Yes Yes M 35-45 Yes M 35-45 35 No Yes A A3 M Yes No 229A No Yes No I N/A Yes I U 0.2 No Yes S I I No No 230 Yes Yes Yes F 31-40 Yes F 31-40 35 Yes Yes A A3 F Yes Yes Sub- 230A No No No I Yes I U 0.5 No Yes S I I No No adult 231 Yes Yes Yes M 30-40 Yes M 30-40 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 232 Yes Yes Yes F 35-50 Yes F 35-50 43 Yes Yes A E1 F Yes No 233 Yes Yes Yes M 30-45 Yes M 30-45 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes Yes 234 Yes Yes Yes F 35+ Yes F 35+ 50 Yes Yes A E F Yes Yes 0.5- 3.5- 235 Yes Yes Yes I Yes I 1 Yes Yes S I I Yes Yes 1.5 5.0 2.5- 3.2 235A No No No** I Yes I 3.25 Yes Yes S S1 I No No 4.0 5 236 Yes No Yes F 21-30 Yes F 21-30 27 Yes Yes A A2 F Yes Yes 237 Yes Yes Yes M 18-25 Yes M 18-25 22 Yes Yes A A2 M Yes Yes 238 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 35 Yes Yes A A3 M Yes No 238A No No No I Infant Yes I U 0.5 No Yes S I I No No 10.0- 239 Yes Yes Yes I 10-15 Yes I 12 Yes Yes S S3 I No No 15.0 240 Yes Yes Yes M 21-35 Yes M 21-35 30 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M No No 241 Yes Yes Yes M 25-35 Yes M 25-35 31 Yes Yes A A2/A3 M Yes No 503
Excavation Jurmain 2000 Other Reconciliation of Isotope Morley 1997 Interpretation Records Interpretation Interpretations Demographic Data Study
N M H K
B
I F L G J
A E C D D D Burial # Burial Age Age Sex Sex Sex 1997 2000 Form (Human) (Human) Included in in Included Age Code Code Age Final Age Dental Age Dental Age Age Range Range Age Burial Record Burial Record Artifact Log Adult/Subadult Distinct Individual Individual Distinct Bellifemine 1997 Included in Morley Morley in Included Sample Available Included in Jurmain Jurmain in Included Included in Study Study in Included 242 Yes No Yes I 25+ Yes I 25+ 25+ Yes Yes A A2+ I No No 7.5- 7.5- 243 Yes No Yes I Yes I 8.5 Yes Yes S S2 I No No 9.5 9.5 ABurial Record form from 1993-1994 excavation by Ohlone Families Consulting Services, original field notes. “Yes” indicates that a burial lot was assigned. “(Yes)” indicates that this individual is included in another burial lot (e.g. 105A is included in burial lot 105). A total of 243 burial lots were assigned in the field. Brtifact Log column indicates whether this burial is referenced in the Artifact Catalog, produced by Ohlone Families Consulting Services and San Jose State University students following excavation. CIncluded in Jurnain 2000 indicates whether the burial was counted as a distinct individual in the technical osteology report produced by Jurmain in 2000. Remains which were “quite incomplete” and counted with 50% probability of being a distinct individual are marked with “No*”. Individuals identified in the report but not among the estimate of 228 distinct individuals in Jurmain (2000) are marked with “No**). DSex: F=female; M=male; I=indeterminate; N/A=not applicable (e.g. not human). EIncluded in Morley 1997 indicates whether the burial was counted as a distinct individual in Morley’s (1997) demographic analysis (n=252). FAge Range is the composite age estimate produced by Morley (1997). GFinal Age is the average of composite age, sternal rib age, and auricular surface age estimates, as reported by Morley (1997). HIncluded in Bellifemine 1997 indicates whether the burial was counted as a distinct individual in Bellifemine’s (1997) analysis of mortuary context (n=244). IDental Age is the estimate produced by Pappanastos (2010, personal communication). These estimates were completed only for subadults where slide images were available. JDistinct Individual (Human) indicates the determination for the present study (n=248). Note that B117 is included in the study, although it is was not determined to be a distinct individual, and may be part of B130 (also in the study). KAdult/Subadult: A=Adult; S=Subadult; U=Unknown; N/A=not applicable (e.g. not human). LAge Code: see Table A2 for definitions; N/A=not applicable (e.g. not human). MSample Available indicates whether a bone sample was retained for analysis after repatriation of the remains (n=202 humans). NIsotope Study indicates whether the individual is included in the present study (n=128 humans). 504
505
Morley (1997) estimated that 252 distinct individuals were recovered. In addition
to those recognized by Jurmain’s team, she included ten of the eleven “very fragmentary” individuals that they excluded (all except burial 20). Additionally, she included all six of
the quite fragmentary individuals. Unlike Jurmain’s team, Morley did not include burials
47A, or 145A. Additionally, she excluded burials 104 and 130, combining them with 102
and 117, respectively. She included the seven individuals identified but not counted by
Jurmain, as well as eight additional subadults (61A, 76A, 90A, 205A, 223A, 229A,
230A, 238A), determined to be distinct individuals when no other subadult remains were recovered within a five meter radius (Morley 1997:62).
Bellifemine (1997) included all but nine of the individuals that Morley counted.
She did not include six of the added subadults (90A, 205A, 223A, 229A, 230A, or 238A).
Additionally, she excluded burial 114 as fragmentary and burials 201 and 229 for lack of coordinates. Bellifemine differed from both Jurmain and Morley in that burials 117 and
130 were counted as two distinct burials. These adjustments brought her total estimate to
244 individuals.
Estimation of Age and Sex
Methods for Age Estimation
Age at death for the SCL-38 individuals was determined by referring to the
technical report of the osteology team (Jurmain 2000) as well as refined estimations by
Morley (1997) and supplemental dental analysis by the author and Dr. Leon Pappanastos
in 2010. Age categories were developed to facilitate statistical analysis (see Table A2).
When age estimations did not clearly fall within a single group, categories were
506
TABLE A2. Definition of Age Categories for This Study
Subadult Category Code Age Range Adult Category Code Age Range (years) (years)
Infant I 0-2 Young Adult A1 16-20
Young Child S1 3-5 Adult – 20s A2 21-30
Child S2 6-10 Adult – 30s A3 31-40
Adolescent S3 11-15 Elder - 40s E1 41-50
Elder - 50+ E2 Over 51
combined (e.g. A2/A3 represents an adult between 21 and 40 years of age). When only a
minimum age could be estimated, the minimum category was followed by a plus-sign
(e.g. A3+ represents an adult over 31 years of age). For individuals whose degree of
development is apparent but age cannot be further refined, more general categories were
used (S for subadults or A for adults).
The original osteological team used standard methods (Bass 1991) to estimate the
age of subadults, including dental eruption and degree of epiphyseal union. The Suchey-
Brooks method for age estimation from the pubic symphysis was the preferred method
for adults. When the pubic bone was missing or damaged, other methods were used
including dental attrition and degree of degenerative joint disease (specifically vertebral
osteophytosis) (Jurmain 2000:9). The cumulative methods used by the osteology team
produced an estimated age range for each individual (see Table A1).
507
In collaboration with her graduate advisor, Robert Jurmain, Susan Morley (1997) elaborated on the methods used by the original osteology team, and included assessment of auricular surface and sternal rib stages. Morley calculated precise age estimations for each individual by following the multifactorial approach developed by Lovejoy and colleagues (1985). This method took the median point for the age range suggested by each age estimation technique used by the original osteology team, and then calculated the mean of the median points, producing a composite mean age. The composite mean age was then averaged with the median values of age ranges suggested from sternal rib end and auricular surface phase techniques to arrive at a “final age” estimate for each individual. Morley presented her results in two ways: as an age range, based on the original composite methods without the rib or auricular surface techniques, and as a single-digit “final age” figure, which she uses in her demographic calculations. Table A1 includes both Morley’s range and final age estimations.
In an attempt to refine the age estimations for subadults included in this study, I met with Dr. Leon Pappanastos, DMD, in October of 2010 to review slide images of dentition. Using developmental stages outlined in Hillson (1996) based on Ubelaker
(1989), we reviewed the dental ages of fourteen subadults, resulting in refinement of age estimations for seven individuals and age category reclassification of four individuals
(see Table A3).
When age estimations varied between sources, the work of Morley (1997) carried greater weight than the Jurmain (2000) data, because Jurmain endorsed Morley’s revised age estimations as her graduate advisor (Jurmain 2000:9). “Final Age” estimates provided
508
TABLE A3. Revision of Estimated Ages and Age Categories Based on Review of Dental Development
Age Estimates Age Category Burial Reported Revised Average Dental # RangeA RangeB AgeB AgeC OriginalD RevisedD Basis C 46 12.5-15 12.5-15 14 ~17 S3 A1 Maxillary 3rd molars erupting. 66 10-15 10-15 12 ~17 S3 A1 Maxillary 3rd (15-17) molars just emerging; mandibular 3rd molars almost in occlusion. 98 18-22 18-22 22 ~16 A2 A1 Emerging (16-18) maxillary 3rd molars. 128 1.5-2 0.5-1.5 1 1.5 ± 6 I I All incisors and mos 1st deciduous (1-2 years) molars erupted, no canines or 2nd deciduous molars. 159 4-5 4-5 4.5 5.5 ± 1.5 S1 S1 Permanent I2s and yrs I1s and I2s beginning to erupt. 177 2.5-3.5 2.5-3.5 3 3.5 ± 1 yr S1 S1 Maxillary 1st molars just beneath alveolus. 214 4-6 4-6 5 6 +/- 2 yrs S1 S2 Maxillary M1s erupted.
Sources: AJurmain, Robert, 2000, Analysis of the Human Skeletal Remains from CA-SCL-038: Technical Report. Manuscript on file at the Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, San Jose, California. BMorley, Susan, 1997, The Paleodemography of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38: A Prehistoric Cemetery of the South San Francisco Bay. Masters thesis, Department of Social Science, San Jose State University, California. CLeon Pappanastos, D.D.S., personal communication, October 22, 2010. DPresent study
guidance for some classifications, but were not used exclusively (as greater precision increases the risk of inaccuracy). Valuing direct experience over second-hand reports, my own observations of dental images with Dr. Pappanastos were weighted preferentially where there were discrepancies between sources.
509
Methods for Sex Estimation
Determination of biological sex for these individuals was a more straightforward matter, as all resources generally agreed. Estimations from the original osteology team
(Jurmain 2000) and Morley (1997) are included in Table A1, along with the sex estimation to be used in this study.
There were five cases where the two osteological sources disagreed on sex estimation. When no further evidence was available for review, the sex of individuals with conflicting information was classified here as indeterminate (Burials 14, 95, and
227). An excavation photo of Burial 69 was available which revealed a very narrow sciatic notch, so this individual is classified as male. Burial 117 was also classified as male because this was quite possibly the same individual as Burial 130, who was classified as male in both Jurmain (2000) and Morley (1997).
The original osteology team used standard methods (Bass 1991) to estimate biological sex, and also variation of long bone osteometrics (previously used for prehistoric Central California populations by Dittrick and Suchey in 1986) and mandibular ramus flexure (following the technique in Loth 1995) (Jurmain 2000:9).
Morley chose not to include osteometric variation or mandibular ramus flexure, and focused her analysis on standard approaches, using sub-pubic concavity, presence or absence of a ventral arc, the medial aspect of the ischiopubic ramus, and the length of the pubis (Morley 1997:51). Sex was only estimated for adults, as morphological differentiation between sexes becomes clear only after puberty.
510
Conclusion
Unpublished excavation records as well as published reports (Bellifemine 1997;
Jurmain 2000; and Morley 1997) were consulted in an effort to clarify discrepancies between demographic data sets from CA-SCL-38. The conclusions of these researchers as well as my own are summarized, and revised estimations of unique individuals and their sexes and ages have been presented in Table A1. As a result of this reconciliation, a total of 248 unique individuals were identified. Discrepancies between this estimation and other sources were also reconciled. Additionally, age estimations have been categorized for statistical calculations. It is my hope that this reconciliation will provide clarity to future researchers as they reveal further information about the Yukisma Mound and the ancestral Ohlone who were buried there.
511
REFERENCES CITED
Bass, William M. 1991 Human Osteology: A Laboratory and Field Manual. Columbia, MO: Archaeological Society.
Bellifemine, Viviana 1997 Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, California.
Dittrick, Jean and Judy Myers Suchey 1986 Sex Determination of Prehistoric Central California Skeletal Remains Using Discriminant Analysis of the Femur and Humerus. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 70:3-9.
Hillson, Simon 1996 Dental Anthropology. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Jurmain, Robert 2000 Analysis of the Human Skeletal Remains from CA-SCL-038: Technical Report. Manuscript on file at the Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, San Jose, California.
Loth, S.R. 1995 Age Assessment of the Spitalfields Cemetery Population by Rib Phase Analysis. American Journal of Human Biology 7:465-471.
Lovejoy, C. O., R. S. Meindl, T. R. Preyzbeck, and R. P. Mensforth 1985 Chronological Metamorphosis of the Auricular Surface of the Ilium: A New Method for the Determination of Adult Skeletal Age at Death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 99:473-485.
Morley, Susan 1997 The Paleodemography of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38: A Prehistoric Cemetery of the South San Francisco Bay. Masters thesis, Department of Social Science, San Jose State University, California.
Ubelaker, Douglas H. 1989 Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis, Interpretation. 2nd edition. Washington, DC: Taraxacum.
APPENDIX B
MORTUARY PRACTICE AND BURIAL-
ASSOCIATED ARTIFACTS AT
CA-SCL-38
Introduction
This appendix presents detailed information about mortuary context and the associated unworked organic material for each individual from the 1993 to 1994 excavations at the Yukisma Mound (see Table B1). Table B2 details artifact associations with each burial, including the total number of artifacts with each individual, the number of associated artifact types (a measure of artifact diversity), and the shell bead class (an ordinal level measure of wealth based on shell bead abundance). Descriptions and implications of mortuary context and artifact associations are described in Chapter III of this thesis, along with total associations by demographic group. Information presented here is based on reconciliation of original excavation notes, excavation photos, and the
Artifact Catalog, all produced by Ohlone Families Consulting Services (OFCS), as well as osteological reports from Jurmain (2000), artifact observations from Bellifemine
(1997), consultation with Alan Leventhal, and personal observations of the author.
513 514
REFERENCES CITED
Bellifemine, Viviana 1997 Mortuary Variability in Prehistoric Central California: A Statistical Study of the Yukisma Site, CA-SCl-38. Masters thesis, Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, California.
Jurmain, Robert 2000 Analysis of the Human Skeletal Remains from CA-SCL-038: Technical Report. Manuscript on file at the Department of Anthropology, San Jose State University, San Jose, California.
515
TABLE B1. Mortuary Context and Unworked Organic Material Associations by Burial at CA-SCL-38
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Age Code Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Down, 1 Human Y Y M A2/A3 P Y Y N TF LS N 75 E x x N S 1 75% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N W 2 Elk N N N/A N/A P N Y N N/A N O N/A Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 50 E / 3 Human Y Y I S2 P N Y Y TF RS Down x x Y S 1 30% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N due N ? Up, 4 Human Y Y F E1 P N Y N TF D N 50 E x x Y S 2 75% N N N N N N N N N Y N N SW 15- 5 Human Y Y F A2 P N Y N F D N/S E 35 S x x Y S 1 Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 20% 6 Human Y N I A2 P N Y N TF LS Up Due E x N S 3 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 7 Human N N I U P N N N U Y S 4 < 10% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 8 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF O Down E 15 S x x Y S 2 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 65- 9 Human Y Y F E2 P N N N TF LS E Due N x Y S 2 Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 70% 10 Human Y Y M E1 P N Y N SF LS Down N S 2 95% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 11 Human Y N I A2 P N N TF D E 30 S x x Y S 2 50% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N N 60 E / 12 Human Y N I E1 P N Y N TF D W x x Y S 2 1-3% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N Due E Down, 13a, 13 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF V W 0 x N M 5 95% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y Y N W 50 13A Human Y N I A U N U N U U N M 13, 50 5 < 5% N N N N N N N N N N N N 80- 14 Human Y N I A2+ P N N N TF D S/SE Due E x Y S 2 Y Y N Y N N N N N N N N 85% 15 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF D E 20 S x x Y S 1 75% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 16 Human Y N M A3/E1 P N Y N TF S N Due S x N S 1 85% Y Y Y Y N N N Y N Y N N E 30 S / 65- 17 Human Y N I E1 P N N N F RS N x x N S 3 Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N Due S 70% 18 Human Y Y F A2 P N Y N TF D 0 E x U S 4 50% Y Y Y Y N N Y N N Y N N N 60 W / 85- 19 Human Y N I A2+ P N N N TF D Down x x Y S 1 Y Y Y Y N N N N Y N N Due N ? 90% N 20 Human N N I U P Y Y N N/A Up N S F Y Y Y Y Y N N N N Y N Y 21 Human Y Y I A P N N F U S 5 F Y Y Y Y N N Y N N Y N N
516
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 22 Bear N Y N/A N/A P N Y N N/A Down Due E x N O N/A Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 23 Human Y Y I S3 P N Y N TF RS E W 40 S x x N S 5 75% Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N Y 24 Human Y N M A3/E1 P Y Y N SF D N 30 W x x Y S 5 F Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y Y Y Down, 25 Human Y N M E1 P Y Y Y TF V N 88 E x x N S 3 75% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N S 26 Human Y N M A3/E1 P N Y N TF RS Down N 60 W x x Y S 1 90% Y N N N N N N N N N N N 27 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N Y N TF V N/E Due W x Y S 5 90% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 28 Human Y Y F A3/E1 P N Y N SF LS S/SW NE x x N S 1 85% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 29 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF V SE N 5 W x x Y S 4 85% Y Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N 30 Human Y N I S2 P N Y N TF V Down N 60 W x x Y D 30A 1 45% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 30A Human Y N F A2+ U N Y N U Y D 30 1 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 31 Human Y Y F E2 P N Y N TF V South N 30 E x x N S 1 85% Y N N N N N N N N Y N N 32 Human Y N F A1/A2 P N N N TF RS Up, SE Due S x N S 2 85% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N Down, 33 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N N N TF RS Due W x N S 1 90% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N S 34 Human Y N M A3/E1 P N N N TF D Up N 45 W x x N S 1 75% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 35 Human Y Y F A2+ P N N N TF LS N Due W x N S 1 85% Y Y Y N N N N Y N Y N N 36 Human N N I A2+ P N N N U Y S 2 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 37 Human Y Y F A1 P N Y N TF RS NE W 60 S x x N S 5 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 38 Human Y Y M A3/E1 P N Y N TF LS W N 40 E x x Y S 5 85% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 39 Human Y N M A2 P N N N F LS N/NW S 10 W x x N S 1 65% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 40 Human Y N I U P Y Y N U N S 5 F Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N Down, 41 Human Y N I S2 P N Y N TF RS N 45 W x x Y S 1 50% Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N Y SW 42 Human Y Y M A3/E1 P N N N TF D SE N 45 E x x Y S 1 80% Y N Y Y N N N N N Y N Y 43 Human Y Y F A3/E1 P N N N TF RS W N 15 W x x N S 1 80% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 44 Human Y Y I S2 P N N N TF D N/NW N 80 E x x N S 1 80% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 45 Human Y Y M A2/A3 P N N N F LS Down Due S x N S 5 80% Y Y Y Y N N N Y N Y N N 46 Human Y Y I S3 P N N N TF D E N 60 W x x N S 1 80% Y Y Y N N N N Y N N N N 47 Human Y N M A1 P N N N TF D Down E 30 S x x N D 47A 1 90% Y Y Y Y N N N Y N Y N N 47A Human Y N I S N U N D 47 1 F N N N N N N N N N N N N
517
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird Down, 48 Human Y Y F E1/E2 P N N N TF LS Due E x N S 1 75% N N N N N N N N N Y N N E 49 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N N N TF D Up, NE N S 1 95% N N N N N N N N N N N N 50 Human Y N M A1 P N N N TF RS Down N 50 E x x N M 13 5 75% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N Y 51 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF D N E 40 S x x N S 5 80% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N Down, 52 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF RS W 30 S x x N D 53 5 75% N N N N N N N N N N N N S 270 53 Human Y Y M A3 P N N N TF RS E x N D 52 5 80% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N degrees Down, 54 Human Y N F E1 P N N N TF RS South x N S 5 65% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N NE Up, 55 Human Y N F E1 P N N N TF D N 30 W x x N S 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N/NE N Down, 56 Human Y Y F A3 P N Y N F D E 40 S x x N S 1 85% N N N N N N N N N N N N N 57 Human Y N F A3 P N N N TF V Up, E N 0 x N S 1 90% N N N N N N N N N Y N N Down, 58 Human Y Y I A1 P N N N E V 60 N/NE x x Y S 5 50% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N N 59 Human Y N I S1 U N N TF N S 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 60 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF LS N 60 W x x Y S 1 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 61 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF D Up, NE W 30 S x x N D 61A 5 90% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 61A Human Y N I I N Y N U U D 61 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Up, 62 Human Y N M A1 P N N N SF D N 30 W x x N S 5 50% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N S/SW 63 Human Y Y F A3 P N N N TF LS N S 40 W x x N S 5 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y Y Y 64 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF D Up, NE S 15 E x x N S 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N Down, 65 Human Y Y I A2+ P N N N TF RS W 60 S x x N S 5 25% Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N Y S 66 Human Y Y I S3 P N N N TF D N/NE W 60 S x x N S 1 40% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 67 Human Y Y F A1 P N Y N TF D N/NW N 80 E x x N S 1 95% Y N Y N N N N N N Y N N Down, 68 Human Y Y F E1/E2 D N N N TF D N 25 E x x Y S 4 50% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N S/SW Down, 69 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF D E 50 S x x N S 5 90% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N N
518
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird Down, 70 Human Y N M E1 P N Y N TF V E 60 S x x N S 5 95% Y Y N N N N N N Y N N E N 71 Human Y Y M A1 P N Y N TF LS Down W 10 N x x N S 5 75% Y Y N N N N N Y N N N N Down, 72 Human Y Y F A2 P N Y N TF RS W 0 x N S 5 F Y Y N N N N N N N N N N S 73 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF RS Up, N N 5 E x x N S 5 90% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 74 Human Y N F E1 P N N N SF V NE W 70 S x x N S 1 95% N N N N N N N N N N N N 75 Human Y N I S3 P N Y N TF V W 20 S x x N S 5 80% Y Y Y Y N Y N N N Y N N 76 Human Y N M E1 P N N N TF D W/SW N 60 E x x N D 76A 5 75% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 76A Human Y N I I N U U D 76 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 77 Human Y N I A P Y Y N F Y S 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Down, 78 Human Y N F E1 P Y Y N TF D N 0 x N S 5 90% Y Y N N N N N N Y N N S/SW N 79 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF D E/NE N 60 W x x N S 5 70% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 80 Human Y Y M E1 P N Y N TF D N S 20 W x x N S 5 85% Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N N 85- 81 Human Y Y F E1 P N Y N TF D E E 0 x N S 1 Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 90% 82 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF LS N S 30 W x x N S 5 98% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 83 Human Y N I A2+ S Y Y N F LS N 30 W x x N S 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Down, 84 Human Y Y M A1 P N Y N TF RS N 30 E x x N S 5 85% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N NW 85 Human Y Y F A2 D N Y N TF D Up N 225 x Y S 5 20% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N Up, 86 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF D E 0 x N S 5 90% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N N/NW 87 Human Y Y M E1 P N N N TF RS N/NE E 70 S x x N S 5 97% Y Y Y Y N N N Y N Y N Y 90 E (head); 88 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF V E 270 W x N S 5 95% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N (pelvis); 90 VSC 89 Human Y N M E1 P Y Y N F V S E 0 x N S 5 F Y N Y N N N N N N Y N N 90 Human Y Y F A2 P N N TF RS N D 90A 5 95% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 90A Human Y N I S1 N U U D 90 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N
519
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 91 Human Y Y I A1 U Y Y N TF LS N 60 W x x N S 5 F Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 92 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF D Up N 30 E x x N S 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 93 Human Y N F E1/E2 P N Y N TF RS E S 30 W x x N S 5 85% Y Y Y Y N Y N N N Y N N 50- 94 Human Y Y M A2/A3 P Y Y N TF LS Down W 0 x N S 5 Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N Y 65% 95 Human Y Y I A1 P N Y N TF D Up E 60 S x x N D 95a 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N Y 95A Human Y N I A1 N U U D 95 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 96 Human Y N I A U Y Y N U W 40 S x x U S 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 97 Human Y Y M A1/A2 P N N N TF LS Down N 60 E x x N S 5 90% Y Y N Y N N N N N Y N Y 98 Human Y N F A1/A2 P N Y N SF RS Up, SE W 0 x N S 4 65% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 99 Human Y Y F A2/A3 S N Y N DO N D 101 4 50% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y Y N N/ N/ 99* Faunal N N Fauna Fauna Y N N/A N O 99 N/A Y N N N N N N Y N Y Y N A A 100 Human Y N I A2+ U Y Y N U D N S 5 5% Y Y N Y N N N N N Y N Y 101 Human Y N F A3/E1 S N Y N DO N D 99 4 < 50% Y Y Y Y Y N N N N Y N N 102 Human Y N I S3 D N N U Y S 5 F Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N Y 103 Human Y N F E1/E2 P N Y N TF RS Down N 30 W x x Y S 5 45% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 104 Human N N I S3 P N N U Y S 5 10% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 105 Human Y Y M A3/E1 P N Y N TF D NE N 70 W x x N D 105A 5 90% Y N N N N N N N N N N Y 105A Human Y N I A U N U N U N D 105 5 3-5% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 106 Human Y N I A D N Y N U Y S 5 1% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N Y 98- 107 Human Y Y F A3/E1 P N Y N TF S Down N 50 E x x N S 4 Y Y N Y Y N N Y N Y Y Y 99% 15- 108 Human Y Y I S2 P N Y N U N 15 E x x Y S 5 Y N Y N N N N N N Y Y N 20% 109 Human Y N M A2 P N Y N TF RS N E 30 S x x N S 4 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 110 Human Y N F E1 P N Y N TF LS N W 0 x Y S 5 50% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 111 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N Y N TF LS S N 60 E x x N S 4 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 112 Human Y N F A2 P N N N TF D S 10 W x x U S 5 80% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 113 Human Y N M A2 P N Y N TF D NE W 60 S x x Y S 5 65% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 114 Human N N I A U N Y N U Y S 5 2% N N N N N N N N N Y N N
520
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 115 Human Y Y I S1 U N Y N U Y S 1 5% Y N Y N N N N N N N N N 116 Human Y Y F A2 P N Y N TF RS Down S 15 E x x Y S 5 25% Y Y Y N N N N Y N Y N N 117 Human N Y M A1/A2 S Y Y N U N S 5 5% Y Y Y N Y N N N N Y N N 118 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF V N E 0 x N S 4 90% N N N N N N N N N Y Y N 119 Human Y Y I I P N Y N U Y D 120 4 5% Y N Y N N N N N N Y N N N/ 119A Human N N I U S N U N U O 4 N/A N N N N N N N N N N N N A Down, 120 Human Y Y F A1 P N N N TF RS S 50 E x x N D 119 4 90% N N N N N N N N N N N N N/NE 121 Human Y N M E1 P N N N TF D S N 45 E x x N S 4 95% N N N N N N N N N Y N N 122 Human Y N F E1 P N N N TF D N 80 E x x Y S 4 45% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N Y 123 Human Y N F E1 P Y Y N TF D E 10 S x x Y S 5 25% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 20- 124 Human Y N I A2+ P N Y N TF D N S 10 W x x Y S 5 N N N N N N N N N N N 25% N 125 Human Y Y F E1 P N Y N TF LS Y S 4 ~60% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y Y Y 126 Human Y N F E1 P N Y N TF D NW S 0 x N S 5 90% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 127 Human Y Y I I D N N N U Y S 4 F Y N Y N N N N N N Y N Y 128 Human Y Y I I P N Y Y TF LS W/NW W 0 x Y S 4 65% Y Y N Y N N N N N N Y N 129 Human Y Y F E1 P N Y N TF RS Down E 20 S x x Y S 4 90% N N N N N N N Y N Y N N 130 Human Y Y M A1 P N Y N TF D Up S 40 W x x Y S 5 50% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 131 Human Y N M A3/E1 P N Y N TF RS W N 60 E x x N S 4 85% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 132 Human Y Y M A1 P N N N TF D N W 0 x N S 5 98% N N N N N N N N N Y Y N 133 Human Y N I A1 P N Y N TF RS W S 60 E x x N S 5 75% Y N N Y N N N N N Y Y N Down, 134 Human Y Y I A1 P N Y N TF RS N 25 E x x Y D 160 5 75% Y N N N N Y N N N Y N Y NW 135 Human Y Y I S2 P Y Y N TF Up N 40 E x x N S 5 50% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 136 Human Y Y I I P N Y N TF D SE N 10 W x x N S 5 30% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N Y 137 Human Y Y I S1 U N N N TF RS S N 40 W x x N D 159 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 138 Human Y N M A3 P N N N TF S Down N 30 E x x N S 5 99% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 139 Human Y N I A2 P Y Y N TF V SE W 30 S x x N S 5 50% Y N Y N N N N N N N N N 140 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF D U S 5 80% N N N N N N N N N N N N
521
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 141, 142, 141 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N TF LS W/SW S 10 E x x N M 4 85% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 143, 144 141, 142, 142 Human Y Y M A1 P N Y N E V Down E 10 S x x N M 4 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 143, 144 141, 142, 143 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N E D Up E 0 x N M 4 90% N N N N N N N N N N N N 143, 144 141, 142, 144 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N DO D N W x N M 4 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N Y 143, 144 145 Human Y N F A3/E1 P N Y N TF O Up S 40 W x x Y D 145A 5 80% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 145A Human Y N I A N U Y D 145 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 90- 146 Human Y Y F E2 P N Y N TF RS Down W 0 x N S 4 Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 95% 147 Human Y N M A3 S Y Y N U D W 0 x N S 5 F Y Y N N N N N N N Y N Y 161- Down, 169, 148 Human Y Y M A3 P N N N TF RS E 50 S x x N C 5 95% N N N N N N N N N N N N N/NE 184, 148 150, 149 Human Y N I A2+ P Y Y N U N 60 W x x N M 5 F N N N N N N N N N N 151 N 149, 150 Human Y N I A1 U Y Y N U S 0 x N M 5 F Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 151 N 149, 151 Human Y N I A2+ U Y Y N U S 30 W x x N M 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N 150 N 152 Human Y Y M A2 P N N TF V Down E 10 S x x N S 4 95% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 153 Human Y N I A2+ S Y Y N U U S 5 F Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N N 154 Human N N I A1 P N Y N U U S 5 F Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 155 Human Y N I I P N Y N TF RS N 30 E x x N D 156 4 80% N N N N N N N N N N N N
522
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 156 Human Y Y I I P N Y N TF LS N 30 E x x N D 155 4 75% N N N N N N N N N N N N 157 Human Y N M A2 P N N N TF RS Down N 50 W x x N S 5 75% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 158 Human N N I A P N N N F RS Y S 5 1% Y Y N N N N N Y N N N N 80- 159 Human Y Y I S1 P N N N TF RS S N 15 E x x N D 137 5 N N N N N N N N N N N Y 85% 160 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N SF LS W E 10 S x x N D 134 5 80% N N N N N N N N N Y N Y 161- Down, 169, 161 Human Y Y M A3/E1 P N Y N TF RS N 60 E x x N C 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N W 184, 148 162 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N N N TF D Up, E W 30 S x x N S 5 90% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 163 Human Y N M A2+ P Y Y N TF S W 20 S x x N S 5 5% Y Y N Y N N N N N N N N 161- Down, 169, 164 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF D N 40 W x x N C 5 95% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N S 184, 148 165 Human Y N M E1 P N N N TF LS South N 30 E x x N S 5 90% N N N N N N N N N Y N N 161- Down, 169, 166 Human Y Y M A1 P N Y N TF V N 10 W x x N C 5 90% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N E 184, 148 161- 169, 167 Human Y Y M A1/A2 P N Y N TF D Up, W E 0 x N C 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N Y 184, 148 161- 169, 167A Human Y N I A N U U C 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N 184, 148 N 161- Down, 169, 168 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N TF LS N 30 W x x N C 5 98% Y Y N N N N N N Y Y N N E/SE 184, 148 161- 169, 169 Human Y Y I S1 P N N N TF S SE N 80 W x x N C 5 50% N N N N N N N N N N N N 184, 148 523
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird
170 Human Y N M A3 P N Y N TF LS S N 30 E x x N S 5 95% N N N N N N N N N N N N 171 Human Y Y M A3 P N N N TF RS NE S 0 x N S 5 95% Y Y Y Y N N N N N Y N Y 172 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF RS Down E 20 S x x N S 5 95% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 173 Human Y N I A1 P Y Y N TF V Down W 50 S x x Y S 5 70% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 174 Human Y N I A2/A3 S N Y N U N S 5 < 1% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y Y N 175 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N SF D W/SW E 30 S x x N S 5 90% N N N N N N N N N Y N N Up, 176 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N TF D N 40 E x x N S 5 90% Y N Y N N N N N N Y N N S/SW 177 Human Y Y I S1 P N Y N TF LS E N 40 W x x N S 5 80% Y N Y Y N N N N N Y N Y 178 Human Y N I S1 P N Y N SF RS E/SE S 30 W x x N S 4 75% N N N N N N N Y N N N N 179 Human Y Y M E1 P N Y N TF D W N 60 E x x Y S 5 95% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 180 Human Y N M A3 P N N N TF RS E S 30 W x x Y S 5 85% Y Y Y N N N N Y N Y N N 181 Human Y N I A2 S Y Y N U RS N 60 E x x N S 5 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 182 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF LS S N 60 E x x Y S 5 45% Y N N N N N N N N Y N N 183 Human Y Y F E1 P N Y N DO D S N 15 W x x N S 5 90% N N N N N N N N N Y N N 161- 169, 184 Human Y Y F E2 P N N N TF D S/SE S 50 E x x N C 5 90% N N N N N N N N N N N 184, 148 185 Human Y N I A2+ P N N N U Y S 6 25% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 186 Human Y Y I I D N N U N 20 E x x Y S 4 F Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 187 Human Y N F A2 P N N N TF LS N/NE S 30 W x x N S 4 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 188 Human Y Y M E1 S N Y Y U N S x Y S 6 45% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N Down, 189 Human Y N F E1 P N N N TF LS N 10 E x x Y S 6 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N E 190 Human Y N F A3+ P N Y N TF V Down N 10 W x x Y S 6 25% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 191 Human Y N M A1/A2 P N Y N SF LS NW E 40 S x x Y S 6 45% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 192 Human Y N I A2+ S Y Y N U Y S 4 F Y Y Y N N N N Y N Y N N 193 Human Y N F A2+ S N Y N TF LS NE N 15 E x x Y S 4 75% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N 194 Human Y Y M A2/A3 P N Y N TF RS Down W 5 E x N D 194a 6 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 194A Human Y Y I S3 P N Y N F LS S 10 W x x N D 194 6 15% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N
524
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 195 Human Y Y I S2 D N N N U Y D 195a 6 50% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 195A Human Y N I A1 N N N U Y D 195 6 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Down, 196 Human Y Y F A1 P N Y N TF LS N 20 E x x N S 5 85% Y Y Y N N N N Y N Y N N SE 197 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y N TF LS NE N 80 W x x N S 4 90% N N N N N N N N N N N N 198 Human Y Y M E1 P N Y N TF V E 40 S x x N S 5 80% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 199 Human N N N/A N/A D N N U Y O N/A N N N N N N N N N N N N 200 Human N N N/A N/A D N N U Y O N/A N N N N N N N N N N N N 201 Human Y Y M A3 P N Y Y TF LS N 50 E x x Y S 85% N N N N N N N N N Y N N 202 Human Y Y M A2+ P N N Y U D S 30 W x x Y S 7 F Y Y N N Y N N N N Y N N 203 Human Y Y I S2 S N Y Y U N S 7 F Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N 204 Human Y N M A D Y Y Y U Y S 7 F Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 205 Human Y N F A3/E1 U N Y N U 270 x Y D 205A 3 75% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 205A Human Y N I S2 U N Y N U Y D 205 3 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 206 Human Y N F A3 P N U N TF D E N 60 E x x Y S 3 70% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N Up, 207 Human Y Y F E1 P N Y N TF D S 30 W x x Y S 7 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N E/SE 208 Human N N I A1 U N Y N U Y S 7 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 209 Human Y Y F A1 P N Y N TF RS Down Due S x Y S 7 60% Y Y N N N N N N N N N N 210 Human Y Y F E2 P N Y N TF V Up, E S 20 E x x Y S 7 70% Y Y N Y N N N N N N N Y 211 Human Y N I A2+ P N N N TF V E 20 S x x Y S 7 30% N N N N N N N N N N N N 212 Human Y Y F E1 P N N N TF D E N 70 W x x N S 7 90% N N N N N N N N N N N N 213 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N N N TF RS S N 80 W x x Y S 7 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 214 Human Y Y I S1/S2 P N Y N TF LS N N 70 W x x N S 7 85% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 215 Human Y N F E1 P N Y N TF LS Up, N Due W x Y S 8 60% N N N N N N N N N N N N 216 Human Y N I A P Y Y N U Y S 8 F Y N Y N N N N N N N N N Down, 217 Human Y Y I S2 P N Y Y TF LS E 0 x N S 8 85% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N W 218 Human Y Y F A3 P N Y N TF LS NE S 10 E x x N S 8 75% Y N Y Y N N N N N N N Y Down, 219 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF D W 0 x Y D 220 8 80% Y N Y N N N N N N N N N S
525
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird 220 Human Y Y I I P N N N TF RS N x N D 219 8 F Y N Y N N N N N N Y N N Down, 221 Human Y Y F A2/A3 P N N N SF RS S 10 W x x N S 3 97% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N E Down, 222 Human Y Y I S2 P Y Y N TF RS W 30 S x x Y S 8 30% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N SE 223 Human Y N F E1 P Y Y N TF V Up, SE S 0 x N D 223A 8 50% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 223A Human Y N I I U N Y N U Y D 223 8 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 224 Human Y N M A2 P Y Y N TF V Up, E W 5 S x x N S 8 90% Y N Y N N N N N N N N Y Up, 225 Human Y Y I A P Y Y N TF D N 60 E Y S 8 45% Y Y Y N N Y N N N N N N NW 226 Human Y Y M A1 P N N N TF D Up, S E 10 S x x Y D 227 8 90% Y N Y N N N N N N N N N Down, 227 Human Y Y I A1 P N Y N TF V N 60 W x x N D 226 8 90% Y Y N N N N N N N Y N N N Up, 228 Human Y Y M A2 P N Y N TF LS E 10 E x Y S 8 75% N N N N N N N N N N N N SW 229 Human Y N M A3 D N N U Y D 229A 25% N N N N N N N N N N N N 229A Human Y N I I U N N N U Y D 229 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Down, 230 Human Y Y F A3 P Y Y N TF S N 50 W x x N D 230A 8 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N W 230A Human Y N I I U N Y N U U D 230 8 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Down, 231 Human Y N M A3 P N N N TF D N 45 E x x N S 8 80% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N W N Down, 232 Human Y N F E1 P N Y N TF RS N 40 E x x N S 3 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N W 233 Human Y Y M A3 D N N N U Y S 7 90% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N Down, 234 Human Y Y F E P N N N TF RS N 15 E x x Y S 7 50% Y Y Y N N N N N N N N N S 235 Human Y Y I I U N Y N U S 30 W x x Y D 235a 3 25% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 235A Human Y N I S1 U N Y N U Y D 235 3 F N N N N N N N N N N N N Down, 236 Human Y Y F A2 P N N N TF D S 45 E x x N S 8 80% Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N N NW Down, 237 Human Y Y M A2 P N N N TF S W 10 S x x Y S 3 95% Y Y Y Y N N N N N N N N E Down, 238 Human Y N M A3 P N N N TF D E 30 S x x N D 238A 8 75% Y Y Y Y N N N N Y Y N N N 526
Mortuary Context Burial-Associated Unworked Organic Material A D (Boring (Boring H (oysters) (oysters) G Shells C F E B Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Sex Code Age Interment Type Cremation Other Burning Rock cairn Flexion Position Face Orientation North: NW-N-NE East: NE-E-SE SW-S-SE South: West: SW-W-NW Disturbed Type Burial burials Associated Spatial Cluster % complete Shellfish Cerethidea (snails) Ostrea lurida nasuta Macoma clams) & Bentnose Mytilus (mussels) ShellAbalone (Whole) Crab Claw Fish Vertebrae/Bone Turtle Carapace Faunal remains Botanical Remains Bone Bird
238A Human Y N I I U N N N U U D 238 8 F N N N N N N N N N N N N 239 Human Y N I S3 S Y Y N U N 60 W x x N S 8 30% Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N 240 Human Y N M A2/A3 S Y Y N U N 20 W x x N S 8 F Y Y Y N N N N N N Y N N Down, 241 Human Y N M A2/A3 P N Y N TF RS S 50 E x x N S 8 95% N N N N N N N N N N N SE N 242 Human Y N I A2+ D Y Y N U Y D 243 8 25% N N N N N N N N N N N N 243 Human Y N I S2 D Y Y N U Y D 242 8 F N N N N N N N N N N N N
ADistinct Individual defined in Appendix A. BSex codes: M = Male, F = Female, I = Indeterminate CAge codes: Defined in Appendix A. DInterment type codes: P = Primary, S = Secondary, D = Disturbed, U = Unknown, N/A – Not applicable (non-human) EFlexion codes: TF = Tightly flexed, F = Flexed, SF = Semi-flexed, E = Extended, DO = Disorganized, U = Unknown, N/A = Not applicable (non-human) FPosition codes: LS = Left side, RS = Right side, D = Dorsal, V = Ventral, S = Seated, O = Other, U = Unknown GBurial type codes: S = Single, D = Double, M = Multiple, C = Cluster, O = Other (non-human) HSpatial Cluster from Bellifemine 1997.
527
TABLE B2. Artifact Associations by Burial at CA-SCL-38 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 1 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 Elk N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 P 0 0 0 0 2 3 3 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 4 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 5 Human Y Y 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 6 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 8 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 312 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 312 1 10 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 11 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 13 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 934 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 939 4 13A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 14 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 15 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 16 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 17 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 18 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 19 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 20 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 5 3 21 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 1 0 11 Y 0 1 2 0 1 0 0 53 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 7 0 0 3 79 9 22 Bear N Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 23 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 24 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 2 25 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 26 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 27 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 28 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 29 Human Y N 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 30 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 30A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 31 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 32 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
528 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 33 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 25 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 27 3 34 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 35 Human Y Y 3 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 97 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 101 3 36 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 37 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 543 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 544 2 38 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 39 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 40 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 10 4 41 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 109 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 109 1 42 Human Y Y 10 0 0 10 0 0 0 4 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 22 3 43 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 1 44 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 45 Human Y Y 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 324 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 327 3 46 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 47 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 47A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 48 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 49 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 50 Human Y N 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 1446 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 1451 4 51 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 1133 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 1137 2 52 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 21 0 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 26 4 53 Human Y Y 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 5 35 0 0 835 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 876 4 54 Human Y N 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 167 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 168 2 55 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 56 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 57 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 58 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 30 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 30 1 59 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 61 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 391 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 4 392 3 61A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 62 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 10 2 63 Human Y Y 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 8 0 1 5 2 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 20 7 64 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 35 0 0 329 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 365 3 65 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 434 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 439 4 66 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
529 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 67 Human Y Y 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 356 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 361 6 68 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 2 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 5 2 69 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3574 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 3575 2 70 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 71 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 27 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 31 3 72 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 Y 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 105 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 110 4 73 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 59 0 0 0 0 6 0 3 0 0 0 3 69 6 74 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 75 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 N 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 21 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 24 4 76 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 1 76A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 77 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 78 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 79 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 80 Human Y Y 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 427 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 4 432 3 81 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 1 82 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 247 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 249 3 83 Human Y N 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 227 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 229 3 84 Human Y Y 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 83 0 0 790 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 875 4 85 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 86 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 23 0 0 700 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 725 3 87 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 472 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 473 2 88 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 14 0 0 814 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 828 2 89 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 90 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 446 0 15 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 461 2 90A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 91 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 4 2 92 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 309 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 310 2 93 Human Y N 11 8 1 1 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 12 0 0 615 2 3 1 0 6 0 1 0 0 0 5 650 9 94 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 753 0 18 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 775 3 95 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 105 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 113 3 95A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 96 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 97 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1522 0 3 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 1530 6 98 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 99 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1
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531 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 134 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 16 3 135 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 3 2 136 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 137 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 2 0 0 0 5 0 0 381 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 389 4 138 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 139 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 1 140 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 16 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 2 20 3 141 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 142 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 143 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 144 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 1 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 145 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 145A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 146 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 147 Human Y N 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 13 3 148 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 2 149 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 16 2 150 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 151 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 152 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 N 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 153 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 154 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 155 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 101 2 156 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 1 157 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 158 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 159 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 11 2 160 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 161 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 162 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 865 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 869 4 163 Human Y N 3 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 26 1 0 261 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 291 5 164 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 554 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 572 4 165 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 166 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4091 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 4093 2 167 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 377 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 381 4 167A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 168 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 17 0 1056 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 1075 4 532 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 169 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 170 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 239 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 241 3 171 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 Y 7 0 0 0 46 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 56 5 172 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 173 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 15 1 174 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 175 Human Y Y 2 0 0 1 1 0 0 7 0 0 1 Y 1 0 0 0 34 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 1 0 0 0 0 0 47 7 176 Human Y Y 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 679 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 680 2 177 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 178 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 299 0 0 0 0 1 0 P 0 0 0 4 302 5 179 Human Y Y 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2091 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 2093 2 180 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 57 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 58 2 181 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 182 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1135 0 24 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 6 1164 4 183 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 184 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 4 2 185 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 186 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 187 Human Y N 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 188 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 189 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Y 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 3 190 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 49 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 49 1 191 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 192 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 193 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 194 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 194A Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 195 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 195A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 196 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 197 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 198 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 199 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 200 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 201 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 202 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1
533 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 203 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 204 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 205 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 205A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 206 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 207 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 208 Human N N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 209 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 210 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 211 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 212 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 213 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 214 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 215 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 216 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 217 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 218 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 4 219 Human Y Y 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 220 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 221 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 4 222 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 223 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 223A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 224 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 N 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 77 0 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 92 6 225 Human Y Y 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 1 0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 16 6 226 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 227 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 228 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 229 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 229A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 230 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 0 0 0 0 2 0 6 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 10 5 230A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 231 Human Y N 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 36 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 39 3 232 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 N 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 3 233 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 234 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 Y 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1
534 Burial # Species Individual Distinct (Human) Study Isotope Bone Tools Scapula Saws Bone Strigils Bone Awls Bone Needles Antler Wedges Other Bone Artifacts (flakes) Debitage Projectile Points (Assc) points Embedded / Other Stone Tools Flakes Utilized Groundstone Pestles Manos Abraders Stone Beads pendants Haliotis Pendants Shell Clam Bone Pendants beads Shell Bird Bone Tubes Whistles Stone Pipes Stone Spoons Charmstones Magic stones / Ochre Cinnabar Stingray Points Antler Teeth Faunal Claws/ Bead Class associations Total # Artifact Types 235 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 235A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 236 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 237 Human Y Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 238 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 238A Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 239 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 240 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 241 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 242 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 243 Human Y N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
APPENDIX C
NEW RADIOCARBON DATE CALIBRATION
AND CALCULATION OF DIETARY
PERCENT MARINE
Introduction
To enhance the temporal context of the present study, fourteen new radiocarbon dates for CA-SCL-38 were processed in 2010 at the Lawrence Livermore National
Laboratory’s Center for Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (LLNL CAMS) laboratory in
Livermore, California. One additional date was obtained in 2012 in support of Tammy
Buonosera’s dissertation research, using a human bone collagen sample from the present stable isotope study as source material. This date was run by the University of Arizona
AMS facility. The methods for preparation, calculation of percent marine, and calibration of these new dates are presented below.
Radiocarbon Dating
Radiocarbon dating measures the proportion of the radioactive carbon-14 (14C) in a sample relative to the amount present in living systems. During life, the proportion of
14C within an organism will be the same as that found in ingested foods. After death, the
14C value within tissues declines, as the radioactive isotope slowly decays to a stable form, that of nitrogen-14 (14N). Radioactive decay of 14C occurs at a predictable rate with a half-life of 5370 years, making radiocarbon dating an excellent approach to dating organic materials from the past 40,000 years or so (Bowman 1990). Archaeologists have
536 537 relied on radiocarbon dating methods since 1949 and techniques have improved through the decades, allowing for more accurate and precise measurements from smaller samples.
Early techniques counted emissions of beta-particles, cast off as 14C decayed to
14N. This approach required large samples of material (e.g. 10-20 grams of charcoal, 100-
400 grams of bone, or 50-100 grams of shell) and produced results with wide standard error ranges (Bowman 1990). Dates for SCL-38 estimated at the Washington State
University Radiocarbon Laboratory in 1996 and at Beta Analytic in 1988 were processed using these techniques (see Chapter III, Tables 19 and 20, for reporting of previously calibrated radiocarbon dates).
Accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS), on the other hand, detects the actual proportional presence of carbon-14 atoms relative to carbon-13 atoms within a sample, and thereby provides a more accurate result using smaller amounts of sample material
(e.g. 10 to 100 micrograms of charcoal, 0.5 to 1 grams of bone, or 50 to 100 micrograms of shell) (Bowman 1990). The new dates, run at the LLNL CAMS Laboratory and at the
University of Arizona AMS Dating Laboratory were processed using accelerator mass spectrometry.
Radiocarbon Dating Methods
To obtain the fourteen new burial-associated radiocarbon dates from CA-SCL-38, a direct approach was used, dating the bone collagen of individuals rather than relying on associated artifacts or charcoal. This approach avoids the hazards of “old wood,” where the wood associated was actually felled long before it was used or burned at the site
(Schiffer 1986), and also the risks of dating heirlooms, found objects, or materials mixed
538 into the burial through bioturbation, none of which represent the lifetime of the individual in question.
Sample Selection
The 14 individuals were selected non-randomly. Two were chosen to test earlier radiocarbon results from the WSU 1996 group (Burial 4, a female in her 40s with a projectile point in her chest cavity and no other associated artifacts, and Burial 166, a teenage male adult found with bone whistles and beads). The remaining twelve were selected in an attempt to build diversity in the dated population, to identify the date of interesting artifacts, and to build on intriguing biographies. Of these individuals, five were adult males (Burials 8, 84, 97, 132, and 182), six were adult females (Burials 5, 35,
90, 120, 209, and 210), and one was a young adult of indeterminate sex, possibly female
(Burial 227) (see Appendix A for reconciliation of age and sex).
Three of these individuals had few or no burial associations. Burial 8, a male in his thirties, was buried in an unusual position, head first with hips and limbs above the body. He had no associated artifacts. Burial 209, a young woman in her teens, had no associated artifacts. Burial 210, an elder female, perhaps in her late fifties, was found with a single shell bead.
Three individuals exhibited intriguing skeletal pathologies in combination with interesting associations. Burial 90, a female in her twenties, was buried with a young child. She had congenital spinal development problems (spina bifida and an unfused spinous process on the eleventh thoracic vertebra). She also had a cache of bird bone whistles, four of which were decorated with bead appliqué, and almost 450 shell beads.
539
Burial 97, a male in his teens or early twenties, also had evidence of congenital spinal developmental problems (spina bifida and unfused neural arches in a few cervical and thoracic vertebrae). He was found with seven types of artifacts, including a charmstone, a stone pipe, bird bone whistles, more than 1,500 shell beads, and two Haliotis pendants.
This assemblage suggests that he had a spiritual role in the community (see Chapter IV for discussion). Burial 120, a female adult in her teens, was buried with a shallow/hopper mortar above her in which the remains of an infant (Burial 119) were found. A lytic lesion on her left posterior parietal suggested a traumatic event approximately two years before her death which would have likely caused severe behavioral or neurological symptoms (Jurmain 2000:137, in consultation with Bruce Ragsdale). Additional artifacts found with this burial included one pestle and three shell beads.
Three individuals were selected for radiocarbon dating because they were buried with objects associated with wealth or ritual status. Burial 84, a male in his late teens, was found with an astonishing sixty-three Haliotis pendants, as well as almost 800 shell beads, a bone awl, and a hammerstone. Burial 132, a male adult in his late teens, was found with a large cache of cinnabar nuggets, as well as several bone awls, beads, and
Haliotis pendants. Burial 182, a male in his twenties, was interred with four animal teeth as well as several whistles and over 1,000 shell and bone beads.
The last individual included in the LLNL CAMS radiocarbon dating group is
Burial 35, a female adult of undetermined age, perhaps in her forties (Morley 1997). She was buried with a fairly typical cache, including three bone awls and 86 shell beads. A fish vertebra found in association with her is somewhat unusual in the faunal record at this site.
540
Sample Preparation
Bone collagen samples from individual burials at SCL-38 had already been purified and lyophilized (freeze-dried) for stable isotope analysis, and remaining portions were repurposed for radiocarbon dating. Sample preparation was completed by the author in the CAMS lab at LLNL, under the supervision of Paula Zermeño and Tom Guilderson, and following the protocol guidelines of Brown et al. (1988) and Ramsey et al. (2004).
Two to 2.5 milligrams of prepared collagen was sealed together in a glass vial with proportionate quantities of copper oxide (CuO) and silver (Ag), then baked at 700° C for five hours to convert all available carbon to CO2. Gas samples were isolated on a graphitizer line (see Groza 2002:Figure 5 for detail) and then baked into graphite. The graphite was removed and compacted into targets, then submitted to the AMS facility for analysis. Standards of known ages were processed with all batches for calibration and quality control.
Prepared targets containing the graphite were then loaded into a sample wheel and introduced to the accelerator mass spectrometer. The CAMS laboratory uses a high intensity cesium-sputter source to accelerate the particles within each sample.
Accelerated particles are sorted within the high-energy portion of the spectrometer using powerful magnets. The spectrometer then records the presence of particles by mass using a gas-ionization detector, actually counting individual atoms and identifying particles within the sample (CAMS https://cams.llnl.gov/, accessed 1/07/13). Results are presented in Figure C1.
CENTER FOR ACCELERATOR MASS SPECTROMETRY Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory 14 C results Submitter: Gardner/Guilderson DATE: May 2010
CAMS # Sample Other 13C fraction ± D14C ± 14C age ± Run Date Name ID Modern 147343 G/G bear bone N91742 -19 0.0037 0.0001 -996.3 0.1 44910 150 5/3/2010 147344 G/G Act III N91743 -20 0.3595 0.0015 -640.5 1.5 8220 35 5/3/2010 147346 G/G SCL38-4 N91889 -19.81 0.9559 0.0024 -44.1 2.4 365 25 5/3/2010 147347 G/G SCL38-8 N91890 -18.58 0.9509 0.0029 -49.1 2.9 405 25 5/5/2010 147372 SCL 38-35 N91891 -18.69 0.8929 0.0026 -107.1 2.6 910 25 5/5/2010 147373 SCL 38-84 N91892 -17.54 0.9019 0.0029 -98.1 2.9 830 30 5/5/2010 147374 SCL 38-90 N91893 -19.73 0.9176 0.0028 -82.4 2.8 690 25 5/5/2010 147375 SCL 38-97 N91894 -18.52 0.9037 0.0026 -96.3 2.6 815 25 5/5/2010 147376 SCL 38-120 N91895 -19.34 0.9201 0.0025 -79.9 2.5 670 25 5/5/2010 147377 SCL 38-132 N91896 -19.5 0.9066 0.0026 -93.4 2.6 790 25 5/5/2010 147378 SCL 38-166 N91897 -17.49 0.9009 0.0035 -99.1 3.5 840 35 5/5/2010 147379 SCL 38-182 N91898 -18.6 0.9045 0.0026 -95.5 2.6 805 25 5/5/2010 147380 SCL 38-227 N91900 -19.82 0.9375 0.0028 -62.5 2.8 520 25 5/5/2010 147507 SCL38-5 N91923 -19 0.9967 0.0032 -3.3 3.2 Modern 5/18/2010 147508 SCL38-209 N91924 -19 0.9549 0.0042 -45.1 4.2 370 40 5/18/2010 147509 SCL38-210 N91925 -19.98 0.9638 0.0041 -36.2 4.1 295 35 5/18/2010 1) 13C values are the assumed values according to Stuiver and Polach (Radiocarbon, v. 19, p.355, 1977) when given without decimal places. Values measured for the material itself are given with a single decimal place. 2) The quoted age is in radiocarbon years using the Libby half life of 5568 years and following the conventions of Stuiver and Polach (ibid.). 3) Radiocarbon concentration is given as fraction Modern, D14C, and conventional radiocarbon age. 4). Sample preparation backgrounds have been subtracted, based on measurements of samples of 14C-free bone. Backgrounds were scaled relative to sample size.
Figure C1. CAMS Radiocarbon Dating Results – 2010
541
542
Calculation of Dietary Percent Marine
Prior to calibration, the dietary contribution of marine foods for each individual
(hereafter called percent marine) was calculated using a linear mixing model. Calculation of percent marine is a crucial step to accurate calibration, because carbon from marine foods contains less 14C than contemporaneous terrestrial foods, due to the marine reservoir effect. While the 14C content of carbonates in ocean surface waters is in equilibrium with the atmosphere above, deep waters are reservoirs for older carbonates, including those in dissolved in deep-sea waters as well as those within eroding limestone deposits. These older carbonates are depleted in 14C. Upwelling mixes the deep-sea depleted waters with surface waters, effectively diluting the 14C in the living environment for marine organisms. The 14C concentrations within these organisms equilibrate with their environment, causing them to have a lower concentration of 14C in their tissues than contemporaneous terrestrial organisms would have. Consequently, uncorrected radiocarbon dates for marine organisms (e.g., shell) appear to be approximately 400 years older than when the organism actually lived, although the factor of variance varies between locations due to differences in upwelling rates and factors of local geology
(Stuiver and Braziunas 1993).
To calibrate radiocarbon dates for humans eating a mixed-marine diet, it is crucial to first calculate the proportion of marine foods likely to have been included in each individual’s diet and then use the locally appropriate correction factor for the marine reservoir (ΔR). The approach used in this study to calculate percent marine is a linear
13 mixing model based on measured δ CCollagen values. Endpoints were selected to represent local food values, based on the botanical and faunal isotope studies highlighted in
543
Bartelink’s (2006) review of Central California resources. While regional variation is
13 apparent in the δ C values for California marine resources and terrestrial mammals (up to 3 permil within a species), values for terrestrial plants appear to be fairly similar for all regions reported in Bartelink (2006). Accordingly, where studies had been done using
San Francisco Bay Area resources, these were privileged in calculating endpoints for the mixing model. No data was available for local acorns or nuts, so the Southern California results were used to represent this important dietary source. Values used in determining the mixing model end points are presented in Table C1.
The mean δ13C value of nut meats from previous studies was -23.94 permil. The weighted average of marshland plants was -25.22 permil. Terrestrial mammal δ13C values averaged -20.78 permil; just the artiodactyls averaged -22.71 permil. Reviewed as a group, the most negative value found was for tule at -26.20 permil. Therefore, an endpoint to represent an all terrestrial diet should not dip below -26 permil in this region.
13 Among marine resources, the average δ C value of marine mammal protein was -
13.64 permil. For marine fish, the weighted average was -15.73 permil. Anadromous fish are those which spend part of their lives in riverine systems and part in marine systems; the weighted average in this group was -17.56 permil. Finally, bay shellfish and the crab sample averaged -19.16 permil. Of these values, the highest (least negative) value is for one rather anomalous sturgeon at -11.64 permil, and otherwise for marine mammals trending just below -13 permil. Based on these data, an endpoint of -13 permil is suggested to represent an entirely marine diet in the prehistoric San Francisco Bay Area.
13 These endpoints are then adjusted for fractionation between ingested δ C values of
13 protein resources and δ C values of human bone collagen by adding 5 permil (Ambrose
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13 TABLE C1. δ C Values of Food Resources Native to Central California
Food Type Common Name Species Environment n Corrected δ13C A Location Original Source Nuts/acorns Valley oak Quercus lobata Terrestrial 1 -25.97 Southern California Goldberg 1993:180, Table 8 Scrub oak Quercus dumosa 1 -22.45 Coast live oak Quercus agrifolia 1 -23.30 Fruit California blackberry Rubus vitifolius 7 -23.20 San Francisco Bay Cloern et al. 2002:720, Table 2 Sedges, Rushes, Tule Scirpus acutus Marshland 80 -26.20 Seeds Alkalai bulrush Scirpus maritimus 13 -24.90 California bulrush Scirpus californicus 34 -25.90 Common cattail Typha latifolia 79 -24.00 Mammals Black tailed deer Odocoileus hemionus Terrestrial 2 -22.77 Goldberg 1993:181, Table 9 Elk Cervus elaphus 1 -22.61 Raccoon Procyon lotor 1 -14.60 Bartelink 2006:147-150, Table 5.2 Coyote Canis latrans 1 -21.16 Sea otter Enhydra lutris Marine 2 -13.37 Harbor seal Phoca vitulina 1 -13.53 Stellar sea lion Eumetopias jubatus 1 -14.30 Fish Leopard shark Triakis semifasciata 31 -15.7±.9 Greenfield et al. 2005 Jacksmelt Atherinopsis californiensis 15 -15.80±1.4 Salmon Oncorhynchus spp. Anadromous 1 -15.82 Bartelink 2006:147-150, Table 5.2. Sturgeon Acipenser spp. 1 -11.64 Sturgeon Acipenser spp. 1 -16.87 White sturgeon Acipenser transmontanus 13 -18.20±1.1 Greenfield et al. 2005 Shellfish and Crab Bay mussel Mytilus sp. Marine/Bay 21 -19.10±1.7 Crab Cancer magister 1 ~-20.50 Suisun Bay Stewart et al. 2004:4524, Figure 3. A 13 Reported δ C values are for edible portions of food resources (e.g. nuts, meat) and were previously corrected for the Suess Effect and for fractionation between bone collagen and muscle tissue.
Source: All data from Bartelink, Eric J., 2006, Resource Intensification in Pre-Contact Central California: A Bioarchaeological Perspective on Diet and Health Patterns among Hunter-Gatherers from the Lower Sacramento Valley and San Francisco Bay. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University.
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13 and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre 1993), producing an estimated δ CCollagen end point for exclusively terrestrial consumption of approximately -21.0 permil, and for exclusively marine consumption of approximately -8.0 permil.
The estimated range of dietary signatures is supported by a survey of measured
13 δ C values of human bone collagen from archaeological assemblages in California. In
13 the San Francisco Bay Area, the most depleted δ CCollagen values observed in prehistoric
South Bay populations come from CA-SCL-869, a Middle Period cemetery known as the
13 Four Matriarchs site, where the δ CCollagen value for one individual was -20.8 permil
(Bartelink 2011). This same individual had a very depleted δ15N value as well (only
4.3‰), suggesting an almost exclusively terrestrial, low trophic level diet.
No known populations in the San Francisco Bay Area have consumed almost exclusively marine foods, but stable isotope results from San Nicholas Island in the Santa
Barbara Channel may serve as a relatively nearby proxy. Measured human collagen δ13C values there are as enriched as -8.8 permil (Harrison and Katzenberg 2003). The two
13 15 individuals with this very enriched δ CCollagen result also had very enriched δ N values
(15.4 and 20.8‰), supporting the hypothesis that they consumed a predominantly marine-based diet.
With the end members determined, the mixing model is set up as follows. Each end member is enriched by +5 permil to adjust for the fractionation between ingested
13 13 δ C values of protein resources and δ C values of human bone collagen.
Terrestrial (min) δ13C: -26‰ + 5‰ = -21‰ Marine (max) δ13C: -13‰ + 5‰ = -8‰
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It is then assumed that the marine fraction plus the terrestrial fraction comprise one hundred percent of the diet.
F(T) = % Terrestrial; F(M) = % Marine F(T) + F(M) = 100% = 1 F(T) = 1 – F(M)
Further, the marine fraction multiplied by the marine end point plus the terrestrial fraction multiplied by the terrestrial endpoint should equal the δ13C value of the bone collagen of the individual consuming those foods. A bit of mathematical manipulation produces the following:
13 [1 – F(M)](-21) + F(M)(-8) = δ CCollagen 13 -21 + 21[F(M)] – 8[F(M)] = δ CCollagen 13 -21 + 13[F(M)] = δ CCollagen
13 F(M) = (δ CCollagen + 21)/13 F(T) = 1 – F(M)
The above final equations were used to calculate percent marine and percent terrestrial for each individual in the radiocarbon dating group. Results are presented in Table C2.
Calibration of Radiocarbon Dates
Radiocarbon results from CA-SCL-38 were calibrated using the CALIB 6.1.1 program (Stuvier and Reimer 1993) (see Table C3). For bone collagen samples, the NH
Mixed Marine calibration curve was used with a reservoir correction (ΔR) of 365 ± 50
(recommended for individuals consuming a mixed-marine diet in the San Francisco Bay area by Tom Guilderson, LLNL-CAMS, personal communication, 2010). One previously uncalibrated radiocarbon date from the 1996 WSU group was also calibrated (Burial 50).
Because this sample was charcoal, the NH Terrestrial calibration curve was used, and the
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Table C2. Calculated Dietary Percent Marine for Newly Radiocarbon Dated Individuals from CA-SCL-38
Burial # δ13C (‰) % Marine % Terrestrial 4 -19.81 9% 91% 5 -19.00 15% 85% 8 -18.58 19% 81% 35 -18.69 18% 82% 84 -17.54 27% 73% 90 -19.73 10% 90% 97 -18.52 19% 81% 120 -19.34 13% 87% 132 -19.50 12% 88% 166 -17.49 27% 73% 182 -18.60 18% 82% 209 -19.00 15% 85% 210 -19.98 8% 92% 227 -19.82 9% 91%
reservoir correction was not necessary. Finally, an attempt was made to calibrate the Beta Analytic date from 1988, using the Marine calibration curve because the sample was shell, and a reservoir correction (ΔR) of 225 ± 35, based on the recommendations for shell dating in Groza (2002). The marine reservoir effect is highlighted in this case, as the uncorrected date of 500 ± 60 years before present is actually a modern result. Calibration is not possible for this date. One of the LLNL-CAMS samples also produced a modern result (Burial 5) and will be disregarded in further discussions of temporal context for
CA-SCL-38.
Summary
This appendix has presented a new linear mixing model to estimate marine contribution to diet as well as detailing methods for preparation and calibration of new
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TABLE C3. Newly Calibrated Radiocarbon Dates for CA-SCL-38A
Corrected Date Calibrated Date Corrected Date Uncalibrated 14-C Calibrated Date Midpoint/ intercept Sample ID Test Facility Year ΔR B Calibration CurveC (BP) (BC/AD) (BP) Age (BP) (BC/AD) (2-Sigma) (BC/AD)
Material Material (1-Sigma) (1-Sigma) (2-Sigma)
4 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 365 ± 25 365 ± 25 1524-1573 365 ± 51 1510-1602 AD 1569 5 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine Modern Error, too recent for calibration. Sample contaminated. 8 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 405 ± 25 405 ± 27 1532-1540 405 ± 53 1620-1672 AD 1646 35 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 910 ± 25 910 ± 27 1231-1270 910 ± 53 1214-1280 AD 1250 84 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 830 ± 30 830 ± 33 1300-1326 830 ± 66 1291-1401 AD 1350 90 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 690 ± 25 690 ± 25 1303-1327 690 ± 51 1296-1399 AD 1351 97 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 815 ± 25 815 ± 27 1282-1309 815 ± 54 1275-1323 AD 1306 120 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 670 ± 25 670 ± 26 1322-1350 670 ± 52 1308-1366 AD 1353 132 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 790 ± 25 790 ± 26 1274-1294 790 ± 51 1263-1307 AD 1286 166 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 840 ± 35 840 ± 38 1296-1325 840 ± 75 1286-1401 AD 1348 182 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 805 ± 25 805 ± 27 1284-1310 805 ± 53 1277-1325 AD 1312 209 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 370 ± 40 370 ± 41 1526-1559 370 ± 81 1611-1686 AD 1650 210 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 295 ± 35 295 ± 35 1640-1677 295 ± 70 1628-1687 AD 1669 227 LLNL 2010 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 520 ± 25 520 ± 25 1432-1453 520 ± 51 1420-1472 AD 1444 45 D UA-AMS 2012 HBC 365 ± 50 NH Mixed Marine 769 ± 43 769 ± 44 1286-1320 769 ± 87 1181-1291 AD 1249 50 WSU 1996 CH N/A NH Terrestrial 410 ± 240 410 ± 240 1298-1678 410 ± 480 1209-1954 AD 1544 Unit 2: 10-20 cm Beta Analytic 1988 SH 225 ± 35 Marine 500 ± 60 Error, too recent for calibration. Sample contaminated. ACalibration completed using CALIB 6.1.1 program. Percent marine was calculated for all human bone collagen samples using a linear mixing model with locally derived δ13C endpoints of -21‰ and -8‰. BΔR value of 365 ± 50 recommended for marine food sources from San Francisco Bay (Tom Guilderson, personal communication, 2010). ΔR value of 225 ± 35 recommended for shell dating by Groza (2002), however this date is too recent to be calibrated using any ΔR value. CCalibration curve depends on sample material. NH Mixed Marine is used for bone collagen of humans eating a mixed marine diet in the northern hemisphere. NH Terrestrial is used for sample 50 because this is charcoal (from a terrestrial wood source). Marine is used for shell. DThis date was previously calibrated by the University of Arizona AMS dating laboratory with exactly the same results. 549 radiocarbon dates for CA-SCL-38. Employing locally derived data points for use in dietary models is crucial, as δ13C values in food resources may vary significantly with climate and local environment. An appropriate estimation of the marine contribution to diet and locally specific marine reservoir correction factors (ΔR) are necessary for accurate calibration of radiocarbon dates.
The 14 new radiocarbon dates processed in 2010 at the LLNL CAMS laboratory add to the temporal context for CA-SCL-38, however, they also raise questions about the temporal range suggested by earlier radiocarbon dates. While previous dates suggested over two thousand years of site use, all new dates fall within the Late Period (AD 1210-
1720) and midpoints of date ranges span only four hundred years. Additional radiocarbon dates for this site could prove extremely valuable for understanding site use patterns, as well as possible changes in diet and mortuary patterns through time.
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