Algemeen Ambtsbericht Afghanistan Februari 2006
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Evaluation of Norwegian Development Cooperation with Afghanistan 2001-2011
Evaluation of Norwegian Development Cooperation with Afghanistan 2001-2011 Final Report Table of contents List of Tables ix List of Figures xi List of Acronyms xiii Executive Summary xv 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Purpose and Objectives 1 1.2 Evaluation Questions 1 1.3 Main Users 1 1.4 Scope of Work 2 2 Methodology 3 2.1 Approach 3 2.2 Data collection and analysis methods 4 2.3 Organisation 6 2.4 Phasing 7 2.5 Challenges and Major Constraints 8 3 Policy Analysis 11 3.1 Introduction 11 3.2 The Context in Afghanistan 11 3.3 International agreements and policy on Afghanistan 13 3.4 Norwegian Policy on Afghanistan 17 3.4.1 Foreign Policy 17 3.4.2 Humanitarian Policy 20 3.4.3 Development Policy 23 3.5 Main actors 30 3.6 Towards a theory of change 32 3.7 Conclusion 34 4 Portfolio Analysis 37 4.1 Introduction 37 4.2 Role of Norwegian Actors 38 4.3 Partners, Channels and Priorities 40 4.3.1 Partners 40 4.3.2 Channels 41 4.4 Priorities 43 4.5 Conclusions 45 5 Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund 47 5.1 Introduction 47 5.2 Overview of ARTF 47 5.3 Norwegian Contribution to ARTF 48 Evaluation of Norwegian Development Cooperation with Afghanistan 2001-2011 v 5.4 ARTF Governance 50 5.5 ARTF Financing Strategy 51 5.6 The Recurrent Cost Window 52 5.7 The Investment Window 53 5.7.1 Results from the National Solidarity Program (NSP) 54 5.7.2 Results from the Education Quality Improvement Program (EQUIP) 56 5.7.3 Results from the National Institute of Management and Administration (NIMA) 59 5.8 ARTF Implementation Mechanisms 59 5.9 ARTF Oversight and Monitoring -
Beyond Boundaries II
Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II Pakistan - Afghanistan Track 1.5 and II cc Connecting People Building Peace Promoting Cooperation 1 Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II Pakistan – Afghanistan Track 1.5 and II Connecting People Building Peace Promoting Cooperation 2 Beyond Boundaries II Beyond Boundaries II ©Center for Research and Security Studies 2018 All rights reserved This publication can be ordered from CRSS Islamabad office. All CRSS publications are also available free of cost for digital download from the CRSS website. 14-M, Ali Plaza, 2nd Floor, F-8 Markaz, Islamabad, Pakistan. Tel: +92-51-8314801-03 Fax: +92-51-8314804 www.crss.pk 3 Beyond Boundaries II TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. ACRONYMS ..................................................................................................... 5 2. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................... 9 3. CONTEXTUALIZING BEYOND BOUNDARIES................................................... 11 4. FIRST MEETING OF THE PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ........ 56 5. SECOND MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE .......... 72 6. THIRD MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE .............. 95 7. FOURTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ........ 126 8. FIFTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ON BUSINESS/TRADE ........................................................................................ 149 9. SIXTH MEETING OF PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN JOINT COMMITTEE ............ 170 10. UNIVERSITY -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
Ethnicity and the Political Reconstruction of Afghanistan
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Schetter, Conrad Working Paper Ethnicity and the political reconstruction of Afghanistan ZEF Working Paper Series, No. 3 Provided in Cooperation with: Zentrum für Entwicklungsforschung / Center for Development Research (ZEF), University of Bonn Suggested Citation: Schetter, Conrad (2005) : Ethnicity and the political reconstruction of Afghanistan, ZEF Working Paper Series, No. 3, University of Bonn, Center for Development Research (ZEF), Bonn, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0202-2008091124 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/88366 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen -
DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD by Brian Glyn Williams
VOLUME VI, ISSUE 8 APRIL 17, 2008 IN THIS ISSUE: DOSTUM: AFGHANISTAN’S EMBATTLED WARLORD By Brian Glyn Williams....................................................................................1 SINO-PAKISTANI DEFENSE RELATIONS AND THE WAR ON TERRORISM By Tariq Mahmud Ashraf................................................................................4 CAPABILITIES AND RESTRAINTS IN TURKEY’S COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICY By Gareth Jenkins...........................................................................................7 AL-QAEDA’S PALESTINIAN INROADS Abdul Rashid Dostum By Fadhil Ali....................................................................................................10 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. Dostum: Afghanistan’s Embattled Warlord The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- By Brian Glyn Williams makers and other specialists yet be accessible to the general While the resurgence of the Taliban is the focus of interest in the Pashtun south public. The opinions expressed within are solely those of the of Afghanistan, the year started with a different story in the north that many are authors and do not necessarily depicting as one of the greatest challenges to the Karzai government. Namely the reflect those of The Jamestown surreal confrontation between General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the larger-than- Foundation. life Uzbek jang salar (warlord)—who was once described as “one of the best equipped and armed warlords ever”—and one of his former aides [1]. In a move that many critics of the situation in Afghanistan saw as epitomizing Unauthorized reproduction or the Karzai government’s cravenness in dealing with brutal warlords, the Afghan redistribution of this or any government backed away from arresting Dostum after he beat up and kidnapped Jamestown publication is strictly a former election manager and spokesman in Kabul on February 3 (IHT, February prohibited by law. -
Afghanistan Zwischen Abzug Und Wahlen.Pdf
Reiner Braun Pascal Luig Afghanistan Zwischen Abzug und Wahlen Mit der Unterstützung von: November 2013 Netzwerk No to War – No to NATO / Deutsch-Afghanisches-Friedensnetzwerk Inhalt Vorwort .............................................................................................................................. 3 I. Afghanistan zwischen Abzug und Wahlen – Interview mit Karim Popal ............................ 4 II. Friedensbewegte in Afghanistan »Ein Schrei nach Frieden« – Impressionen einer Reise von Reiner Braun und Kristine Karch ....................................................................... 13 III. Der Kundus-Prozess ........................................................................................................... 21 Der Kunduzprozess – ein Überblick von Gerhard Baisch ..................................................... 21 Dritter Jahrestag des Kunduz-Bombardements: Opfer warten auf Gerechtigkeit .............. 24 Landgericht Bonn verhandelt über mögliche Schadensersatzansprüche von Opfern der Luftschläge in Kunduz/Afghanistan ...................................................................................... 26 Zivilkammer beabsichtigt Beweisaufnahme zum NATO-Bombardement in Kunduz/Afghanistan ............................................................................................................. 28 Der zweite Verhandlungstag in Sachen Kunduz ................................................................... 30 Pressemitteilung des Bonn-Kölner Antikriegsbündnisses. Protestaktionen vor dem Bonner -
Hekmatyar Taken Off UN Sanctions List: Paving the Way for His Return – and Hezb-E Islami’S Reunification?
Hekmatyar taken off UN sanctions list: Paving the way for his return – and Hezb-e Islami’s reunification? Author : Thomas Ruttig Published: 11 February 2017 Downloaded: 4 September 2018 Download URL: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/hekmatyar-taken-off-un-sanctions-list-paving-the-way-for-his-return-and-hezb-e- islamis-reunification/?format=pdf The United Nations has lifted the sanctions against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the leader of the Islamic Party of Afghanistan. This was the next step in the implementation of the peace agreement signed by the Afghan government and Hezb in September 2016. It paves the way for the return of the former mujahedin leader, one of the most contentious figures in recent Afghan history – a hero of the jihad according to supporters, a war criminal according to detractors. AAN’s co-director Thomas Ruttig follows up on earlier AAN analysis of the peace agreement, looks at what happens next and possible implications for Hekmatyar’s party (with input from Kate Clark, Fazal Muzhary and Ehsan Qaane). Over four months after the peace deal between the Afghan government and Hezb-e Islami was signed by President Ashraf Ghani and Hezb leader (amir) Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (who was not personally present but brought in via video link), the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has taken Hekmatyar off its sanctions list. A press release about this measure was published on 3 February 2017 (see the full text in the annex to this dispatch). Without it, the government would have been obliged to detain Hekmatyar if he came to Kabul openly. In the September 2016 agreement with Hezb-e Islami Afghanistan (HIA, Islamic Party of Afghanistan), the Afghan government had committed to take measures that would remove “all sanctions” against the leadership and members of Hezb as a prerequisite for its implementation. -
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance
Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs February 10, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21922 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Afghanistan: Politics, Elections, and Government Performance Summary The limited capacity and widespread corruption of all levels of Afghan governance are growing factors in debate over the effectiveness of U.S. strategy in Afghanistan, as expressed in an Administration assessment of policy released December 16, 2010. A competent, respected, and effective Afghan government is considered a major prerequisite for a transition to Afghan leadership that is to take place by 2014, a timeframe agreed to by the United States, its international partners, and the Afghan government. Afghan governing capacity has increased significantly since the Taliban regime fell in late 2001, but many positions, particularly at the local level, are unfilled or governing functions are performed by unaccountable power brokers. On corruption, the issue that perhaps most divides the United States from the government of President Hamid Karzai, the Afghan leadership is accepting U.S. help to build emerging anti- corruption institutions, but these same institutions have sometimes caused a Karzai backlash when they have targeted his allies or relatives. Effects of corruption burst into public view in August 2010 when the large Kabul Bank nearly collapsed due in part to losses on large loans to major shareholders, many of whom are close to Karzai. Some in Congress have sought to link further U.S. aid to clearer progress on the corruption issue. Purportedly suspicious that U.S. -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
Algemeen Ambtsbericht Afghanistan Juli 2010
Algemeen ambtsbericht Afghanistan Juli 2010 Directie Consulaire Zaken en Migratiebeleid Afdeling Asiel, Hervestiging en Terugkeer Inhoudsopgave Pagina 1 Inleiding 4 2 Landeninformatie 5 2.1 Basisgegevens 5 2.1.1 Land en volk 5 2.1.2 Geschiedenis 9 2.1.3 Staatsinrichting 13 2.2 Politieke ontwikkelingen 18 2.3 Afghaanse veiligheidsorganisaties 22 2.3.1 Afghan National Army 22 2.3.2 Afghan National Police 23 2.3.3 Veiligheidsdienst NDS 26 2.3.4 Burgermilities 27 2.4 Internationale militaire presentie 28 2.5 Machtsfactoren 30 2.5.1 Taliban 32 2.5.2 Jalaluddin Haqqani 34 2.5.3 Hezb-i-Islami 35 2.5.4 Ontwapening, demobilisatie en re-integratie 36 2.6 Veiligheidssituatie 37 2.6.1 Bescherming tegen geweld 38 2.6.2 Doelwitten 38 2.6.3 Burgerslachtoffers 39 2.6.4 Gedwongen rekrutering en ronseling 41 2.6.5 Regionale verdeling veiligheidsincidenten 41 3 Mensenrechten 46 3.1 Juridische context 46 3.1.1 Verdragen en protocollen 46 3.1.2 Nationale wetgeving 46 3.2 Toezicht 48 3.2.1 Mensenrechtencommissie AIHCR 49 3.2.2 Transitional Justice 50 3.3 Naleving en schendingen 53 3.3.1 Vrijheid van meningsuiting 53 3.3.2 Vrijheid van vereniging en vergadering 56 3.3.3 Vrijheid van godsdienst en overtuiging 56 3.3.4 Bewegingsvrijheid en documenten 59 3.3.5 Rechtsgang 62 3.3.6 Arrestaties en detentie 64 3.3.7 Foltering, mishandeling en bedreiging 66 3.3.8 Ontvoeringen 67 3.3.9 Buitengerechtelijke executies en moorden 67 3.3.10 Doodstraf 68 3.4 Positie van specifieke groepen 69 3.4.1 Politieke opposanten en mensenrechtenactivisten 69 3.4.2 Etnische groepen 70 -
Study on Security Cooperation in The
This publicaion has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publicaion are the sole responsibility of ATR Consuling and can in no way be taken to relect the views of the European Union. CONTENTs Execuive Summary 1 Acronyms 2 Acknowledgements 5 Background and 6 Context Concept and 7 Background of the Heart of Asia Building r Commitment 8 States to the Heart of Asia Process Among Membe Map 1: 9 Heart of Asia Member States Exising Studies 10 on the Heart of Asia Process Approach and 11 Methodology Approach 11 Research Quesions 11 Methodology 12 Findings 13 Security Cooperaion’ Looking Beyond the Tradiional Deiniion of ‘ 13 Security Threats 14 in the Region Security Cooperaion 17 Mechanisms in the Region Obstacles to 22 Efecive Security Cooperaion in the Region Opportuniies for 23 Intensiied Security Cooperaion Incenives for 25 Intensiied Security Cooperaion Policy Opions 26 for the Heart of Asia Conclusion 29 Appendix I: 31 Afghanistan Most Relevant 32 Security Threats to Afghanistan Exising Security 32 Cooperaion Mechanisms Obstacles to 35 Efecive Security Cooperaion Opportuniies aion and 38 Incenives for Intensiied Security Cooper Promising Policy 40 Opions for the Heart of Asia Process Map 2: 40 Proposed Route of TAPI Gas Pipeline Project Appendix II: 42 Azerbaijan Most Relevant 43 Security Threats Exising Security 44 Cooperaion Mechanisms Obstacles to Efecive Security Cooperaion 45 Opportuniies and Incenives for Intensiied Security Cooperaion 46 Promising Policy Opions for the Heart of Asia Process -
Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan
Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan Mohammad Bashir Mobasher A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2017 Reading Committee: Robert Pekannen, Chair Jonathan Eddy, Co-Chair James Long Scott Radnitz Leigh Anderson Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Law © Copyright 2017 Mohammad Bashir Mobasher University of Washington ABSTRACT Political Laws and Ethnic Accommodation: Why Cross-Ethnic Coalitions Have Failed to Institutionalize in Afghanistan Mohammad Bashir Mobasher Chairs of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Robert Pekannen – Jackson School of International Studies Professor Jonathan Eddy – School of Law Afghanistan suffers from an ethnic-based and fragmented party system. Although some cross-ethnic coalitions have emerged, especially during the presidential elections, these coalitions have failed to survive across elections and branches of government. As for what explains the failure of the consolidation of coalitions, some scholars pointed to the SNTV system and others to the presidential system. This study examines all related institutional designs, including the SNTV system for parliamentary elections, the runoff system for presidential elections, the presidential system, dual vice presidency, and party qualification thresholds. These systems and institutions are designed by three bodies of political laws: the Constitution, electoral laws, and party laws. Analyzing these laws and institutional designs, this study makes three observations. First, the failure of coalitions to institutionalize in Afghanistan is not due to a single political law or institutional design but due to the influence of a number of them. Second, for cross-ethnic coalitions to institutionalize, all related institutional designs must act cohesively or else they fail to incentivize coalition-building, as is the case in Afghanistan.