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Università Di Pisa View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Archive - Università di Pisa UNIVERSITÀ DI PISA CORSO DI LAUREA SPECIALISTICA IN SCIENZE PER LA PACE: COOPERAZIONE ALLO SVILUPPO, MEDIAZIONE E TRASFORMAZIONE DEI CONFLITTI STORIA DEI GRUPPI DI OPPOSIZIONE A BOURGUIBA E LORO EREDITÀ NELLA TUNISIA POST-2011. PROPOSTE PER UNA COOPERAZIONE DAL BASSO CANDIDATA RELATORI Dott.ssa SARA PALLI Prof. ALESSANDRO POLSI Prof. ABDEJLIL BOUGUERRA ANNO ACCADEMICO 2014-2015 2 A coloro che ci hanno lasciato prima del tempo e che vivranno nei loro insegnamenti Al professor Marco Della Pina Alla professoressa Paola Bora A mio padre 3 4 Si ringraziano i militanti dell’associazione Perspectives50 per avermi accolto a braccia aperte e aver condiviso con me le loro storie e i loro scritti; per aver salvato, a costo della loro libertà, gran parte dei documenti e del materiale da loro prodotto tra gli anni ’60 e ’70; per continuare, nonostante le contraddizioni e le difficoltà, a battersi per rompere un silenzio imposto per troppo tempo. Grazie ai tanti e tante che mi hanno aiutato, attraverso il confronto, a comprendere meglio alcuni passaggi svolti in questa tesi. Grazie a Moez Chamkhi, che nonostante la censura e la tortura ha continuato a lottare; che mi ha introdotto tra i militanti più giovani; che mi ha mostrato per primo la geografia delle opposizioni ai regimi in Tunisia; che ha trovato e contattato i protagonisti delle lotte contro Bourguiba perché io potessi parlar loro; che ha tradotto pazientemente dall’arabo ogni documento che fosse necessario. 5 6 Introduzione ................................................................................................................................................ 9 La Tunisia del XIX secolo .............................................................................................................................10 Il Protettorato Francese ..............................................................................................................................14 Primi movimenti politici e sindacali .............................................................................................................18 Il Neo Dustur ..............................................................................................................................................26 Il percorso verso l’Indipendenza .................................................................................................................30 L’Indipendenza ...........................................................................................................................................40 L’UGTT ........................................................................................................................................................60 Il Partito Comunista Tunisino ......................................................................................................................64 L’ Union Générale des étudiants de Tunisie – UGET ....................................................................................70 Groupe d’études et d’action socialiste – GEAST o Perspectives ..................................................................73 Il sistema complesso della Tunisia: le conseguenze di una forte crisi sociale e politica e del sistema di repressione .................................................................................................................................................89 I gruppi di sinistra e le altre opposizioni di fronte all’ascesa di Zine El Abidine Ben Ali .................................94 La “Nuova Era” ...........................................................................................................................................96 L’ultimo decennio di Ben Ali e la scomparsa del senso dello Stato .............................................................102 Le associazioni e la cooperazione internazionale al servizio di Ben Ali .......................................................104 La Rivolta del 2011 e il nuovo tentativo di controllo: un’analisi complessa ................................................108 Quale cooperazione? ................................................................................................................................115 Conclusioni ...............................................................................................................................................120 Allegato I: Gruppi di opposizione da Perspectives fino ad oggi ..................................................................124 Bibliografia ...............................................................................................................................................126 Sitografia e filmografia ..............................................................................................................................129 7 8 Introduzione Tra gli ultimi giorni del 2010 e i primi del 2011 migliaia di persone occuparono le piazze e le strade della Tunisia al grido di “Lavoro, Libertà, Dignità Nazionale”. Agli occhi dell’Europa e degli Stati Uniti il Paese sembrò emergere da un "vuoto politico" dovuto a più di 50 anni di dittatura. Dimenticando il sostegno espresso all’ex dittatore fino a poco tempo prima, molti governi e organizzazioni internazionali si affrettarono a riversare nel Paese ingenti somme per lo "sviluppo della democrazia". Mentre nessuno avviava un dialogo con le migliaia di ragazzi che, dopo aver sfidato la polizia nelle strade della Tunisia, affrontavano il mare alla ricerca della libertà a loro così a lungo negata, dall’altra parte del Mediterraneo il solo fatto di aver creato un’associazione veniva visto come un importante passo avanti verso lo sviluppo e l’organizzazione della popolazione. Implicitamente si affermava così che in Tunisia non esisteva solo un deserto fisico ma anche uno sociale, che la popolazione aveva perciò bisogno di una rieducazione e di essere spronata alla partecipazione politica, con particolare riferimento alle vicine elezioni. Un’affluenza ferma a poco più del 50%, e la vittoria del partito islamico, furono sufficienti a decretare il “passaggio di stagione” del Paese e a generare un florilegio di analisi su base religiosa degli avvenimenti. Solo un enorme pregiudizio non ha permesso ai più di accorgersi che non era possibile che una rivolta di tale portata partisse dal “nulla”, che un’associazione significasse democrazia (in particolare nel contesto tunisino), che i ragazzi arrivati in Europa fossero semplici “migranti economici”, o che l’astensione tunisina alle urne fosse una naturale conseguenza della dittatura. Tuttavia affrontare questo tema significa primariamente comprendere la Storia politica e culturale tunisina e di come le opposizioni e il regime abbiano agito fino ad oggi. Anni di dittatura hanno nascosto e manipolato la memoria di molti e il regime non permetteva la diffusione di libri o altro materiale che consentisse alle persone di informarsi al di là della versione ufficiale. Ritenendo che non possa essere effettuata una corretta analisi del contesto senza essere a conoscenza degli elementi storici che hanno portato a ciò, e giudicando tale valutazione il fondamento necessario a qualunque tipo di intervento, in Tunisia come in Italia, si è quindi scelto di dare precedenza alla Storia. Sebbene ci si sia concentrati sulle evoluzioni delle opposizioni al regime di Bourguiba, si è cercato di restituire il senso politico e culturale che esse hanno avuto in una prospettiva storica che va dal’Indipendenza della Tunisia ad oggi. Tuttora non esiste una storia della Tunisia Indipendente, a parte alcune memorie dei protagonisti dei fatti, a volte dall’attendibilità incerta, che comprenda e analizzi il ruolo delle opposizioni al regime nella creazione di una società e una politica che avrà conseguenze fino ad oggi. È stato quindi portato avanti un lavoro di ricerca e confronto con i protagonisti dei diversi periodi così da riportare alla luce in particolare un momento della Tunisia in cui i giovani e gli studenti tunisini protestavano e producevano documenti di analisi politica e sociale, nonché proposte di sviluppo, di alto valore culturale, diffusi sia in Tunisia che in Francia. Ciò ha portato a grandi manifestazioni che, qualche mese prima del Maggio Francese, hanno 9 scosso sia le strade del Paese che alcuni professori universitari francesi, tra i quali Foucault, che all’epoca insegnavano in Tunisia. La forza e la complessità di questo movimento, che agiva in un contesto ove erano presenti anche molte altre forze come il Partito Comunista Tunisino o il sindacato unico UGTT, nonostante la persecuzione politica, si riverberò fino ad oggi, anche a livello internazionale. Da questo gruppo per esempio passarono molti militanti che, dopo anni di carcere duro e torture, si dedicarono allo sviluppo dei diritti umani. Tra questi si ricorda Ahmed Ben Othman, conosciuto anche come Ahmed Othmani, fondatore della prima sezione di Amnesty International nel mondo arabo, in Tunisia, e della Penal Reform International, ONG internazionale per la riforma della giustizia penale che fu consulente, tra gli altri, del Rwanda post genocidio. Nonostante la repressione ancor più dura di Ben Ali, alcuni militanti riuscirono a proseguire il proprio percorso politico e sociale e certi di loro si ritrovano attualmente nei partiti di sinistra, legalizzati dopo la fuga del dittatore. Le implicazioni politiche e sociali
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