The Writer | Issue No 14 :: May 2018
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Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions
Durham E-Theses Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. SMAIRA, DIMA How to cite: SMAIRA, DIMA (2014) Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10810/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Changing Security: Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. Dima Smaira Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations. School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2014 i Abstract This study is concerned with security; particularly security in Lebanon. It is also equally concerned with various means to improve security. Building on debates at the heart of world politics and Security Studies, this study first discusses trends in global governance, in the study of security, and in security assistance to post-conflict or developing countries. -
Introduction Chapter 1
Notes Introduction 1. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed. (Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1970). 2. Ralph Pettman, Human Behavior and World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1975); Giandomenico Majone, Evidence, Argument, and Persuasion in the Policy Process (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 275– 76. 3. Bernard Lewis, “The Return of Islam,” Commentary, January 1976; Ofira Seliktar, The Politics of Intelligence and American Wars with Iraq (New York: Palgrave Mac- millan, 2008), 4. 4. Martin Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in Amer- ica (Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000). 5. Bernard Lewis, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” Atlantic Monthly, September, 1990; Samuel P. Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations,” Foreign Affairs 72 (1993): 24– 49; Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Chapter 1 1. Quoted in Joshua Muravchik, The Uncertain Crusade: Jimmy Carter and the Dilemma of Human Rights (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Press, 1986), 11– 12, 114– 15, 133, 138– 39; Hedley Donovan, Roosevelt to Reagan: A Reporter’s Encounter with Nine Presidents (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 165. 2. Charles D. Ameringer, U.S. Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of American History (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1990), 357; Peter Meyer, James Earl Carter: The Man and the Myth (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978), 18; Michael A. Turner, “Issues in Evaluating U.S. Intelligence,” International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 5 (1991): 275– 86. 3. Abram Shulsky, Silent Warfare: Understanding the World’s Intelligence (Washington, DC: Brassey’s [US], 1993), 169; Robert M. -
The Effect of Syrian Crisis on Lebanon Foreign Policy
T.R. ULUDAĞ UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES COURSE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS POST-ARAB SPRING IN MIDDLE EAST REGION: THE EFFECT OF SYRIAN CRISIS ON LEBANON FOREIGN POLICY (MASTER DEGREE THESIS) Maria Helena MOTA ESTEVES Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Tayyar ARI BURSA 2018 T.R. ULUDAĞ UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES COURSE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS POST-ARAB SPRING IN MIDDLE EAST REGION: THE EFFECT OF SYRIAN CRISIS ON LEBANON FOREIGN POLICY (MASTER DEGREE THESIS) Maria Helena MOTA ESTEVES Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Tayyar ARI BURSA-2018 ABSTRACT Name and Surname : Maria Helena Mota Esteves University : Uludağ University Institution : Institute of Social Sciences Field : International Relations Branch : International Relations Degree Awarded : Master Thesis Page Number : xviii+152 Degree Date : …. /…. /2018 Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Tayyar ARI POST-ARAB SPRING IN MIDDLE EAST REGION: THE EFFECT OF SYRIAN CRISIS ON LEBANON FOREIGN POLICY This study focuses on the Lebanon position in the aftermath of Syrian conflict, including the main aspects of Lebanese Foreign Policy. It includes regional and foreign interference in Lebanese affairs that intentionally led to the instable situation in the country. Briefly includes Domestic/foreign factors longstanding by geopolitical aspects that determine Lebanon political vacuum and current sectarian division. Moreover, Refugee crisis and sectarian challenges aggravated the Lebanese crisis, since they are a consequence of Syrian conflict, our case of study. The thesis is divided in three main chapters. Firstly, the analysis of both Realism and Liberalism under the Security concept in the main theories of I.R,. From defining the security studies framework that impacted the definition of security in World politics, the conceptualization of security and securitization theory is analysed. -
Who Needs the Conference of Presidents?
MAY 1993 PUBLISHED BY AMERICANS FOR A SAFE ISRAEL Conference is even more fraught with danger because its WHO NEEDS THE positions are more extreme than those of the AJC. Peace Now calls for talks with the PLO, endorses Palestinian CONFERENCE OF statehood, and refuses to support Israeli sovereignty over PRESIDENTS? all of Jerusalem. Its president, Gail Pressberg, spent 14 years working for two pro-PLO organizations, and its co- Herbert Zweibon chair, Letty Pogrebin, has justified Arab rock-throwing. Numerous Peace Now board members also served in Shortly before the recent vote on whether or not leadership positions of radical groups like the Jewish to admit Americans for Peace Now to the Conference of Peace Lobby and the New Jewish Agenda. From now on, Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, the Conference of Presidents will not able to issue any Rabbi Joseph Glaser, chairman of the Conference's resolution that does not suit Peace Now's extremist tastes. Committee on Scope and Structure, publicly warned that Whether the Conference of Presidents ever really the admission of Peace Now, with its narrow political represented American Jewry is debatable, since the lead- agenda and ruthless tactics, would "hobble and under- ers of its member-organizations are not democratically cut the purposes for which the Conference was estab- elected. The fact that Peace Now was admitted in contra- lished." Rabbi Glaser subsequently resigned from that vention of several of the Conference's own by-laws (which committee in protest over irregularities in the conduct of is what prompted Rabbi Glaser's resignation) is further the Peace Now admissions process, Peace Now was testimony to the absence of democracy and fair play admitted and it seems that the Conference of Presidents among the Conference's top brass. -
The Hariri Assassination and the Making of a Usable Past for Lebanon
LOCKED IN TIME ?: THE HARIRI ASSASSINATION AND THE MAKING OF A USABLE PAST FOR LEBANON Jonathan Herny van Melle A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2009 Committee: Dr. Sridevi Menon, Advisor Dr. Neil A. Englehart ii ABSTRACT Dr. Sridevi Menon, Advisor Why is it that on one hand Lebanon is represented as the “Switzerland of the Middle East,” a progressive and prosperous country, and its capital Beirut as the “Paris of the Middle East,” while on the other hand, Lebanon and Beirut are represented as sites of violence, danger, and state failure? Furthermore, why is it that the latter representation is currently the pervasive image of Lebanon? This thesis examines these competing images of Lebanon by focusing on Lebanon’s past and the ways in which various “pasts” have been used to explain the realities confronting Lebanon. To understand the contexts that frame the two different representations of Lebanon I analyze several key periods and events in Lebanon’s history that have contributed to these representations. I examine the ways in which the representation of Lebanon and Beirut as sites of violence have been shaped by the long period of civil war (1975-1990) whereas an alternate image of a cosmopolitan Lebanon emerges during the period of reconstruction and economic revival as well as relative peace between 1990 and 2005. In juxtaposing the civil war and the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in Beirut on February 14, 2005, I point to the resilience of Lebanon’s civil war past in shaping both Lebanese and Western memories and understandings of the Lebanese state. -
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in Partial Fulfil
THE DAHIYEH DOCTRINE: THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH STATES CAN ESTABLISH ASYMMETRIC DETERRENCE A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Rafael D. Frankel, M.S. Washington, DC July 3, 2013 Copyright 2013 by Rafael D. Frankel All Rights Reserved ii THE DAHIYEH DOCTRINE: THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH STATES CAN ESTABLISH ASYMMETRIC DETERRENCE Rafael D. Frankel, M.S. Thesis Advisor: Daniel L. Byman, Ph.D. ABSTRACT For the last decade, a growing body of research has sough to understand how classical deterrence methods could be adapted by states to establish asymmetric deterrence against non-state militant groups. Various strategies were suggested, but the research undertaken to date focused nearly exclusively on the actions of the defending state. This research project is the first formal effort to discover under what conditions deterrence against such groups can be established by focusing on important attributes of the non-state groups themselves. The result is the development of the Asymmetric Deterrence Matrix (ADM), which in eight temporally-bound case studies involving Hamas and Hezbollah successfully predicts the level of deterrence Israel should have been able to achieve against those groups at given periods of time. This research demonstrates that there are four main causal factors related to a non-state group’s characteristics that constrain and encourage the success of asymmetric deterrence strategies by states: elements of statehood (territorial control, political authority, and responsibility for a dependent population), organizational structure, ideology, and inter- factional rivalries. -
Time to Uncover the Histories of Occupation and Oppression
Quarterly Magazine Volume 3, Issue 3 - July 2021 / Dhul Hijjah 1442 ISSN 2632-3168 £5 where sold Time to Uncover the Histories of Occupation and Oppression OLSI JAZEXHI DENIJAL JEGI IAN ALMOND MASSOUD SHADJAREH ć How did Israel go from Liberating Lebanon Terrorism Got COVID: Why We Need to Get Pariah to become and Decolonising the Or, The Constant- Beyond Regimes of God’s Chosen Nation Discourse that Threat News-Culture Anti-terrorism, and in the Balkans? Occupies It We Live In Fast In the Name of Allah, the Most Beneficent, the Most Merciful he recent Israeli war on Palestinians cally the ‘threat’ of terrorism that most of Contents: has highlighted once more – despite us in the Westernised world had become the best efforts of powerful countries accustomed to on a daily basis for almost and compliant media – the brutality of the two decades. That is, until the beginning TIsraeli project of occupation. As with pre - of the pandemic. Having fallen off the 3 Olsi Jazexhi : vious such wars, the limelight soon fades news agenda almost entirely, Almond ar - How did Israel go from Pariah as ceasefires are called, and the ongoing gues that the Coronavirus crisis has ex - stifling of Palestinian life and aspirations, posed the news media as complicit in to become God’s Chosen by routine physical and psychological vio - promoting an exaggerated image of the Nation in the Balkans? lence remains invisible. The strategies – dangers society faces from ‘terrorism’. This military and political – that mask this bru - exaggeration serves the interests of elites, tality and injustice feature in two of this is - whilst simultaneously providing salacious sues’ articles. -
Aftermath of the 1983 Beirut Bombing
Hidden Fears, Helpful Memories: Aftermath of the 1983 Bombing of the United States Embassy in Beirut A Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Anne Dammarell, B.A. School for Summer and Continuing Education Georgetown University Washington, D.C. November, 1994 © Copyright by Anne Dammarell 1994 All Rights Reserved - ii - ABSTRACT The first U.S. Embassy destroyed by political terrorists exploded in Beirut on April 18, 1983. Seventeen Americans died. Sixty-seven survived. Unfortunately, little has been written about that event. This paper discusses the type of preparation the Foreign Service Officers (FSOs) had for serving in a danger post and how they reacted to the bombing and processed the event. To collect this information a select number of FSOs were interviewed and sent an anonymous questionnaire. Department of State officials responsible for the educational and medical programs were also interviewed. The FSOs who were in Lebanon in 1983 unknowingly experienced post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms similar to those faced by war veterans and victims of trauma. Although the Department of State attempted to address the needs of the survivors, it did not provide sufficient training and follow-up support to allow them to recognize, acknowledge, and fully process the trauma. Many FSOs had not been prepared for working in a war zone and, when caught up in the bombing, they continued work, "business as usual," without fully acknowledging the traumatic effect the bombing had on their lives. As a result, they may have delayed the process of healing the psychological wounds caused by the explosion. -
The Evolutionaries
THE EVOLUTIONARIES: TRANSFORMING THE POLITICAL SYSTEM AND CULTURE IN LEBANON By Anders C. Härdig Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In International Relations Chair: __________________________________ Dr. Diane Singerman __________________________________ Dr. Kristin Diwan __________________________________ Dr. Marwan Kraidy _________________________________ Dean of the School of International Service __________________________________ Date 2011 American University Washington, D.C. 20016 © COPYRIGHT by Anders C. Härdig 2011 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT The Evolutionaries poses the question: How can grassroots activists broaden the space for political participation in a factionalized and elite-centric, as opposed to citizen- centric, polity? This question is explored through a case study of a new ‘civic’ segment of civil society in Lebanon, which after the end of the 1975-1990 civil war managed to carve a space in which to operate and established itself as a factor in Lebanese politics. This ‘civic movement’ employs an incremental change approach in order to transform their patron-dominated ‘republic’ into a republic, which recognizes the rights and responsibilities associated with citizenship. To this end, civic activists link with political elites in time- and scope-limited campaigns. The temporary character of these coalitions reduces the risk of cooptation, and the limited scope reduces the number of stakeholders threatened by the campaign. However, while the Lebanese state demonstrates relatively low levels of constraints to civic activists, constraints emanating from society are at times severe. The historical development of the Lebanese state, especially the construction of a confessional political system, has reinforced a political culture centered on kinship and sectarian collective identities. -
HC USAL NINAWADAHER1.Pdf
1 CRONOLOGIA DE LA HISTORIA DEL LIBANO Crédito: LebGuide 2 PERFIL ACTUAL DEL LIBANO Superficie: 10.452 km2. Población: 4.457.357. 6.184.701, incluyendo refugiados (Julio 2015) Religión oficial: no tiene. Religiones: Islam: 54% (27% Sunitas y 27% Chiitas); Cristianos: 40.5% (21% Maronitas, 8% Ortodoxos Griegos, 5% Greco Católicos, 6.5% otros); Drusos: 5.6%; pocos miembros de colectividades judía, bahais, budistas, hindúes y mormones. Grupos religiosos/étnicos: 18. Presidente: vacante Primer Ministro: Tamam Salam Asamblea Nacional Unilateral: 128 San Marón escaños. Justicia: Corte de Casación y Corte Suprema. Mapa: Encyclopaedia Britannica 3 DIVISIONES ETNICAS EN LIBANO Mapa: Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey | 2003 4 CRONOLOGIA DE LA HISTORIA DEL LIBANO ANTIGUA Cananeos - Fenicios 3200 - 883 AC Asirios 883 - 605 AC Babilonios 605 - 538 AC Persas 538 - 332 AC CLASICA Griegos 332 - 64 BC Romanos 64 BC - 646 AD Sasánidas 602 AD - 628 AD MEDIEVAL A MODERNA Árabes 636 AD - 1516 AD Otomanos 1516 AD -1917 MODERNA Aliados 1917- 1920 Franceses 1920 -1943 Independencia 22 Noviembre 1943 – Presente 5 LOS 18 GRUPOS RELIGIOSOS RECONOCIDOS DEL LIBANO ALAUITAS ARMENIOS CATOLICOS ARMENIOS ORTODOXOS CALDEOS CATOLICOS CATOLICOS GRIEGOS MELQUITAS CATOLICOS MARONITAS CATOLICOS ROMANOS COPTOS CHIITAS DRUSOS GRIEGOS ORTODOXOS IGLESIA ASIRIA DEL ORIENTE ISMAELIES JUDIOS PROTESTANTES SUNITAS SIRIACOS CATOLICOS SIRIACOS ORTODOXOS 6 LOS TRES GRANDES ACTORES RELIGIOSOS DE LA HISTORIA DEL LIBANO 7 CRISTIANOS MARONITAS Los Maronitas son los cristianos seguidoresdeSanMarón,unhombre santo y rígido defensor de la fe católica de oriente. La presencia de la comunidad maronita en el Líbano encuentra sus raíces en la vida monástica de los antiguos monjes de San Marón, que fueron un centro de irradiación de la vida cristiana en regiones del Asia Suroccidental, hoy llamadas Levante. -
The Lebanese Ethno-National Nexusidentity, Nation-State And
DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit: „The Lebanese ethno-national nexus: Identity, nation-state and capitalist societal differentiation in the periphery“ Verfasser: Lukas Wank angestrebter akademischer Grad: Magister (Mag.) Wien, 2013 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 057 390 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Individuelles Diplomstudium „Internationale Entwicklung“ Betreuer: Univ. Prof. Dr. Wolfram Schaffar To my aunt Annemarie Murphy and the other Hirzberger sisters, Brigitte and Trude. Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the guidance and the help of several in- dividuals who were - in one way or another - involved with the preparation and completion of this research project. First and foremost, I would like to thank my family, especially my mother, for their continuous support. I am thankful for their love, and encouragement throughout my entire life. There support - not only once - relieved me of many worries. Thanks to my advisor Wolfram Schaffar for supporting my research, his insights, ideas, and motivation; Johannes Jäger for giving me the possibility to focus on the political economy of the Levant as a tutor in Transdisciplinary Development Research for two continuous semesters; Helmut Krieger for his immense knowledge that inspired various research; and last but not least Fritz Edlinger for giving me the chance to practically apply and experience the theoretical knowledge I gained during my studies. I would also like to thank my sister Katharina Wank and my friends Corinna Bold, Paul Winter and David Jaklin as well as Thomas König - who made all my IT-related troubles vanish into thin air - for proof-reading and commenting on earlier drafts of this thesis; Ulrike Jaklin for helping me to manoeuvre through university bureaucracy; my close friends Cori, David, Iris, Michi, and Pauli for lending me their ears to not only university-related problems during my years of study; Manuel Cepeda Rojas and Jesse Ojobor for showing me different perspectives of the world we live in and their inspiration. -
Blickpunkt Libanon
Herausgeber: DEUTSCHE GESELLSCHAFT FÜR DIE VEREINTEN NATIONEN e.V. Zimmerstraße 26/27, 10969 Berlin Tel: (030) 259375-0 Fax: (030) 25937529 E-Mail: [email protected] Web: www.dgvn.de BLAUE REIHE Nr. 111 Blickpunkt Libanon Aktuelle Beiträge zu Konfliktursachen und Konfliktlösungen Dokumentation der Studienreisen des Landes- verbands Bayern der DGVN in den Libanon im September/Oktober 2010 und Oktober 2016 Mit Beiträgen von Martin Pabst, Carolin Maluck, Wolfram Schrag und Peter Balszuweit ISSN 1614-547X Zum Inhalt: Diese Ausgabe der BLAUEN REIHE beleuchtet aktuelle Fragen des Libanon und des dortigen VN-Engagements vor dem Hintergrund der Erfahrungen, die auf zwei Studienreise des DGVN-Landesverbands Bayern (25. September bis 2. Oktober 2010 bzw. 2. bis 7. Oktober 2016) gewonnen wurden. Die Beiträge wurden von Teilnehmern der Reise verfasst und geben – wie alle in der BLAUEN REIHE publizierten namentlichen Beiträge – ausschließlich die Meinung der jeweiligen Verfasser wieder. Die DGVN dankt allen Verfasserinnen und Verfassern für ihr Engagement, ohne welches das Erscheinen dieser Publikation nicht möglich gewesen wäre. Berlin, im Mai 2018 Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V. (DGVN) Zimmerstraße 26/27, 10969 Berlin Tel: (030) 259375-0 Fax: (030) 259375-29 E-Mail: [email protected] Web: www.dgvn.de Redaktion: Dr. Alfredo Märker Berlin, 2018 ISSN 1614-547X SCHUTZGEBÜHR: 2,50 € 2 Inhalt Vorwort ................................................................................................................................... 4 I. Aktuelle