A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in Partial Fulfil

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in Partial Fulfil THE DAHIYEH DOCTRINE: THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH STATES CAN ESTABLISH ASYMMETRIC DETERRENCE A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Rafael D. Frankel, M.S. Washington, DC July 3, 2013 Copyright 2013 by Rafael D. Frankel All Rights Reserved ii THE DAHIYEH DOCTRINE: THE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH STATES CAN ESTABLISH ASYMMETRIC DETERRENCE Rafael D. Frankel, M.S. Thesis Advisor: Daniel L. Byman, Ph.D. ABSTRACT For the last decade, a growing body of research has sough to understand how classical deterrence methods could be adapted by states to establish asymmetric deterrence against non-state militant groups. Various strategies were suggested, but the research undertaken to date focused nearly exclusively on the actions of the defending state. This research project is the first formal effort to discover under what conditions deterrence against such groups can be established by focusing on important attributes of the non-state groups themselves. The result is the development of the Asymmetric Deterrence Matrix (ADM), which in eight temporally-bound case studies involving Hamas and Hezbollah successfully predicts the level of deterrence Israel should have been able to achieve against those groups at given periods of time. This research demonstrates that there are four main causal factors related to a non-state group’s characteristics that constrain and encourage the success of asymmetric deterrence strategies by states: elements of statehood (territorial control, political authority, and responsibility for a dependent population), organizational structure, ideology, and inter- factional rivalries. A fifth variable, external support, is strongly correlated but complex. In addition to breaking new theoretical ground, the ADM also leads to highly relevant policy recommendations regarding how states can devise tailor-made asymmetric deterrence strategies that correlate to the type of non-state militant group they are defending against. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Victory most definitely has a thousand fathers (and mothers). The writing of this dissertation is the culmination not only of six years of combined work at Georgetown (M.S.F.S. and Ph.D.), but really, a lifetime of professional and academic experience. At each point along the journey, amazing people lent me a hand in furthering my personal, academic, and professional development. Someone always believed in me; many times multiple people. And that made all the difference. That said, I will focus here on those without whose help this particular project would not have come to fruition. First and foremost, I must thank my family for the unparalleled love and support they gave me my entire life. Mom, Dad, Ari, and all the family in Chicago and beyond provided me with a rock solid base and the security to take risks knowing that if I ever fell flat on my face, I would not suffer defeat alone. Hagar has brought a light to my life that I always hoped I would find. Finally being able to bask in its glow has show me what endless possibilities the future holds. I am also lucky to have extraordinary friends, old and new, in the four corners of the globe. For the long months and years that I was away from home, they were, in many ways, my family. In terms of materially supporting this project, I offer my unending gratefulness to the Rumsfeld Foundation. Without its extraordinarily generous financial support over my four years in the Ph.D program, I could never have embarked upon nor completed this important project. Thanks also to the Schusterman Foundation, whose grant in my final iv year was essential in pushing me over the finish line. In both cases, as with M.S.F.S., Ambassador Michael Oren was most helpful in securing funding. Without his letters of recommendation, and also his and Sally’s friendship and mentorship, I have no idea where I would be today. The State of Israel is quite lucky to have a man of such exceptional talent and charter as its representative in Washington. Dr. Howard Federoff also has my deep gratitude for the “fellowship plus” that he hired me for which lasted two-and-a-half years. His support funded the first half of my research in Israel and the Palestinian Territories, immeasurably aiding my work. Many thanks are also due to Prof. Robert Lieber, who took over as my sponsor once Michael assumed his post in the Israeli embassy. His letters of recommendation, his support in the Government Department, and his mentorship and straight talk were essential to me and are most appreciated. I could scarcely imagine any Ph.D. candidate having a better dissertation committee than the three all-stars who graciously gave me their time for the last two years. Prof. Dan Byman was everything a committee chair should be and a great deal more. Dan was always accessible, a pleasure to work with, consistently responsive, and full of exceptional advice on every possible topic that I encountered during the course of my research. Dan is also a brilliant editor and subject matter expert and his comments made my work immeasurably better and more nuanced. Finally, Dan is a down-to-earth guy, whose lack of pretention, pleasant manner, and genuine kindness distinguish him from so many others in Washington who are not half the scholar that he is. Prof. Paul Pillar, as the expression goes, has forgotten more about the Middle East than most people will ever know in their lifetime. His decades of experience in the region provided me v with numerous insights that I could not have read or gleaned elsewhere. Particularly helpful, and fun, were the debates on Middle East policy that Prof. Pillar would graciously allow me to participate in with him. He consistently challenged my assumptions and opinions in a way that made my work better. Last, but absolutely not least, I could not have imagined putting together a committee that did not include Prof. Kate McNamara. Kate was the first professor at Georgetown that made an impression on me—way back in my first semester of M.S.F.S. She is an exceptional teacher with a rare talent for conveying complex ideas in a manner that makes them eminently digestible. She commands respect both through her extraordinary intellect and the professionalism with which she conducts herself. Most importantly of all, for six years her door was open to me. Kate helped me through issues ranging from IR theory to departmental politics to career choices. She is both a mentor and role model to me and I hope that my work has done justice to the confidence she showed in me through the years. One final word on my committee… Despite being dedicated academics themselves, none of them ever denigrated my desire that this work would have practical applications and they did everything they could to help me achieve the goals I set out for myself, rather than the goals they would have set out for me. For that I am most grateful. The Program for Jewish Civilization at Georgetown was also very supportive of me throughout my years at the university. Prof. Jacques Burlinerblau and Melissa Weinberg Spence gave me first the chance to be Michael’s teaching assistant and then to develop and teach my own class. Both were amazing opportunities I am grateful for and I hope to work with them more in the years to come. A special thanks is due to Bob vi Burkett, who met me as Michael’s TA and took me under his wing. Also with California roots, Bob was a mentor who showed me that marching to the beat of my own drum was doable even in Washington. He is a true friend, as is Jessica Raper who also helped me out with all things Georgetown for the last few years. We had a lot of fun working together and it sure would be nice to do that again in the future. Prof. Mark Habeeb, though not on my committee, was also a great help to this project. He had many good insights both in terms of methodology and content. Rounding out the folks at Georgetown, immeasurable thanks are due to Rafi Cohen, Gabe Scheinmann, and Rebecca Davis-Gibbons. Making it through the Ph.D. coursework and comprehensive exams would have been impossible without the teamwork we developed and their steadfast friendship. Every Ph.D. student needs a cohort like I had to help him/her through. Thanks also to Prof. Matt Kroenig who, despite not being on my committee, took the time to talk to me about his own research that greatly informed mine. Finally, a shout out to the absolutely awesome M.S.F.S. class of 2009. How is it possible that 100 people could be so smart and so cool at the same time? In regards to the research, thanks to authors and journalists Nick Blanford, Stephen Farrell, and Thanassis Cambanis for sitting down with me for interviews. Their insights were most helpful and each also wrote a fantastic book. Thanks very much to Mati Gil, Efrat Minivitzki-Thein, and two friends in the West Bank and Gaza whom I will not mention by name in order to protect them. They were extremely helpful in arranging interviews for me. Thanks also to Carmel Pomerantz for her tutorial in vii international humanitarian law. A final debt of gratitude is owed to Gidi Grinstein, Eran Shayshon, and the Re’ut Research Institute in Tel Aviv. They’ve provided me with new and important insights and let me bounce ideas off of them since 2006, and have very much contributed to these theories and methods of research.
Recommended publications
  • The Pragmatic Dimension of the Palestinian Hamas: a Network Perspective
    Mishal 569 The Pragmatic Dimension of the Palestinian Hamas: A Network Perspective SHAUL MISHAL n the wake of the 11 September attack on the World Trade Center in INew York and President Bush’s “war on terrorism,” it is important to try to understand the cultural, political, and social dimensions of such radical Islamic groups as the Palestinian Hamas. Within political and academic circles in the Western world, it is common to portray Islamic movements in categorical terms that utilize binary classifications that mark real or imaginary social attributes rather than relational patterns.1 Much of this perception derives from the violence accompanying Islamic reli- gious fervor and the fanaticism marking some of its groups and regimes, raising fears of “a clash of civilizations” and “a threat” to Western liberal democratic values and social order.2 Hamas, an abbreviation of Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiyya (Is- lamic Resistance Movement), did not escape the binary perception, and has been described solely as a movement identified with Islamic funda- mentalism and suicide bombings. The objectives at the top of its agenda are the liberation of Palestine through a holy war (jihad) against Israel, establishing an Islamic state on its soil, and reforming society in the spirit of true Islam. It is this Islamic vision, combined with its nationalist claims and militancy toward Israel, that accounts for the prevailing image of Hamas as a rigid movement, ready to pursue its goals at any cost, with no limits or constraints. Islamic and national zeal, bitter opposition to the SHAUL MISHAL teaches at the Department of Political Science at Tel Aviv University, where his research focuses on Arab and Palestinian politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Iranian Strategy in Syria
    *SBOJBO4USBUFHZJO4ZSJB #:8JMM'VMUPO KPTFQIIPMMJEBZ 4BN8ZFS BKPJOUSFQPSUCZ"&*ŦT$SJUJDBM5ISFBUT1SPKFDUJ/45*565&'035)&456%:0'8"3 .BZ All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ©2013 by Institute for the Study of War and AEI’s Critical Threats Project Cover Image: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad, and Hezbollah’s Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah appear together on a poster in Damascus, Syria. Credit: Inter Press Service News Agency Iranian strategy in syria Will Fulton, Joseph Holliday, & Sam wyer May 2013 A joint Report by AEI’s critical threats project & Institute for the Study of War ABOUT US About the Authors Will Fulton is an Analyst and the IRGC Project Team Lead at the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute. Joseph Holliday is a Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War. Sam Wyer served as an Iraq Analyst at ISW from September 2012 until February 2013. The authors would like to thank Kim and Fred Kagan, Jessica Lewis, and Aaron Reese for their useful insights throughout the writing and editorial process, and Maggie Rackl for her expert work on formatting and producing this report. We would also like to thank our technology partners Praescient Analytics and Palantir Technologies for providing us with the means and support to do much of the research and analysis used in our work. About the Institute for the Study of War The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education.
    [Show full text]
  • The Green Prince,” Mosab Hassan Yousef Betrayed His Father and Passed Intel from the Highest Echelons of Hamas to Israel’S Internal Intelligence Agency for Years
    From Radical Muslim To Israeli Spy The- Moshe Holender Green Prince - Yitzchok Wagschal Code-named “The Green Prince,” Mosab Hassan Yousef betrayed his father and passed intel from the highest echelons of Hamas to Israel’s internal intelligence agency for years. Amazingly, he is still alive to tell his story. The True Interview As the eldest son of the influential sheikh who co-founded Hamas, Mosab Hassan Yousef seemed destined to follow in his father’s footsteps. Growing disillusioned with the terrorist organization’s ideology, which glorified death and taught that jihad was the only path to victory, he eventually agreed to work as a spy for Israel’s internal security agency, the Shin Bet. It was a decision that would not only change the course of his life, but save hundreds of innocent civilian lives. His Shin Bet handler, Gonen Ben-Yitzchak, met with Zman for an in-depth inter- view, including never-before-revealed details, and provided us with a unique firsthand account of Mosab’s riveting story—a story of trust, betrayal and the dark world of secret intelligence. 132 | ZMAN • December 2015 ZMAN • Kislev 5776 | 133 hin Bet Captain Loai had just received Ten minutes later he called Loai back and he thought as they rumbled down the road an intelligence report about a terror- told him, “The guy is staying in room 120.” toward a safe house in Yerushalayim. Some Sist who was going to set off a bomb in One hour later, a Special Forces unit popular music was playing from the van’s Yerushalayim.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
    THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Jihad in Sinai: an Extension of the Gaza Strip?
    GLOBAL JIHAD IN SINAI: AN EXTENSION OF THE GAZA STRIP? Rob Bongers (Research Assistant, ICT) March 2014 ABSTRACT The ongoing Islamist insurgency that has taken root in the Sinai since the January 25 revolution has gone from bad to worse. Deteriorating following the Muslim Brotherhood’s ouster, the conflict is extraordinarily complex as it conflates the continued political turmoil in Egypt, the longstanding marginalization of Sinai Bedouins, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Libya’s lawlessness, internal friction in Gaza, transnational criminal networks, and the growing presence of global jihad- inspired fighters. Due to the security vacuum, Sinai has quickly become yet another fertile breeding ground for militant Islamists, and moreover, a base from which they can target both Israel and Egypt rather unchallenged. Through the lens of the concept of terrorist organizations’ ‘‘glocalization,’’ this paper seeks to analyze this relationship by examining the various interwoven local, regional and global features facilitating Gazan actors’ incentives to export subversion and terrorism to Sinai, the extent to which these networks have shaped the insurgency, and the security challenges they pose. It concludes that, even though some other non-local battle-hardened jihadists have likely influenced the rise of (sophisticated) attacks too, Gazan Salafi-jihadists have played a major role in the terrorist activity across the Philadelphi Corridor by means of exploitation of Sinai’s breakdown of security. * The views expressed in this publication are
    [Show full text]
  • Party Formation and Political Legitimacy
    THE EVOLUTION OF HEZBOLLAH: PARTY FORMATION AND POLITICAL LEGITIMACY A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science at George Mason University, and the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Malta By Anastasia Franjie Bachelor of Arts George Mason University, 2011 Director: Lourdes Pullicino, Lecturer Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies Fall Semester 2013 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noderivs 3.0 unported license. ii DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to several individuals whom were of great help and positive influence in my life. To my parents, Serge and Anna Maria whom were advocates of my pursuing higher education, and gave me the ability to experience and be part of a unique cultural upbringing, To my siblings Alexander, Grace, Olivia, Kristel, and our princess Mia, showing them that continuous success requires hard work, To my Maltese family whom stood by me through this process and pushed me to be over the average, Finally and most importantly to my Lebanon and every oppressed around the world with hopes of achieving peace, security and justice. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the course of pursuing my dual master degree from the University of Malta and George Mason University in Valletta, Malta, I had the strongest support from my family whom were overseas. This experience not only taught me about conflict analysis and resolution and Mediterranean security but it also taught me about responsibility, and life. Therefore, I would like to thank the many friends, relatives, and supporters who have made this happen.
    [Show full text]
  • Reps. Knollenberg, David Law, Moss, Bieda, Casperson, Clack, Condino
    Reps. Knollenberg, David Law, Moss, Bieda, Casperson, Clack, Condino, Dean, DeRoche, Garfield, Hildenbrand, Horn, Rick Jones, LaJoy, Palmer, Pastor, Proos, Scott, Stahl and Wojno offered the following resolution: House Resolution No. 159. A resolution to urge the President of the United States, the United States Congress and the United States Department of State to consult with appropriate officials in Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Authority regarding the status of missing Israeli soldiers and demand the immediate and unconditional release of three Israeli soldiers currently believed to be held by Hamas and Hezbollah. Whereas, The United States Congress expressed its concern for Israeli soldiers missing in Lebanon and the Hezbollah-controlled territory of Lebanon in Public Law 106-89 (113 Stat. 1305; November 8, 1999) which required the Secretary of State to probe into the disappearance of Israeli soldiers with appropriate government officials of Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, and other governments in the region, and to submit to the Congress reports on those efforts and any subsequent discovery of relevant information; and Whereas, Israel completed its withdrawal from southern Lebanon on May 24, 2000. On June 18, 2000, the United Nations Security Council welcomed and endorsed United Nations Secretary- General Kofi Annan's report that Israel had withdrawn completely from Lebanon under the terms of United Nations Security Council Resolution 425 (1978). Nearly five years later, Israel completed its withdrawal from Gaza on September 12, 2005; and Whereas, On June 25, 2006, Hamas and allied terrorists crossed into Israel to attack a military post, killing two soldiers and wounding a third, Gilad Shalit, who was kidnapped.
    [Show full text]
  • Spotlight on Iran (November 18 – December 2, 2018)
    רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר Spotlight on Iran November 18 – December 2, 2018 Author: Dr. Raz Zimmt Overview The 32nd annual Islamic Unity Conference was held in Tehran and attended by Iranian senior officials and representatives from about 100 countries, including the Deputy Secretary General of Hezbollah, Naim Qassem. The Head of Hamas’ Political Bureau, Ismail Hanniyeh, gave a speech via video? conference and thanked Iran for its support to the Palestinians. At the end of the conference, an advisor to the Iranian minister of foreign affairs said that the conference decided to adopt the families of those killed in protests along the fence in Gaza. Meanwhile, the organizers of the fence protests confirmed that Iran is financing the medical care for those injured in the protests and compensations for the families of those killed in them. The United States’ Treasury Department announced the imposition of sanctions against a number of individuals and entities that operated as part of an Iranian-Russian network that provided millions of barrels of oil to the Syrian regime, which were used, in part, to finance the activities of Hezbollah and Hamas. According to Syrian sources cited in the newspaper al-Sharq al-Awsat, Iran recently stepped up its efforts to recruit Syrian citizens into pro-Iranian militias operating in northeastern Syria. Iran continues to exert effort to cement its economic foothold in Iraq, against the backdrop of the re-imposition of economic sanctions on Iran and the formation of the new government in Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—House H7762
    H7762 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE July 12, 2007 we will proceed with next week’s work and Defense; Commander, Multi-Na- ried Karnit when he was captured, and next week. tional Forces—Iraq; the United States his wife had to spend their 1-year anni- f Ambassador to Iraq; and the Com- versary alone, wondering where her mander of United States Central Com- husband was and what condition he was HOUR OF MEETING ON TOMORROW mand. in. His family and friends wrote: AND ADJOURNMENT FROM FRI- GEORGE W. BUSH. ‘‘He’s a loving, caring person, always DAY, JULY 13, 2007 TO MONDAY, THE WHITE HOUSE, July 12, 2007. ready to offer a helping hand in any JULY 16, 2007 f situation. He is a man of principles and Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I ask values, knowledgeable in many varied unanimous consent that when the SPECIAL ORDERS subjects.’’ House adjourns today, it adjourn to The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under Unfortunately, Eldad and Udi are not meet at 4 p.m. tomorrow, and further, the Speaker’s announced policy of Jan- alone among Israel’s missing soldiers. when the House adjourns on that day, uary 18, 2007, and under a previous Three weeks before their capture, it adjourn to meet at 12:30 p.m. on order of the House, the following Mem- Hamas kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Monday, July 16, 2007, for morning- bers will be recognized for 5 minutes Shalit. The Shalit family has also met hour debate. each. with many communities across the The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. f United States, urging people to remem- ELLISON).
    [Show full text]
  • Shalom: Peace, Not Just Peace of Mind Parashat Ki Tetze Rabbi Daniel Cotzin Burg, Beth Am 9.6.14 ~ 11 Elul 5774
    Shalom: Peace, Not Just Peace of Mind Parashat Ki Tetze Rabbi Daniel Cotzin Burg, Beth Am 9.6.14 ~ 11 Elul 5774 This week I spent a day in Washington with thought-leaders, rabbis and policy analysts. We were speaking about Israel, America’s relationship with the Jewish state and the current deeply troubling state of affairs in the Middle East. The most surprising and powerful presentation of the day was that of Mosab Hassan Yousef, son of Sheikh Hassan Yousef, a founder and spiritual leader of Hamas. Given the events of this summer, it was particularly poignant to hear the heartfelt and courageous words of this young author and former Israeli asset (as he sat on the dais across from his Shin Bet handler). To even begin to conceive of such heroism, we almost have to transport ourselves into a different time – say Germany of the 1940s, when precious few righteous individuals resisted and acted against the scourge of Nazism. We might visit Rwanda or Cambodia, Darfur or America’s antebellum south. There are far too many examples in human history of pervasive, systematic violence and too few stories of those who made the hardest choices to turn against their fathers, brothers and their communities and attempt to salvage their dignity and humanity. Or perhaps we should roll the Torah back from its current location near the end, to a story near the very beginning whose hero, a simple man named Noah, is tzadik tamim haya b’dorotav, “a righteous man, blameless in his generation” (Gen. 6:9). I would argue it’s virtually impossible for us, most or all of us in this room, to know what it is like to live among the truly malevolent and depraved – a society so bad God sees no recourse but to erase it and start over.
    [Show full text]
  • Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions
    Durham E-Theses Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. SMAIRA, DIMA How to cite: SMAIRA, DIMA (2014) Changing Security:Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10810/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Changing Security: Theoretical and Practical Discussions. The Case of Lebanon. Dima Smaira Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations. School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2014 i Abstract This study is concerned with security; particularly security in Lebanon. It is also equally concerned with various means to improve security. Building on debates at the heart of world politics and Security Studies, this study first discusses trends in global governance, in the study of security, and in security assistance to post-conflict or developing countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia, Iran and De-Escalation in the Persian Gulf
    Saudi Arabia, Iran and De-Escalation in the Persian Gulf Contents Acknowledgements About the authors Introduction 1. Simon Mabon and Edward Wastnidge, Saudi Arabia and Iran: Resilient Rivalries and Pragmatic Possibilities 2. Cinzia Bianco, KSA-Iran rivalry: an analysis of Saudi strategic calculus 3. Shahram Akbarzadeh, Iran-Hizbullah ‘Proxy’ Relations 4. Lawrence Rubin, Saudi Arabia, Iran and the United States 5. Clive Jones, A Chimera of Rapprochement: Iran and the Gulf Monarchies: The View from Israel 6. Banafsheh Keynoush, Prospects for Talks between Iran and Saudi Arabia 7. Robert Mason, Towards Peace Building in Saudi-Iranian Relations 8. Sukru Cildir, OPEC as a Site of De-Escalation? 9. Ibrahim Fraihat, Reconciliation: Saudi Arabia and Iran 10. Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Diplomacy and de-escalation in the Persian Gulf 11. Eyad Al Refai and Samira Nasirzadeh, Saudi Arabia and Iran: How our two countries could make peace and bring stability to the Middle East. Concluding Remarks Acknowledgements SEPAD has been generously funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York. We would like to extend thanks to Hillary Weisner and Nehal Amer for their continuous support in all ways imaginable. We would also like to thank all those who contributed pieces to this report. This was undertaken during the formative stages of the COVID19 pandemic and we are grateful that authors were able to offer contributions on this important topic at a time when they were facing myriad other pressures and demands on their time; thank you. We would also like to thank Elias Ghazal for his editorial and technological support. About the Authors Shahram Akbarzadeh is Research Professor of Middle East and Central Asian Politics at Deakin University.
    [Show full text]