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The Lebanese Ethno-National Nexusidentity, Nation-State And DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit: „The Lebanese ethno-national nexus: Identity, nation-state and capitalist societal differentiation in the periphery“ Verfasser: Lukas Wank angestrebter akademischer Grad: Magister (Mag.) Wien, 2013 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 057 390 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Individuelles Diplomstudium „Internationale Entwicklung“ Betreuer: Univ. Prof. Dr. Wolfram Schaffar To my aunt Annemarie Murphy and the other Hirzberger sisters, Brigitte and Trude. Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the guidance and the help of several in- dividuals who were - in one way or another - involved with the preparation and completion of this research project. First and foremost, I would like to thank my family, especially my mother, for their continuous support. I am thankful for their love, and encouragement throughout my entire life. There support - not only once - relieved me of many worries. Thanks to my advisor Wolfram Schaffar for supporting my research, his insights, ideas, and motivation; Johannes Jäger for giving me the possibility to focus on the political economy of the Levant as a tutor in Transdisciplinary Development Research for two continuous semesters; Helmut Krieger for his immense knowledge that inspired various research; and last but not least Fritz Edlinger for giving me the chance to practically apply and experience the theoretical knowledge I gained during my studies. I would also like to thank my sister Katharina Wank and my friends Corinna Bold, Paul Winter and David Jaklin as well as Thomas König - who made all my IT-related troubles vanish into thin air - for proof-reading and commenting on earlier drafts of this thesis; Ulrike Jaklin for helping me to manoeuvre through university bureaucracy; my close friends Cori, David, Iris, Michi, and Pauli for lending me their ears to not only university-related problems during my years of study; Manuel Cepeda Rojas and Jesse Ojobor for showing me different perspectives of the world we live in and their inspiration. Contents List of Figures III AbbreviationsV 1 Introduction1 1.1 Introducing fragments . .1 1.2 Structure and content of the thesis . .3 2 Conceptual clarifications5 2.1 General research focus . .5 2.2 Research hypothesis . .7 2.3 Core research questions . .8 2.4 Methodological approaches . .8 2.4.1 Critical review of socio-economic history . .9 2.4.2 Use of interviews . .9 3 Theoretical approaches 13 3.1 Nationalism and national identity . 16 3.2 Conceptualising ethno-nationalism . 18 3.3 Class and (ethnic) group consciousness . 22 3.4 Civil society . 24 4 Contextualised history 27 4.1 Ottoman Lebanon . 28 4.1.1 The Emirate of Mount Lebanon (1523 - 1842) . 28 4.1.2 The Egyptian occupation of Syria (1831 - 1840) . 29 4.1.3 Qa’im maqamiya (1842-1860) . 30 4.1.4 Mutasarrifiya Jabal Lubnân (1861 - 1919) . 32 4.2 First World War to independence . 34 4.2.1 Important socio-political repercussions . 37 4.3 From independence to the outbreak of civil war . 39 4.3.1 Taking off: Lebanon from 1943 to 1952 . 39 4.3.2 Authoritarianism: Lebanon from 1952 to 1958 . 40 4.3.3 The road to civil war: Lebanon between 1958 and 1975 . 41 4.4 The Lebanese civil war . 48 4.4.1 Overview of developments in the Lebanese civil war 1975-1985 . 48 I 4.4.2 Economic entanglement: The war and ethno-national militias be- tween 1985 an 1990 . 57 4.5 The end of the war and the Ta’if Accord . 62 5 Lines of fragmentation and differentiation 65 5.1 Demystifying Lebanese confessionalism . 66 5.1.1 Modernisation of traditional social fabrics . 66 5.1.2 Derivatives of the Ottoman milet system . 70 5.2 Lebanese (national) identity . 71 5.2.1 Arab nationalism and Lebanese nationalism . 71 5.2.2 Modern Lebanese national identities . 75 5.3 Political confessionalism in Lebanon . 77 5.3.1 Political determinants in Lebanon after the civil war . 78 5.3.2 Critique on Lebanese consociationalism . 80 5.4 Ethno-nationalism in Lebanon . 82 5.4.1 Merging social and political confessionalism . 83 5.4.2 The production of ethno-nationalism . 86 5.5 Civil society in Lebanon . 91 5.5.1 Civil society in pre-civil war Lebanon . 92 5.5.2 Civil society and ethno-nationalism . 94 5.5.3 The paradox of national history . 96 6 Recent repercussions 99 7 Conclusions 105 Glossary 111 Bibliography 113 Addendum 119 The Ta‘if Accord 121 Abstract 131 Zusammenfassung 133 Curriculum vitae 135 II List of Figures 4.1 The Mutasarrifiya . 33 4.2 Map of the French Mandate of Syria in 1923 . 36 4.3 Confessional residence areas before the civil war . 45 4.4 Areas under Christian control in 1978 . 52 4.5 Military zones between 1976 and 1982 . 55 4.6 Military zones in 1990 . 63 5.1 Arab nationalism . 73 5.2 State and civil society in the Arab world in the 1990s . 92 III Abbreviations AC Army Commander ADF Arab Deterrence Force AFL Army of Free Lebanon CAO Communist Action Organisation CND Committee for National Dialogue DFLP Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine FLA Free Lebanon Army FNPPF Front of National and Progressive Parties and Forces GCC Gulf Cooperation Council HISC Higher Islamic Shi’ite Council IDF Israeli Defence Forces LAF Lebanese Armed Forces LCP Lebanese Communist Party LNM Lebanese National Movement LNRF Lebanese National Resistance Front MNF Multinational Force MENA Middle East and North Africa NLP National Liberation Party SAAP Socialist Arab Action Party SSNP Syrian Social Nationalist Party PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine PLO Palestine Liberation Organisation PSP Progressive Socialist Party SLA South Lebanese Army UNIFIL United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon V Chapter 1 Introduction Geographically, Lebanon has always been a buffer state between Europe and Asia. Histor- ically the country was located between the European empires and the Ottoman Empire. Today it is in the vicinity of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore, the country is - to a certain extent - affected by the Syrian civil war. As a result, it can be seen that the Lebanese ethno-political structure is often influenced by conflicts surrounding the Lebanese territory. As a matter of fact, political groups inside Lebanon act as proxies for bigger actors like for the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Iran, the USA or France to name but a few. The basis upon which these ethnic groups inside Lebanon are mobilised can be traced back to various elements of the countries geographical, eco- nomical as well as socio-political history. These very historical developments constitute the uniqueness of Lebanon and the country’s history shows the constant involvement of foreign powers in Lebanese internal affairs. 1.1 Introducing fragments In the introduction to his early analysis of the first couple of years of the Lebanese civil war, David Schiller, a German political scientist and journalist, wrote that a great deal of the attempts to explain [the civil war] depleted themselves in schemes in- appropriate for the Near East region like ‚left or right-wing‘, ‚imperialistic-progressive‘, ‚reactionary-revolutionary‘ and ‚communistic-democratic‘. Some mentioned the antag- onism between Christians’ and Muslims’ and illustrated an erroneous image of a reli- gious conflict by doing so. Other justifications of the events [of the civil war] accused Zionist and imperialist forces of racketeering.1 (Schiller 1979: 10; remarks LW) Today, more than 30 years after Schiller wrote these introducing lines, these dichotomising dynamics can be found in a considerable amount of publications on non-western conflicting societies (just as on western societies). In order to go beneath the surface of vacuous and debilitating analysis, only an interdisciplinary approach that conceptualises social formations, not only along confessional lines (but introduces categories like class, identity, ethno-nationality, aso.) can grasp social and/ or societal transformations, and subsequently explain the roots of upheaval. Analyses - also regarding modern conflicts - has to take historical backgrounds into account, multi-perspectively highlight the transformation of 1Original quote: „[...] viele der bisher geleisteten Erklärungsversuche erschöpften sich in für den Nahen Osten so unpassenden Schemata wie ‚links-rechts‘, ‚imperialistisch-progressiv‘, ‚reaktionär-revolutionär‘ und ‚kommunistisch-demokratisch‘. Andere sprachen von einem christlich-islamischen Gegensatz und vermittelten das falsche Bild eines Religionskrieges. Wieder andere Rechtfertigungen der Ereignisse beschuldigten zionistische und imperialistische Kräfte dunkler Machenschaften.“ (Schiller 1979: 10). 1 The Lebanese ethno-national nexus 1 Introduction political economy and the social fabric in order to avoid the construction of monocausal simplifications of highly complex social processes. To understand conflicts between various social/ societal actors within states is one of to- day’s central issues, not at least to better frame the upheavals following the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on 4th January 2011 in Tunis. For this work, it is important not to get entangled with an understanding of nationalism disguised in ethnic categories that is being trapped in historical lines of tradition in order to be able to critically assess social as well as political conflicts (cp. Werz 2000: 6). In the beginning of the 1990s, after the Lebanese society was widely fragmented in the aftermath of the civil war, a distinct national identity was out of reach while the consensus that brought peace to the whole country „was predicated on a created or constructed myth – Lebanese nationalism“ (Hovsepian 2008: 36). After the civil war, the confessional element of Lebanon’s political structure became, in fact, much more problematic then it was before the war started in the mid-1970s. At the beginning of the 1990s, political-confessionalism inhabited a greater social sphere, subsequently holding a stronger position in society as it did before the war. Ethno-political communities became a source of collective solidarity (cp.
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