ﺣﻨﺎن اﻟﺸﯿﺦ by ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ زھﺮة {Read Ebook {PDF EPUB Tale Flower. وﻟﺪت ﺣﻨﺎن اﻟﺸﯿﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺑﯿﺮوت ﻋﺎم ،1945 ﻣﻨﺬ طﻔﻮﻟﺘﮭﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺘﻮق إﻟﻰ اﻻﻧﻌﺘﺎق ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺌﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺸﺪدة واﻟﻤﻨﻐﻠﻘﺔ. ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ وأﺻﺪرت أوﻟﻰ رواﯾﺎﺗﮭﺎ اﻧﺘﺤﺎر رﺟﻞ ﻣﯿﺖ . 1970 ﺳﻨﺔ 1968 ﺗﺰوﺟﺖ واﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﻣﻊ زوﺟﮭﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺨﻠﯿﺞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﯿﺚ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻓﺮس اﻟﺸﯿﻄﺎن ، 1975 ﺛﻢ ﺳﺎﻓﺮت ﻟﺘﻘﯿﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺪن إﺛﺮ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻷھﻠﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن وﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﮭﺎ رواﯾﺘﮭﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ .Hanan Al Shaykh زھﺮة 1980 اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺠﻨﺲ، ﺛﻢ ﻛﺘﺐ وﻟﺪت ﺣﻨﺎن اﻟﺸﯿﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺑﯿﺮوت ﻋﺎم ،1945 ﻣﻨﺬ طﻔﻮﻟﺘﮭﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺘﻮق إﻟﻰ اﻻﻧﻌﺘﺎق ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺌﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺸﺪدة واﻟﻤﻨﻐﻠﻘﺔ. ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ وأﺻﺪرت أوﻟﻰ رواﯾﺎﺗﮭﺎ اﻧﺘﺤﺎر رﺟﻞ ﻣﯿﺖ . 1970 ﺳﻨﺔ 1968 ﺗﺰوﺟﺖ واﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﻣﻊ زوﺟﮭﺎ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺨﻠﯿﺞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﯿﺚ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻓﺮس اﻟﺸﯿﻄﺎن ، 1975 ﺛﻢ ﺳﺎﻓﺮت ﻟﺘﻘﯿﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻨﺪن إﺛﺮ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻷھﻠﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن وﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﮭﺎ رواﯾﺘﮭﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ زھﺮة 1980 اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺠﻨﺲ، ﺛﻢ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ وردة اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء 1982 ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻗﺼﺺ اﺳﺘﻮﺣﺘﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ رﺣﻼﺗﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ. ﺣﻨﺎن اﻟﺸﯿﺦ .ﻛﺎﺗﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺮرة ﺗﺮﻓﺾ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻌﯿﺶ ﻓﯿﮫ اﻟﻤﺮأة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وھﻲ ﺗﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻼ رﻗﺎﺑﺔ وﺑﺠﺮأة ﻣﺘﺨﻄﯿﺔ اﻷﻋﺮاف واﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﯿﺪ ﻛﺎﺷﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﺄﺧﺮ واﻟﺠﮭﻞ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﯾﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ Book Description. ﺣﻨﺎن اﻟﺸﯿﺦ، ﺗﻘﺮأ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻄﻮر اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺄﺳﺎة اﻷﻧﺜﻰ اﻟﻄﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺒﺪادﯾﺔ ذﻛﻮرﯾﺔ ھﻤﺠﯿﺔ، ﺳﺎدﯾﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻠﻖ واﻟﻤﻨﺘﮭﻰ. وزھﺮة ھﻲ رﻣﺰ ﻟﻜﻞ أﻧﺜﻰ، ھﻲ زھﺮة ﺗﻨﺎل ﺣﻈﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻟﻢ واﻻﺿﻄﮭﺎد واﻟﻌﺒﺜﯿﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ أﻟﻮاﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ذﻛﻮري ﯾﺤ ّﻖ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻟﻠﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎء. ﺗﻜﺘﺐ ﺣﻨﺎن ﻓﻲ زﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻷھﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮب ﻋﺎﺷﺘﮭﺎ زھﺮة ﻓﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﻤﺄﺳﺎﺗﮭﺎ ﻣﺄﺳﺎة اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﯿﺔ. رﺣﻠﺘﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻓﺮﯾﻘﯿﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن، ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب إﻟﻰ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب، ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺮوت إﻟﻰ ﺑﯿﺮوت، ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰب إﻟﻰ ﺣﺰب، ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺐ اﻟﺒﺎب إﻟﻰ ﺧﯿﺎﻻت اﻟﻐﺮف، إﻟﻰ آﺧﺮ اﻟﻨﻔﻖ، ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ أﻧﺜﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ .اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة اﻟﻤﺰﻋﻮم ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل، ﺣﺮﺑﮭﻢ وﺳﻼﻣﮭﻢ، أدﯾﺎﻧﮭﻢ وﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻨﮭﻢ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﯿﺔ وﺗﻌﯿﺶ، أم أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻢ أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌﯿﺶ. وﻓﻲ ﺣﻠﻤﮭﺎ، ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﯿﻄﺮ اﻟﻜﻮاﺑﯿﺲ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة" .ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﯾﺮﻋﺒﮭﺎ، ﯾﮭﺪﱠدھﺎ، ﯾﻼﺣﻘﮭﺎ ﺑﻮﺣﺸﯿﺘﮫ اﻟﺬﻛﺮﯾّﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﺮﻣﻖ اﻷﺧﯿﺮ، ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﻮل اﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ .ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ ﺗﻌﺼﺮ، ﺑﺼﺪﻗﮭﺎ ﻋﺼﺮاً .ﻣﻦ أﻓﺮﯾﻘﯿﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن، ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب إﻟﻰ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب، ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺮوت إﻟﻰ ﺑﯿﺮوت، ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰب إﻟﻰ ﺣﺰب، ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺐ اﻟﺒﺎب إﻟﻰ ﺧﯿﺎﻻت اﻟﻐﺮف إﻟﻰ آﺧﺮ اﻟﻨﻔﻖ .ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ زھﺮة ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل، ﺣﺮﺑﮭﻢ وﺳﻼﻣﮭﻢ، أدﯾﺎﻧﮭﻢ وﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻨﮭﻢ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﯿﺔ وﺗﻌﯿﺶ، أم أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻢ أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌﯿﺶ. وﻓﻲ ﺣﻠﻤﮭﺎ، ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﯿﻄﺮ اﻟﻜﻮاﺑﯿﺲ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﯾﺮﻋﺒﮭﺎ، ﯾﮭﺪﱠدھﺎ، ﯾﻼﺣﻘﮭﺎ ﺑﻮﺣﺸﯿﺘﮫ اﻟﺬﻛﺮﯾّﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﺮﻣﻖ اﻷﺧﯿﺮ، ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﻮل اﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ ﺗﻌﺼﺮ، ﺑﺼﺪﻗﮭﺎ ﻋﺼﺮاً. ﻣﻦ أﻓﺮﯾﻘﯿﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن، ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب إﻟﻰ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب، ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺮوت إﻟﻰ ﺑﯿﺮوت، ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰب إﻟﻰ ﺣﺰب، ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺐ اﻟﺒﺎب إ ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل، ﺣﺮﺑﮭﻢ وﺳﻼﻣﮭﻢ، أدﯾﺎﻧﮭﻢ وﻗﻮاﻧﯿﻨﮭﻢ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺎﺣﯿﺔ وﺗﻌﯿﺶ، أم أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻢ أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌﯿﺶ. وﻓﻲ ﺣﻠﻤﮭﺎ، ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﯿﻄﺮ اﻟﻜﻮاﺑﯿﺲ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ اﻣﺮأة ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﯾﺮﻋﺒﮭﺎ، ﯾﮭﺪﱠدھﺎ، ﯾﻼﺣﻘﮭﺎ ﺑﻮﺣﺸﯿﺘﮫ اﻟﺬﻛﺮﯾّﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﺮﻣﻖ اﻷﺧﯿﺮ، ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﻮل اﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ. ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ ﺗﻌﺼﺮ، ﺑﺼﺪﻗﮭﺎ ﻋﺼﺮاً. ﻣﻦ .أﻓﺮﯾﻘﯿﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن، ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب إﻟﻰ اﻟﺠﻨﻮب، ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺮوت إﻟﻰ ﺑﯿﺮوت، ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰب إﻟﻰ ﺣﺰب، ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺐ اﻟﺒﺎب إﻟﻰ ﺧﯿﺎﻻت اﻟﻐﺮف إﻟﻰ آﺧﺮ اﻟﻨﻔﻖ .more . ﺣﻜﺎﯾﺔ زھﺮة ﻓﻲ ﺻﺤﺮاء Get A Copy. Friend Reviews. Reader Q&A. like 6 years ago Add your answer. Lists with This Book. Community Reviews. I thought the novel 'The Story of Zahra', published in 1980, similar to America's famous novel of a woman who loses her sense of self in the book The Bell Jar. 'The Story of Zahra is more sharply painful to read because it is goes directly to the point. Zahra is very very crazy from the start even as a child. Some readers think it is because of her parents - her mother used her to disguise a secret sexual affair, and her father was cruel and beat Zahra and her mother over nothing and everything. I thought the novel 'The Story of Zahra', published in 1980, similar to America's famous novel of a woman who loses her sense of self in the book The Bell Jar. 'The Story of Zahra is more sharply painful to read because it is goes directly to the point. Zahra is very very crazy from the start even as a child. Some readers think it is because of her parents - her mother used her to disguise a secret sexual affair, and her father was cruel and beat Zahra and her mother over nothing and everything. Perhaps PTSD? Zahra comes from a conservative Shia family - is it the strict watchfulness and criticism of her behavior and looks (she is plain, and suffers from acne) part of the reason for her overreactions? Was she one of those people who are born anxious and sensitive, pushed over into near insanity by her environment and culture? Zahra does not seem to have internal resources, including education beyond a basic one, or curiosity to understand. To me, her defense is to run away from the horrible 'now' whatever it is, as well as an unconscious passive aggression, or maybe a self-destructive rage, or maybe all of the above. She constantly makes misbegotten choices. The author Hanan al-Shaykh is a famous author of stories about the Middle East. I think the book's literary nuances went over my head to some degree. Much about living in Islamic culture for women appears awful to me generally, a Western woman. This novel appears to express and confirm my opinion. In any case, there is explicit sex in the book, too. I don't know if it is the unmarried sex, the abuse, or Zahra's unhappiness with her life which has caused most Muslim countries to ban this book. Yes, gentle reader. This is a banned book! The novel takes place in Lebanon and in Egypt just before and during the civil war in Lebanon of 1975. I remember reading about this awful terrible seemingly endless war. The war turned Lebanon into a dystopic hell. There were so many political and religious factions shooting each other, and then Russia and America, among other outside agitators, mixed into the morass. The war would stop, then start again, then stop, then start again, until maybe 1990. I have read the main character, Zahra, is a literary symbol of the seemingly endless civil war in Lebanon. If that is true, Zahra definitely is a character who cannot pull out a single purpose, direction or solution to the mystery of who or what she wants - maybe like Lebanon at the time. But if so, I don't think she is the literary representative of the militias which tore Lebanon apart. She seems to me more the helpless Lebanese nation itself being symbolically represented as a woman driven mad, if the story indeed has an underlying literary meaning. She is Lebanon, the way we use the pronoun she for America. Interesting statement for a patriarchal religion and culture. Below are excerpts from Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebanes. . Readers too young to know about 1975 Lebanon may find the below bewildering. It WAS bewildering. The Middle East has been a mess for a long time. Maronite Christian militias acquired arms from Romania and Bulgaria as well as from West Germany, Belgium and Israel, and drew supporters from the larger Maronite population in the north of the country, they were generally right-wing in their political outlook, and all the major Christian militias were Maronite-dominated, and other Christian sects played a secondary role. Initially, the most powerful of the Maronite militias was the National Liberal Party which is also known as Ahrar who were politically led by the legendary president of Lebanon Camille Chamoun and military led by Dany Chamoun (who was assassinated in the 1990), the military wing of the Kataeb Party or Phalangists, which remained under the leadership of the charismatic William Hawi until his death. Few years later, the Phalange militia, became under the command of Bachir Gemayel, merged with several minor groups (Al-Tanzim, Guardians of the Cedars, Lebanese Youth Movement, Tyous Team of Commandos) and formed a professional army called the Lebanese Forces (LF). With the help of Israel, the LF established itself in Maronite-dominated strongholds and rapidly transformed from an unorganized and poorly equipped militia into a fearsome army that had now its own armor, artillery, commando units (SADM), a small Navy, and a highly advanced Intelligence branch. Meanwhile, in the north, the Marada Brigades served as the private militia of the Franjieh family and Zgharta, which became allied with Syria after breaking with the Lebanese Front in 1978. The Lebanese Forces split with the Tigers in 1980. In 1985, under the leadership of Geagea and Hobeika, they split entirely from the Phalangists and other groups to form an independent militia which was the dominant force in most Maronite areas. The Tigers Militia was the military wing of the National Liberal Party (NLP/ AHRAR) during the Lebanese Civil War. The Tigers formed in .under the leadership of Camille Chamoun ,(ﻧﻤﻮر اﻷﺣﺮار ,Saadiyat in 1968, as Noumour Al Ahrar (Tigers of the Liberals Although several Lebanese militias claimed to be secular, most were little more than vehicles for sectarian interests. Still, there existed a number of non-religious groups, primarily but not exclusively of the left and/or Pan-Arab right. Examples of this were the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP) and the more radical and independent Communist Action Organization (COA). Another notable example was the pan-Syrian Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), which promoted the concept of Greater Syria, in contrast to Pan-Arab or Lebanese nationalism. The SSNP was generally aligned with the Syrian government, although it did not ideologically approve of the Ba'athist government (however, this has changed recently, under Bashar Al-Assad, the SSNP having been allowed to exert political activity in Syria as well). The multi-confessional SSNP was led by Inaam Raad, a Catholic and Abdallah Saadeh, a Greek Orthodox. It was active in North Lebanon (Koura and Akkar), West Beirut (around Hamra Street), in Mount Lebanon (High Metn, Baabda, Aley and Chouf), in South Lebanon (Zahrani, Nabatieh, Marjayoun and Hasbaya) and the Beqqa Valley (Baalbeck, Hermel and Rashaya). Another secular group was the South Lebanon Army (SLA), led by Saad Haddad. The SLA operated in South Lebanon in co-ordination with the Israelis, and worked for the Israeli-backed parallel government, called "the Government of Free Lebanon". The SLA began as a split from the Army of Free Lebanon, a Maronite faction within the Lebanese Army. Their initial goal was to be a bulwark against PLO raids and attacks into the Galilee, although they later focused on fighting Hezbollah. The officers tended to be Christians with a strong commitment to fighting the SLA's enemies, while most of the ordinary soldiers were Shia Muslims who frequently joined for the wages and were not always committed to the SLA fight against the PLO and Hezbollah. The SLA continued to operate after the civil war but collapsed after the Israeli army withdrew from South Lebanon in 2000. Many SLA soldiers fled to Israel, while others were captured in Lebanon and prosecuted for collaboration with Israel and treason. Two competing Ba'ath movements were involved in the early stages of the war: a nationalist one known as "pro-Iraqi" headed by Abdul-Majeed Al-Rafei (Sunni) and Nicola Y. Ferzli (Greek Orthodox Christian), and a Marxist one known as "pro-Syrian" headed by Assem Qanso (Shiite). The Kurdistan Workers' Party at the time had training camps in Lebanon, where they received support from the Syrians and the PLO. During the Israeli invasion, all PKK units were ordered to fight the Israeli forces. Eleven PKK fighters died in the conflict. Mahsum Korkmaz was the commander of all PKK forces in Lebanon. The Armenian Marxist-Leninist militia ASALA was founded in PLO-controlled territory of West Beirut in 1975. This militia was led by revolutionary fighter Monte Melkonian and group-founder Hagop Hagopian. Closely aligned with the Palestinians, ASALA fought many battles on the side of the Lebanese National Movement and the PLO, most prominently against Israeli forces and their right-wing allies during the 1982 phase of the war. Melkonian was field commander during these battles, and assisted the PLO in its defense of West Beirut. The Palestinian movement relocated most of its fighting strength to Lebanon at the end of 1970 after being expelled from Jordan in the events known as Black September. The umbrella organization, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)—by itself undoubtedly Lebanon's most potent fighting force at the time—was little more than a loose confederation, but its leader, Yassir Arafat, controlled all factions by buying their loyalties. Lesser roles were played by the fractious Palestinian Liberation Front (PLF) and another split-off from the PFLP, the Syrian-aligned Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command (PFLP-GC). To complicate things, the Ba'athist countries of Syria and Iraq both set up Palestinian puppet organizations within the PLO. The as-Sa'iqa was a Syrian-controlled militia, paralleled by the Arab Liberation Front (ALF) under Iraqi command. The Syrian government could also count on the Syrian brigades of the Palestine Liberation Army (PLA), formally but not functionally the PLO's regular army. Some PLA units sent by Egypt were under Arafat's command. On 22 January 1976, Syrian President Hafez al-Assad brokered a truce between the two sides, while covertly beginning to move Syrian troops into Lebanon under the guise of the Palestine Liberation Army in order to bring the PLO back under Syrian influence and prevent the disintegration of Lebanon. Despite this, the violence continued to escalate. In March 1976, Lebanese President Suleiman Frangieh requested that Syria formally intervene. The small Druze sect, strategically and dangerously seated on the Chouf in central Lebanon, had no natural allies, and so were compelled to put much effort into building alliances. Under the leadership of the Jumblatt family, first Kamal Jumblatt (the LNM leader) and then his son Walid, the al-hizb al-taqadummi al-ishtiraki) served as an effective Druze militia, building ,اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻲ اﻻﺷﺘﺮاﻛﻲ :Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) (Arabic excellent ties to the Soviet Union mainly, and with Syria upon the withdrawal of Israel to the south of the country. However, many Druze in Lebanon at the time were members of the non-religious party, the Syrian Social Nationalist Party. Under Kamal Jumblatt's leadership, the PSP was a major element in the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) which supported Lebanon's Arab identity and sympathized with the Palestinians. It built a powerful private army, which proved to be one of the strongest in the Lebanese Civil War of 1975 to 1990. It conquered much of Mount Lebanon and the Chouf District. Its main adversaries were the Maronite Christian Phalangist militia, and later the Lebanese Forces militia (which absorbed the Phalangists). The PSP suffered a major setback in 1977, when Kamal Jumblatt was assassinated. His son Walid succeeded him as leader of the party. Throughout the spring of 1975, minor clashes in Lebanon had been building up towards all-out conflict, with the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) pitted against the Phalange, and the ever-weaker national government wavering between the need to maintain order and cater to its constituency. On the morning of 13 April 1975, unidentified gunmen in a speeding car fired on a church in the Christian East Beirut suburb of Ain el-Rummaneh, killing four people, including two Maronite Phalangists. Hours later, Phalangists led by the Gemayels killed 30 Palestinians traveling in Ain el-Rummaneh. Citywide clashes erupted in response to this "Bus Massacre". The Battle of the Hotels began in October 1975, and lasted until March in 1976. On 6 December 1975, a day later known as Black Saturday, the killings of four Phalange members led Phalange to quickly and temporarily set up roadblocks throughout Beirut at which identification cards were inspected for religious affiliation. Many Palestinians or Lebanese Muslims passing through the roadblocks were killed immediately. Additionally, Phalange members took hostages and attacked Muslims in East Beirut. Muslim and Palestinian militias retaliated with force, increasing the total death count to between 200 and 600 civilians and militiamen. After this point, all-out fighting began between the militias. In a vicious spiral of sectarian violence, civilians were an easy target. On 18 January 1976 an estimated 1,000–1,500 people were killed by Maronite forces in the Karantina Massacre, followed two days later by a retaliatory strike on Damour by Palestinian militias. These two massacres prompted a mass exodus of Muslims and Christians, as people fearing retribution fled to areas under the control of their own sect. The ethnic and religious layout of the residential areas of the capital encouraged this process, and East and West Beirut were increasingly transformed into what was in effect Christian and Muslim Beirut. Also, the number of Maronite leftists who had allied with the LNM, and Muslim conservatives with the government, dropped sharply, as the war revealed itself as an utterly sectarian conflict. Another effect of the massacres was to bring in Yassir Arafat's well-armed Fatah and thereby the Palestine Liberation Organisation on the side of the LNM, as Palestinian sentiment was by now completely hostile to the Maronite forces. The Shi'a militias were slow to form and join in the fighting. Initially, many Shi'a had sympathy for the Palestinians and a few had been drawn to the Lebanese Communist Party, but after 1970s Black September, there was a sudden influx of armed Palestinians to the Shi'a areas. South Lebanon's population is mainly Shi'a and the Palestinians soon set up base there for their attacks against the Israelis. The Palestinian movement quickly squandered its influence with the Shi'ite, as radical factions ruled by the gun in much of Shi'ite-inhabited southern Lebanon, where the refugee camps happened to be concentrated, and the mainstream PLO proved either unwilling or unable to rein them in. The Palestinian radicals' secularism and behaviour had alienated the traditionalist Shi'ite community; the Shi'a did not want to pay the price for the PLO's rocket attacks from Southern Lebanon. The PLO created a state within a state in South Lebanon and this instigated a fury among Lebanon's Shi'a, who feared a retaliation from the Israelis to their native land in the South. The Shiʿa predominated in the area of southern Lebanon that in the 1960s became an arena for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.