The Pilgrimage of Claude Mckay
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Claude Mckay's a Long Way from Home
Through a Black Traveler's Eyes: Claude McKay's A Long Way from Home Tuire Valkeakari Yale University Abstract: This essay analyzes Jamaican-born Claude McKay's discussion of racism(s) and nationalism(~) in his travelogue/autobiography A Long Way from Home ( 1937), in which he chronicles his sojourn in Europe and North Africa and addresses his complex relationship to the United States. Much of McKay's social analysis draws, as this essay establishes, on his observation that racism and nationalism tend to be intertwined and feed 011 each othe1: While describing his travels, McKay presents himselfas a bordercrosser who is "a bad nationalist" and an "internationalist" - a cosmopolitan whose home cannot be defined by any fixed national labels or by nationalist or racialist identity politics. This essay's dialogue with McKay's memoir ultimately reconstructs his difficult and of1-frustrated quest for democracy - the political condition that Ralph Ellison once eloquently equated with "man~· being at home in. the world." Key words: Claude McKay - nationalism - transnationalism - cosmopolitanism - race - racism - travel The way home we seek is that condition of man's being at home in the world, which is called love, and which we tenn democracy. - Ralph Elli son, "Brave Words for a Startling Occasion" I said I was born in the West Indies and lived in the United States and that I was an American, even though I was a British subject, but 1 preferred to think of myself as an internationalist. The chaoL1Sh said he didn't understand what was an internationalist. J laughed and said that an internationalist was a bad nationalist. -
Sylvia Pankhurst's Sedition of 1920
“Upheld by Force” Sylvia Pankhurst’s Sedition of 1920 Edward Crouse Undergraduate Thesis Department of History Columbia University April 4, 2018 Seminar Advisor: Elizabeth Blackmar Second Reader: Susan Pedersen With dim lights and tangled circumstance they tried to shape their thought and deed in noble agreement; but after all, to common eyes their struggles seemed mere inconsistency and formlessness; for these later-born Theresas were helped by no coherent social faith and order which could perform the function of knowledge for the ardently willing soul. Their ardor alternated between a vague ideal and the common yearning of womanhood; so that the one was disapproved as extravagance, and the other condemned as a lapse. – George Eliot, Middlemarch, 1872 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... 2 Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 4 The End of Edwardian England: Pankhurst’s Political Development ................................. 12 After the War: Pankhurst’s Collisions with Communism and the State .............................. 21 Appealing Sedition: Performativity of Communism and Suffrage ....................................... 33 Prison and Release: Attempted Constructions of Martyrology -
D. H. Lawrence and the Harlem Renaissance
‘You are white – yet a part of me’: D. H. Lawrence and the Harlem Renaissance A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2019 Laura E. Ryan School of Arts, Languages and Cultures 2 Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................................... 3 Declaration ................................................................................................................. 4 Copyright statement ................................................................................................... 5 Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... 6 Introduction ................................................................................................................ 7 Chapter 1: ‘[G]roping for a way out’: Claude McKay ................................................ 55 Chapter 2: Chaos in Short Fiction: Langston Hughes ............................................ 116 Chapter 3: The Broken Circle: Jean Toomer .......................................................... 171 Chapter 4: ‘Becoming [the superwoman] you are’: Zora Neale Hurston................. 223 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 267 Bibliography ........................................................................................................... 271 Word Count: 79940 3 -
NO TEA, NO SHADE This Page Intentionally Left Blank No Tea, NO SHADE
NO TEA, NO SHADE This page intentionally left blank No Tea, NO SHADE New Writings in Black Queer Studies EDITED BY E. Patrick Johnson duke university press Durham & London 2016 © 2016 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of Amer i ca on acid- free paper ∞ Typeset in Adobe Caslon by Westchester Publishing Services Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Names: Johnson, E. Patrick, [date] editor. Title: No tea, no shade : new writings in Black queer studies / edited by E. Patrick Johnson. Description: Durham : Duke University Press, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: lccn 2016022047 (print) lccn 2016023801 (ebook) isbn 9780822362227 (hardcover : alk. paper) isbn 9780822362425 (pbk. : alk. paper) isbn 9780822373711 (e- book) Subjects: lcsh: African American gays. | Gay and lesbian studies. | African Americans in popu lar culture. | Gays in popu lar culture. | Gender identity— Political aspects. | Sex in popu lar culture. Classification: lcc e185.625.n59 2016 (print) | lcc e185.625 (ebook) | ddc 306.76/608996073— dc23 lc rec ord available at https:// lccn . loc . gov / 2016022047 Cover art: Philip P. Thomas, Sharing Tea, 2016. © Philip P. Thomas. FOR ALL THE QUEER FOREMOTHERS AND FOREFATHERS This page intentionally left blank CONTENTS foreword Cathy J. Cohen xi acknowl edgments xv introduction E. Patrick Johnson 1 CHAPTER 1. Black/Queer Rhizomatics Train Up a Child in the Way Ze Should Grow . JAFARI S. ALLEN 27 CHAPTER 2. The Whiter the Bread, the Quicker You’re Dead Spectacular Absence and Post-Racialized Blackness in (White) Queer Theory ALISON REED 48 CHAPTER 3. Troubling the Waters Mobilizing a Trans* Analytic KAI M. -
THE POLITICAL THOUGHT of the THIRD WORLD LEFT in POST-WAR AMERICA a Dissertation Submitted
LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Washington, DC August 6, 2020 Copyright 2020 by Benjamin Feldman All Rights Reserved ii LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the full intellectual history of the Third World Turn: when theorists and activists in the United States began to look to liberation movements within the colonized and formerly colonized nations of the ‘Third World’ in search of models for political, social, and cultural transformation. I argue that, understood as a critique of the limits of New Deal liberalism rather than just as an offshoot of New Left radicalism, Third Worldism must be placed at the center of the history of the post-war American Left. Rooting the Third World Turn in the work of theorists active in the 1940s, including the economists Paul Sweezy and Paul Baran, the writer Harold Cruse, and the Detroit organizers James and Grace Lee Boggs, my work moves beyond simple binaries of violence vs. non-violence, revolution vs. reform, and utopianism vs. realism, while throwing the political development of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and the Third World Women’s Alliance into sharper relief. -
Introduction 1
Notes Introduction 1 . Similar attempts to link poetry to immediate political occasions have been made by Mark van Wienen in Partisans and Poets: The Political Work of American Poetry in the Great War and by John Marsh’s anthology You Work Tomorrow . See also Nancy Berke’s Women Poets on the Left and John Lowney’s History, Memory, and the Literary Left: Modern American Poetry, 1935–1968 . 2 . Jos é E. Lim ó n discusses the “mixture of poetry and politics” that informed the Chicano movements of the 1960s and 1970s (81). On Vietnam antiwar poetry, see Bibby. There are, of course, countless studies of individual authors that trace their relationships to politics and social movements. I incorporate the relevant studies throughout the chapters. 3 . In analogy to Wallerstein’s model, the literary world has been conceptualized as a largely autonomous cultural space constituted by power struggles between centers, semi-peripheries, and peripheries, most prominently by Franco Moretti and Pascale Casanova (cf. Moretti; Casanova). But since Wallerstein insists that the world-system is concerned with world-economies (global capitalism) and world-empires (nation-states aiming for geopolitical dominance), systems, that is, which cut across cultural and institutional zones, it seems more plausible to posit the modern world-system as the historical horizon of textual production and interpretation. One of the first uses of world-systems analysis for a concep- tualization of postmodernity and postmodern art was Fredric Jameson’s essay “Culture and Finance Capital” ( Cultural Turn 136–61). 4 . Ramazani remains elusive about the extraliterary reference of these poets’ imagination. -
Vol. 40, No. 6, Jul, 1995
NEWS & LETTERS Theory/Practice 'Human Power is its own end'—Marx Vol. 40 - No. 6 JULY 1995 250 Chinatown a Supreme Court opens new racist era J.S. labor by Michelle Landau The U.S. Supreme Court closed out its 1994-95 term in June with a sweeping, retrograde attack on Black jattlefront America, whose effects will be felt for years to come. The Court ruled against the legality of federal mandates for by John Marcotte affirmative action; against efforts to improve the quality It is a long distance from the Midwest farm country of education in segregated inner-city Black schools; and iround Decatur, 111., where Staley, Caterpillar and Fire against initiatives that had succeeded in translating mi stone workers have been on strike or locked out, to New nority group voting rights into voting power. fork City's Chinatown. It is a distance of a thousand All three decisions (by the same 5-4 majority of Jus niles, and of language and culture. tices Rehnquist, Kennedy, Scalia, O'Connor, and Thom But Chinatown is every bit as much a war zone as De- as) represent reversals from the one period in the :atur, and if the Chinese restaurant, garment and con- Court's existence when it responded to the progressive itruction workers could meet the struggling workers thrust of American history, the mid-1950s through the rom Staley and Cat and Firestone, I don't think lan- mid-1970s. All three decisions proclaim a "color-blind so fuage would be a big problem between them. They ciety," and insidiously use the 1950s-60s language of vould speak the same language, the language of freedom equality and civil rights to reduce the meaning of rom slave labor. -
The Church of St. Benedict the Moor: Propagating and Contesting Black Catholicism in New York City, 1883-1920 Jeffrey Wheatley
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2014 The Church of St. Benedict the Moor: Propagating and Contesting Black Catholicism in New York City, 1883-1920 Jeffrey Wheatley Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES THE CHURCH OF ST. BENEDICT THE MOOR: PROPAGATING AND CONTESTING BLACK CATHOLICISM IN NEW YORK CITY, 1883-1920 By JEFFREY WHEATLEY A Thesis submitted to the Department of Religion in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2014 Jeffrey Wheatley defended this thesis on March 28, 2014. The members of the supervisory committee were: John Corrigan Professor Directing Thesis Amanda Porterfield Committee Member Aline Kalbian Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The faculty at Florida State University provided me with the tools necessary to complete this project. Dr. John Corrigan provided support and pushed me to articulate a bolder and clearer argument. Dr. Amanda Porterfield’s enthusiasm for the metaphor of the corral helped me shape this project early on. Dr. Aline Kalbian provided thoughtful feedback on the vocabulary and implications of this work. Staff members at the Archives of the Archdiocese of New York and the New York Historical Society provided excellent aid in finding materials on the Church of St. Benedict the Moor. Kate Feighery and Rev. -
The Third International and the Struggle for National Liberation in South Africa
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title The Third International and the Struggle for National Liberation in South Africa Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6338z55p Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 38(1) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Kelley, Robin D.G. Publication Date 2014 DOI 10.5070/F7381025031 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Third International and the Struggle for National Liberation in South Africa1 Robin D.G. Kelley With few exceptions, historians and activists alike have argued that the 1928 Resolution of the Communist International on the South African Question was little more than an abstract creation “made in Moscow.” The thesis, according to a number of authors, calling for the right of self-determination for African people as well as the wholesale expropriation and redistribution of land to the peas- antry was in no way representative of the demands of Africans in South Africa. The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the origins of the COMINTERN’s “Resolution on the South African Question” adopted at the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International within the context of South African history. I will concentrate on the impact that African nationalism in general, and African Communists in particular, made on the Communist Party of South Africa as well as the Communist International. My thesis argues that the demands embodied in the COMINTERN Resolu- tion reflected the actual struggles of Africans in South Africa as well as Africans in the United States. Thus, the COMINTERN’s position was not merely a result of Stalinist intrigue: but instead it was a response to the praxis of Africans both within the CPSA as well as the African working-class as a whole. -
The Labor of the Avant-Garde: Experimental Form and the Politics of Work in Post-War American Poetry and Fiction
The Labor of the Avant-Garde: Experimental Form and the Politics of Work in Post-War American Poetry and Fiction Aaron W. Winslow Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Aaron Winslow All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Labor of the Avant-Garde: Experimental Form and the Politics of Work in Post-War American Poetry and Fiction Aaron W. Winslow While literary critics have explored the politics of labor in pre-war modernist literature, the post-45 avant-garde has continued to be framed as a depoliticized repetition of previous avant-garde styles. Examining American avant-garde literature in its relation to the political and economic shifts from the 1960s through the late 1980s, my dissertation corrects this narrative to show that labor and labor politics were central categories in post-war experimental poetry and fiction. I argue that writers as disparate as Charles Olson, William S. Burroughs, Samuel R. Delany, and Susan Howe reworked disjunctive modernist forms to cognitively map emergent economic tendencies in the US. Parataxis, collage, surrealist imagery, aleatory compositional methods, non-linear plotting, and metafictional narrative conceits all constitute the stylistic techniques of an avant-garde engaged in an extended dialogue about work and the politics of work. The canon of experimental literature functioned as a counter-discourse that contested and reshaped discourses of labor by considering it alongside categories of race, gender, and sexuality. By using labor as an entry point into the avant-garde, my dissertation reconsiders the post-war literary canon, revealing an avant-garde that includes writers working across modes and genres. -
Recovering the Queer Subtext of Claude Mckay’S Harlem Shadows
63 “A love so fugitive and so complete”:Recovering the Queer Subtext of Claude McKay’s Harlem Shadows Lindsay Tuggle University of Sydney In spite of its considerable influence on the Harlem Renaissance and the broader fields of African American and Caribbean literatures, Claude McKay’s Harlem Shadows (1922), as a cohesive whole, has remained relatively neglected. While selections of McKay’s so-called “violent sonnets” and nostalgic verse have been reproduced in various anthologies, his homoerotic love poems have been largely excluded.1 Prior to the 2004 publication of The Complete Poems: Claude McKay, edited by William J. Maxwell, much of McKay’s poetry had fallen out of print, while Harlem Shadows had not been widely reprinted in its entirety since the 1920s (Maxwell, Introduction 25). In the context of the Harlem Renaissance, McKay is considered both a forerunner and an outsider. His work significantly influenced a generation of Renaissance writers, most notably Langston Hughes, who wrote to McKay in 1925: “You are still the best of the colored poets and probably will be for the next century and for me you are the one and only.”2 James Weldon Johnson described the publication of Harlem Shadows as “one of the great forces in bringing about . the Negro literary Renaissance” (266).3 Yet McKay was a marginal, radical figure—a “vagabond” poet who could never entirely embrace the literary elite that formed the foundation of the Harlem Renaissance canon (Long Way 4).4 Shortly after the publication of Harlem Shadows, McKay left America, travelling first to Russia and then throughout Europe and northern Africa. -
Report on the Negro Question: Speech to the 4Th Congress of the Comintern, Nov
McKay: Speech to the 4th Congress of the Communist International 1 Report on the Negro Question: Speech to the 4th Congress of the Comintern, Nov. 1922. by Claude McKay Published in International Press Correspondence, v. 3 (Jan. 5, 1923), pp. 16-17. Comrade McKay: Comrades, I feel that I stands for the emancipation of all the workers of would rather face a lynching stake in civilized the world, regardless of race or color, and this stand America than try to make a speech before the most of the Third International is not merely on paper intellectual and critical audience in the world. I like the Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitu- belong to a race of creators but my public speak- tion of the United States of America. It is a real ing has been so bad that I have been told by my thing. own people that I should never try to make The Negro race in the economic life of the speeches, but stick to writing, and laughing. How- world today occupies a very peculiar position. In ever, when I heard the Negro question was going every country where the Whites and Blacks must to be brought up on the floor of the Congress, I felt it would be an eternal shame if I did not say something on behalf of the members of my race. Especially would I be a disgrace to the American Negroes because, since I published a notorious poem in 1919 [“If We Must Die”], I have been pushed forward as one of the spokesmen of Negro radicalism in America to the detriment of my po- etical temperament.