Notes

Introduction 1 . Similar attempts to link poetry to immediate political occasions have been made by Mark van Wienen in Partisans and Poets: The Political Work of American Poetry in the Great War and by John Marsh’s anthology You Work Tomorrow . See also Nancy Berke’s Women Poets on the Left and John Lowney’s History, Memory, and the Literary Left: Modern American Poetry, 1935–1968 . 2 . Jos é E. Limó n discusses the “mixture of poetry and politics” that informed the Chicano movements of the 1960s and 1970s (81). On Vietnam antiwar poetry, see Bibby. There are, of course, countless studies of individual authors that trace their relationships to politics and social movements. I incorporate the relevant studies throughout the chapters. 3 . In analogy to Wallerstein’s model, the literary world has been conceptualized as a largely autonomous cultural space constituted by power struggles between centers, semi-peripheries, and peripheries, most prominently by Franco Moretti and Pascale Casanova (cf. Moretti; Casanova). But since Wallerstein insists that the world-system is concerned with world-economies (global capitalism) and world-empires (nation-states aiming for geopolitical dominance), systems, that is, which cut across cultural and institutional zones, it seems more plausible to posit the modern world-system as the historical horizon of textual production and interpretation. One of the first uses of world-systems analysis for a concep- tualization of postmodernity and postmodern art was Fredric Jameson’s essay “Culture and Finance Capital” ( Cultural Turn 136–61). 4 . Ramazani remains elusive about the extraliterary reference of these poets’ imagination. He argues, for instance, that Melvin Tolson’s Harlem Gallery , as a “poem of polyglot hybridity and pan-cultural allusiveness, like many other modern and contemporary poems, explodes mononationalist conceptions of culture and pushes toward the transnational and perhaps even the global” (Transnational Poetics x). The opaque style of this sentence as well as its omis- sion of Tolson’s Marxism are symptomatic of the fact that Ramazani does not relate the sphere of cultural exchange to social and economic processes. 216 ● Notes

5 . In accordance with his periodization of “late” capitalism as the stage of capital- ism after 1945 (a notion taken from Ernest Mandel), Jameson sees the “growing contradiction between lived experience and structure” (“Cognitive Mapping” 349) at its height with postmodernity, which he understands as the cultural logic of late capitalism. While the problem of a global cognitive mapping has become more pronounced in the time after 1945, modern American poetry has already engaged many of these questions. It is important to bear in mind that for Jameson postmodernism is not a new mode of production but a “dialectical mutation of a capitalist system already long in place” (Cultural Turn 93). 6 . Unless noted otherwise, italics, capitals, and the like are in the original. 7 . M a r k M c G u r l ’ s The Program Era is perhaps the most successful Bourdieu- inspired attempt to theorize institutional influence, partly because of its distinct focus on American literature in the era of MFA programs and partly because he actually develops an interpretational mode from his sociological insights, read- ing literary form and content for traces of such institutional conditions. 8 . As Jennifer Ashton has argued in From Modernism to Postmodernism, the “mod- ern/postmodern divide remains intact” despite all attempts to read modernists as “postmodernists avant la lettre ” (2). 9 . See, for instance, recent anthologies such as the Oxford Anthology of Modern American Poetry (2000), Ishmael Reed’s From Totems to Hip-Hop: A Multicultural Anthology of Poetry Across the Americas 1900–2002 (2002), the Norton Anthology of Poetry (2004), and the Oxford Book of American Poetry (2006). 10 . To state that “lyrics aren’t poetry” and that “no song words [ . . . ] stand up as print texts” (Frith 181) misses the point of reading lyrics as poetic expression in a specific social and cultural context. The problem here is not the definition of lyrics, but the restricted definition of poetry. Besides the fact that many songs use poetic modes of expression and that, as Frank Kermode and Stephen Spender (among others) have pointed out, “there’s quite a lot of good poetry which started life in a similar way—Greek tragedy, medieval ballad—and has survived the loss of music and performance” (155), the implied contrast of the richness of song performances with the isolated experience of reading poetry seems also very questionable.

1 “Blazing Signals of a World in Birth”: Lyrical Expression and International Solidarity from the Literary Left to the Popular Front 1 . For the cultural and historical significance of the Lawrence strike of 1912 and Giovannitti’s involvement in its organization, see Dubofsky 132–51 and Topp 92–134. 2 . For a survey of Freeman’s work, see Scheiding. 3 . For a short summary of the various traditions that influenced Giovannitti, among them the radical poetry of his native Italy, see Sillanpoa 177–78 and 185–87. For the best account of Giovannitti’s life, see Bencivenni. Notes ● 217

4 . K e l l e r w r o t e a n i n t r o d u c t i o n t o Arrows in the Gale (cf. Giovannitti, Co llected Poems 135–41), in which she emphasized that “[t]he laws of poetic beauty and power, not one’s beliefs about the economic world, determine the excellence of his work” (135). 5 . Hester Furey has fittingly observed that Giovannitti’s work “had a nasty and uncompromising way of connecting politics with inner beauty, taking logics of the ‘universal subject’ so dear to poetry critics and carrying them to their shock- ingly democratic extreme” (37). For quite a long time, McKay’s choice of the sonnet was seen as contradicting the modernity of his poetry’s themes, while, as William J. Maxwell has remarked, his sonnets are now read as “the ultimate proving ground of his (more-than-honorary) modernism” (xxxv). Houston A. Baker, Jr., by contrast, has described McKay’s use of form as a necessary adop- tion of European traditions—a “mastery of form” that is intended to subvert the tradition (Baker 85–86). For a critique of Baker’s reading, see Hutchinson, The Harlem Renaissance 24–26. 6. Nelson has shown that in an illustration of Edwin Markham’s “The Man with the Hoe,” by contrast, the laurel wreath was used to lend an abstract, mytho- logical quality to an otherwise very concretely political poetic imagery and thus toned down the poem’s political meaning (Revolutionary Memory 20–21). 7 . Giovannitti’s use of free verse is representative of many modern American poets on the Left who laid claim to Whitman’s radical democratic heritage (cf. Wald, Exiles from a Future Time 33–37). 8 . Besides being a general topic of the avant-garde of the time, the concern with the city also permeated more explicitly political and functional proletarian poetry as in the ILGWU’s paper Justice, in which some of Giovannitti’s poems were published. In the same paper, a poet named Max Press portrayed the hard- ships of the laboring classes, drawing on the same imagery used by Giovannitti (125). The poem does not create the collective subject of history that we can witness in “New York and I,” but rather presupposes the subjectivity that achieves social change. Still, it similarly sees the city as created and reproduced by human labor, as a place of promise and, employing almost the same expres- sion as Giovannitti, of “toil and hunger” alike. 9 . Political sabotage was not intended to destroy the means of production, but to reappropriate them, a point that Emile Pouget makes when he quotes the Confederation Congress of Toulouse in 1897: “It is necessary for the capital- ists to know that the worker will not respect the machine until it has become his friend that will reduce his physical labor instead of being, as it is today, the enemy that steals his bread and shortens his life” (52). 10 . Mark Van Wienen has used the term “literary sabotage” in his analysis of the IWW’s subversive use of popular forms of poetry such as religious hymnody and popular songs during World War I (cf. Partisans 73–102), but he does not discuss Giovannitti’s poetry in this context. 11 . Freeman concludes that this rewriting of the subject into a collective subjec- tivity “is antithesis to the Wasteland, a wholesome break from everything for 218 ● Notes

which the last of the bourgeois romantics stands for [sic]” (23). For him Eliot’s poetics—and any poetics, for that matter—is unacceptable not so much for formal or stylistic reasons, but because of its supposed inability to project a vision of the future. Eliot’s conversion to Anglo-Catholicism probably colored Freeman’s judgment. 12 . For some critics, Rukeyser’s broad appeal was too wide-ranging and ended up forfeiting a systemic critique. In a review John Wheelwright (1897–1940), a Christian Marxist poet and critic, had complained that “[l]ike any good capi- talist, Rukeyser condemns bad, shockingly bad, working conditions, but makes no root attack on everyday exploitation” (qtd. in Schocket 240). 13 . The redefinition of gender categories is significant since, as Paula Rabinowitz has demonstrated, leftist discourses of the time frequently “re-presented class conflict through the language of sexual difference,” with masculine strength equating revolutionary action (8). 14 . Thurston elaborates on the parallels between death and rebirth in The Waste Land and “The Book of the Dead” (cf. Making Something Happen 200–10).

2 Global Harlem: The Internationalism of the Harlem Renaissance 1 . The most famous criticism was, of course, Du Bois’s statement that the novel “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel dis- tinctly like taking a bath ” (“Two Novels” 202). 2 . The Harlem Renaissance has been understood variously as the first success- ful race-conscious movement with lasting cultural and social effects, as a revolutionary ethnic rewriting of literary traditions that permanently altered the literary landscape (cf. Baker), and as an elite movement of what W. E. B. Du Bois called the “Talented Tenth” (“The Talented Tenth” 842) who tried to do important cultural and political work in the name of the masses (cf. Warren, Reed, W. E. B. Du Bois ). For the most part, literary histories place the Harlem Renaissance in a coherent narrative that centers around the New Negro who turns the predicament of a “double-consciousness” that has charac- terized African American life in the United States (Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk 364) into a self-confident assertion of cultural pride and a demand for political emancipation. 3 . David L. Lewis has established the dominant periodization of the Harlem Renaissance by helpfully dividing it into three phases—the first until 1923, dominated primarily by “white artists and writers;” the second from 1924 to 1926, a time of “interracial collaboration;” and the third from 1926 to the Harlem Riots in 1935, shaped by African American writers and artists (xv-xvi). 4 . Hughes’s essay was a direct response to George Schuyler. Hughes accused Schuyler (and Cullen) of denying an African American tradition by dissolving it in a supposed national identity and of rejecting the culture of the “low-down Notes ● 219

folks” in the name of assimilated black middle-class intellectuals. Both articles appeared in The Nation . For a detailed examination of the discussion and on the role of Freda Kerchway, The Nation ’s editor, in this context, see Eric King Watts 96–116. 5 . Cary Nelson has convincingly argued that “Letter in Spain” uses a deliberately simplified, colloquial language to express how “the common sense possessed by the oppressed people gives them an appropriate experiential basis for under- standing international politics” ( Revolutionary Memory 202). 6 . The Crisis was a magazine by no means ignorant to class struggle and social radicalism (cf. Foley, Spectres 26–28). 7 . Africa figured not only as a symbol for a lost heritage, but was also understood as a central site in political affairs. Du Bois declared his intent to “show how in the Dark Continent are hidden the roots, not simply of war to-day but of the menace of wars to-morrow” (707) as early as in 1915 in “The African Roots of War.” Although the essay was written before Du Bois’s turn to Marxism and at a time when he believed in the promise of liberal democracy, it points out the importance of economic questions and the question of class for the emergent Harlem Renaissance. Mark Van Wienen has emphasized how Du Bois’s post–World War I politics were invested in “two movements that tran- scended national borders: global anticolonialism and international socialism” (Van Wienen, American Socialist Triptych 148). 8 . Hughes went to the Soviet Union with a number of other artists to realize this plan, but the project was never completed. 9 . Soviet Critics chided Hughes’s modernist internationalism for being insuf- ficiently “black,” a neglect that went against its doctrine to encourage such nationalist resistance movements (cf. Dawahare, “Langston Hughes’s Radical Poetry” 37–38). 10 . Kristina Brooks has rightfully criticized Hull’s view: “While the economic and social boundaries created by ethnic differences do signify on those created by racial difference, Dunbar-Nelson’s particular concern with the inter-relations between ethnicity and poverty need not be translated into racial dramas in order to be meaningful” (19). 11 . For an account of this phase in Dunbar-Nelson’s life, see Nikki Brown 30–65. As Brown points out, although Dunbar-Nelson saw the value of labor unions she did not immediately affiliate with working-class women but adopted a somewhat condescending tone that developed into a more analytical view over time (cf. 45–46). 12 . The poem, although correctly assigned to Johnson in the table of contents, was misattributed to “John Strong” on the page on which it was originally printed in The Crisis (April 1924), a blunder for which the magazine apologized in a later editorial note. 13 . For an excellent discussion of McKay’s conflicted view of Jamaican national- ism, see James 90–99. As James points out, one reason that “the black masses have always been suspicious of those with ambitions of national autonomy” was because, “[t]hanks to much misinformation spread by missionaries and others, 220 ● Notes

the slaves believed the ending of slavery had been brought about by the British Crown against the objection of the wicked local planters” (93). 14 . Tillery argues that McKay’s “reasons for attending the Congress always remained more personal and narrow” rather than revolutionary (75), although McKay played a prominent political role in the congress. The Third International was an embattled field, and thus McKay’s trouble with various strains of Communism is representative for the Congress rather than setting him apart from it. Tillery also bases his assessment of McKay’s relationship with the Communist Party (international and American alike) on McKay’s later writings, which were heav- ily colored by his anticommunism. 15 . The poem was originally published in The Liberator in 1920 under the title “To Ethiopia.” For its republication in Countee Cullen’s Caroling Dusk, McKay opted for the later title that was also used in Harlem Shadows . 16 . Jean Wagner has argued that McKay did not simply project the disappointed utopian political vision that he found in Harlem onto Africa; the “firmness of his attachment to Jamaica, as much as his intellectual probity and his clear- sightedness, precluded his seeking an unrealistic solution for his own problems by evading them in favor of participation in solving others’ problems, even if these others should be Africans” (243).

3 Remapping America: The Epic Geography of Post–World War II American Poetry 1 . For a comprehensive account of the African American epic, see Schultz. 2 . Stern has stated that the poem was first published in 1970 in an edition that included both the first and second parts (cf. Stern 27). However, there is a 1962 stand-alone edition of part one. Unless historical accuracy demands references to earlier editions, I have opted for citing from the 1997 edition, since McGrath did not have an opportunity to correct errors in earlier editions. 3 . On Gordon’s poetry, see Fred Whitehead’s essay. 4 . This encounter was generally seen as a considerable advancement in race rela- tions. An official government history of the events makes reference to The Big Road to illustrate that the meeting of African American and white regiments during the completion of the road “symbolized to a hopeful country the kind of unity and co-operation that foretold eventual victory” (Lee 609). 5 . Contemporary historians continue to assert the highway’s historical signifi- cance and refer to it as a “modern marvel comparable in hubris to the construc- tion of the Panama Canal and Hoover Dam” (Brinkley 7). 6 . Andr é Gunder Frank has argued that from “the times of Cortez and Pizarro in Mexico and Peru, Clive in India, Rhodes in Africa, the ‘Open Door’ in China the metropolis destroyed and/or totally transformed the earlier viable social and economic systems of these societies, incorporated them into the metropolitan dominated worldwide capitalist system, and converted them into sources for its own metropolitan capitalist accumulation and development,” resulting in this region’s “underdevelopment” (225). Notes ● 221

7 . Rosten’s image of Native American culture is a complicated case. On the one hand he speaks of a Native “civilization” (177), a complex social structure, and reinscribes Indian history into American and world history (cf. 176–78). On the other hand, especially given the geographical nature of the poem, Rosten’s erroneous placement of the Cherokee and the Chickasaw near the salmon of the Northwest betrays an awkward sentimentalism about Native American culture. 8 . For a full account of Garvey’s conception of Liberia, see Stein 108–27. 9 . Robert Farnsworth has pointed out parallels between Tolson and John Ciardi, who was an important reference point for Tolson (cf. 111–13). In Dialogue with an Audience , Ciardi distinguishes between a “horizontal audience” consisting of “everybody who is alive at this moment” and a “vertical audience” made up of “everyone, vertically through time, who will ever read a given poem” (35). This is precisely the problem for political poets: how can they make sure that their complexity and any aspirations to fame do not obscure the appeal to the contemporary audience? 10 . The link between racism and the search for economic privilege also permeates Tolson’s Harlem Gallery (cf. Harlem Gallery 312–13), where he elaborates the symbolism that denotes the interdependence of the rich cream and the skim milk that is its condition of existence. For a comprehensive study of Tolson’s poetry, see Kuroszczyk. 11 . Tolson’s Christian Marxist views remained relatively consistent throughout his career. As late as 1961 Tolson stated “I guess I’m the only Marxist poet Here and Now” (qtd. in Russell 1980, 8).

4 From Cuba to Vietnam: Anti-Imperialist Poetics and Global Solidarity in the Long Sixties 1 . See Marwick “Cultural Revolution” and Jameson, “Periodizing the Sixties.” Moreover, as historians of the 1960s have recently argued, the cultural critique of the 1950s literary movements such as the Beats or the Situationists was essen- tial to preparing the upheavals of the 1960s (cf. Horn 23). 2 . Lowell coined the phrase “tranquilized Fifties” in “Memories from West Street and Lepke,” which was published in Life Studies (1959): “These are the tranquil- ized Fifties ,/ and I am forty. Ought I to regret my seedtime?” (Lowell 187). 3 . The same issue of New Left Review reprinted an article by Kenneth Rexroth (“Students Take Over”) and Fidel Castro’s concluding statement at the trial to which he was put after he and other revolutionary attacked the Moncada Barracks (“History Will Absolve Me . . . ”). 4 . Robert von Hallberg has noted that the politicization of 1960s poetry did not start with the Vietnam War because “the growth of an American economic empire and the increased influence of a group of Americans, occupational more than social, whose credentials were provided by institutions of higher educa- tion” strongly influenced and often politicized writers of the 1960s (American Poetry 117). 222 ● Notes

5 . The production of poetry itself was part of a search for an economic alterna- tive, as James D. Sullivan argues in his study of the 1960s broadsides: “The low production values themselves also helped associate the broadsheet with another set of political concerns, namely the New Left critique of capitalism, for the artifact itself had practically no economic value” (76). 6 . There were, of course, creative satirical poems that served a more immediate purpose such as Ben L. Hiatt’s independently published “anthology” Poems— Written in Praise of LBJ . The mock anthology’s introduction, in which a fic- tional author praises the anthology’s contributions, is followed by an editorial comment, which reveals that the preface was commissioned before the anthol- ogy was finished and that, alas, the invited writers’ imagination could not live up to the task of praising the president. Indeed, the anthology consists only of seven blank sheets. 7 . I will not rehearse the tiresome debate about whether or not Dylan’s song lyrics should be called poetry. The reviews of the time were certainly concerned with this dimension of his work; for example, a reviewer stated in a 1968 issue of Time magazine that he was impressed by Dylan’s “growing control over poetic expression” (qtd. in Bloom and Breines 233). 8 . Bakhtin, of course, was skeptical that poetic expression could be truly poly- phonic because he felt that the lyrical speaker must eventually impose a domi- nant perspective on whatever multiplicity of voices he might show, since “poetry, striving for maximal purity, works in its own language as if that language were unitary, the only language, as if there were no heteroglossia outside it” ( Dialogic Imagination 399). 9 . Charles Hersch has argued that “Dylan’s songs in the mid-sixties imagined a kind of community,” whereas his later songs, starting with “Desolation Row,” “ultimately retreated into hermetic individualism” (162). His otherwise very perceptive reading seems to take the impenetrability of the imagery as a state- ment of despair rather than as the expression of a dissolving world order. 10 . Scholarship on Ferlinghetti’s poetry is fairly thin. While Ginsberg was the era’s iconic public figure, Ferlinghetti’s poetry deserves more attention than it has received to date. Even Michael Davidson’s standard history on the San Francisco Renaissance mentions Ferlinghetti’s poetry only in passing ( San Francisco Renaissance ). For a short survey of Ferlinghetti’s poetry, see Hopkins. 11 . Todd Tietchen has called these poems about Cuba “Cubalogues.” In these travel narratives, “each figure becomes involved in an inter-American dialogue with Cuban intellectuals and artists concerning the meaning of the revolution and revolutionary culture, which they come to identify as the spontaneous and open antithesis of an ossified public sphere at home” (120). 12 . For an account of Ferlinghetti’s visit to Cuba see Silesky 104–10. In Cuba, Ferlinghetti also met Pablo Neruda. On Ferlinghetti’s fascination with Neruda and his attempt to publish him in the City Lights Pocket Poets series, see Cohn 195–96. 13 . Ginsberg expressed his hesitancy to politicize poetry succinctly in the same text: “But if that end were approached directly, I always felt it would become Notes ● 223

a surface idea & get tangled in limited sometimes mistaken front-brain judg- ments (such as Kerouac warns about when he laments my being what seems to him involved in politics); (and that way he makes sense)” ( Prose Contribution to Cuban Revolution n.pag.). 14 . The poem was published originally in a volume appropriately entitled Planet News , but Ginsberg later moved it to the Fall of America section of his Collected Poems . The decision reflects how interwoven his assessment of American cul- ture and world politics had become at this point. The journey to Wichita is taken up in several poems of The Fall of America , so the poem seems to be a natural link between the two volumes. 15 . Helen Vendler speaks (somewhat skeptically) of The Fall of America as “Ginsberg’s ardent atlas” ( Part of Nature, Part of Us 201). 16. Seven years later, Levertov explains how she went from a general disinterest in the Korean War to pacifist activism, only to acknowledge that pacifist means soon turned out to be inadequate for winning political struggles: “I realized that there was a connection between the Vietnamese people who were strug- gling for self-preservation and between people’s struggle for self-determination in all places, and with racism. So I gave up my pacifism at that point and became more revolutionary” (Conversations 90–91). 17 . Philipp L ö ffler has argued that the language school is linked to the political poetry of the 1960s through its concern with the linguistic construction of political realities (cf. L ö ffler). 18 . On the concept of the park as communal space in Levertov’s poetry, see Voyce. 19 . Duncan was unsure whether it was possible to “bear constant (faithful and ever present) testimony to our grief for those suffering in the War and our knowl- edge that the government is so immediately the agency of death and destruc- tion of human and natural goods, and at the same time continue as constantly in our work [ . . . ] now, more than ever, to keep alive the immediacy of the ideal and the eternal” (Duncan/Levertov 563). 20 . Watten himself is torn between asserting the importance of the poet-activist at the time when stressing that Levertov’s speech at the People’s Park rally was “inflammatory” and dismissing it as largely irrelevant since “it really did not matter what anyone said at the rally, as events were already unfolding in an irreversible logic” (180).

5 Contemporary American Poetry and the Legacy of the Third World 1 . One reason was that “the limits of what could be offered in world redistribution without having a serious negative impact on the share of surplus value accorded to the cadres of the system were reached circa 1970” (Wallerstein, Historical Capitalism 150). 2. According to Jerry Watts, Baraka’s “disappointment with Newark Mayor Kenneth Gibson and the National Black Convention led to his conclusion that 224 ● Notes

black nationalism served primarily the black bourgeoisie and thus the white elite” (420). 3 . Prashad has shown that the first All-African People’s Conference in 1958, hosted in Accra, Ghana—a country that had already won its independence— was unified in its intention to create an international political front in spite of differences in culture: “What brought Africans together in these forums was not culture or language but, as Nkrumah put it, ‘a common interest in the inde- pendence of Africa’” (24). Prashad relies on Alfred Sauvy’s famous definition of the Third World to refer to the countries that are aligned with neither of the two dominant political blocs of the Cold War. Prashad stresses that the term is not only an analytical category, but expresses a concrete political agenda: “The Third World was not a place. It was a project” (xv). 4 . Adolph Reed has retrospectively assessed black nationalism’s homogenous con- cept of culture as an understandable, yet misguided response to assimilation- ist civil rights movements. Black nationalism “envisioned an obsolete, folkish model of black life. This yearning was hypostatized to the level of a vague ‘black culture’—a romantic retrieval of a vanishing black particularity” ( Stirrings in the Jug 67). 5 . For other critics who have pointed out the stylistic and thematic continuities between Baraka’s earlier and later poetry, see Brown 105 and Harris 17–18. 6 . Jos é E. Lim ó n has argued that Gonzales’s poem enacts a break with the Mexican corrido tradition, the folk songs that celebrate or commemorate heroic deeds. According to Lim ón, Gonzales rewrites the “single specific historical event in a circumscribed temporal moment” that characterizes the Mexican folk heroic tale into a “presumed narration of the whole of Mexican history” (119). As such, Gonzales’s poem reflects the new consciousness of the Chicano movement. 7 . Hip-hop culture and the rap lyrics that emerged in its context constituted a global youth movement from the outset. The two pioneers most often cred- ited with initiating and propelling the movement in the United States are DJ Kool Herc with his adaptation of Jamaican music to Bronx youth culture, and Africa Bambaata, whose seminal “Planet Rock” fuses different global styles from Kraftwerk to African beats and tellingly featured lyrics by MC Globe (cf. Chang 67–107). 8 . Blue Scholars’s increasing use of electronic music and the reference to and use of cinematographic techniques on Cin é metropolis (2011) continue this heritage in a more decidedly modernist and experimental, but also less explicitly political manner.

6 Contemporary American Poetry, Literary Tradition, and the Multitude 1 . The growing interest in the lyric has produced a variety of views. As opposed to Ashton’s critique of contemporary American poetry, Lisa Sewall suggests that Notes ● 225

large sections of contemporary American lyric poetry (in which she uncon- vincingly includes Nowak) construct “a lyric mode that is historically aware, socially generative, and overtly interested in moving toward an expansive and connective consciousness” (3–4). 2 . Nowak briefly references David Harvey on the economic notion of “accumu- lation by dispossession” (qtd. in Nowak, “Notes Toward an Anti-Capitalist Poetics II” 332; cf. Harvey, New Imperialism 137–83). 3 . As Alan Gilbert has suggested concerning Revenants , “Nowak isn’t afraid to investigate concepts that have fallen into disrepute in the postmodern era: notably tradition, custom, and, to a certain extent, history.” At the same time “this return isn’t one of nostalgia, nor is it a quest for a lost or pure origin” (Gilbert 115). 4 . See, for instance, Barrett Watten’s preface to Progress/Under Erasure (2005) in which he advocates the “long poem” over the “subject-centered expressiveness of the lyric” (6). 5 . S e e Pittsburgh Post-Gazette May 5, 2006: A8. 6 . The testimony transcripts are available from http://www.wvminesafety.org/ sagointerviews.htm . 7 . The descriptions of the workers’ mind-set that Nowak selects attributes them an instinctive penetration of political issues. Returning to the deteriorated Chinese mining town, the poem relates a myth about a “smart man from south- ern China” who “came and stole the village frog, bringing ruin to Shangma Huangtou.” However, Mr. Lin, “the village chief,” has a clearer grasp of the structural problems: “I believe there’s no water because of the coal mines. The earth is like the human body. And the water is like blood in your veins. But now there’s no water; no blood” (140). 8 . The blog can be found at http://coalmountain.wordpress.com 9 . Coffee House Press seems to be an appropriate publication venue for an epic poem amounting to more than 1,000 pages. Waldman hints at that fact in a letter she incorporates in Iovis (cf. Iovis 295). On Waldman’s other poetry see Noel, Ostriker, and Puchek. 10 . The term “fellaheen” was used by Jack Kerouac to capture what he consid- ered Mexico’s “fellaheen feeling about life, that timeless gayety of people not involved in great cultural and civilizational issues” (645). Kerouac and others frequently used the term to denote what they saw as the primitivist dimension of Mexican life (cf. Martinez 92–102). 11 . Waldman also asks the reader to “Imagine your own child” as a victim of “the War Culture” (xiii), a trope that we encountered in Levertov’s reimaging her subject position as a poet by connecting it to the war victims in Vietnam. 12 . During an interview Waldman stated that “Poetry doesn’t have a gender” and therefore she does not “consider Iovis a strident feminist argument. [ . . . ] I love people. It’s not a gender distinction” (Vow to Poetry 226–28). Poetry here becomes “a utopian creative field where we are defined by our energy, not by gender” ( Vow to Poetry 24). For a full-fledged argument about how Iovis is “an 226 ● Notes

attempt to explore a creative energy beyond gender,” see Christa Buschendorf’s essay (605). 13 . Pete Lentini emphasizes the cultural exchange between early US and early UK punk scenes. Concerning contemporary punk music, Alan O’Connor asserts: “It is not clear that postmodern theories of global flows are needed in order to explain how punk travels around the globe” (303), citing punk zines as evidence for a global outlook that pays attention to a variety of national scenes. Thus, according to O’Connor, “[t]he contemporary hardcore scene is a good exam- ple of a global movement” (305). In addition to the internationalism of punk, O’Connor also rightfully stresses that “the different aspects of globalization do not mean the erasure of the social” and locality (305). 14 . For the history of hardcore punk in the 1980s, see the film American Hardcore (2006) and Steven Blush’s account of the hardcore scene. On the social role of political rock music in the 1980s, see Jaffee. 15 . On the Iron Front, see Harsch, 169–202. According to Richard Evans, the Iron Front’s symbolism and its use of short, energetic speeches was a conscious attempt to counter the propaganda of the Nazis so as to win back those who had moved to the right (cf. Evans 290).

Conclusion 1 . In his very balanced critique of Hardt and Negri’s Empire , Arrighi pro- vides empirical evidence that “Hardt and Negri’s assertion of an ongoing supersession of the North-South divide is [ . . . ] clearly false” (“Lineages of Empire” 33). 2 . Hardt and Negri’s theory of Empire and world-systems analysis are usually seen as irreconcilable. This reception typically focuses on Hardt and Negri’s uninformed critique of Giovanni Arrighi in Empire , while their appreciative remarks in Commonwealth are often ignored. Yet they both believe that while the nation-state is by no means obsolete and remains a powerful political actor, exploitation is no longer simply the product of imperialist efforts, but primarily a function of capital flows and corporate capitalism. Bibliography

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African Blood Brotherhood, 77 Bandung Conference, 107 Alcan Highway, 99–105 Baraka, Amiri, 147–58, 161, 164, 172, Alighieri, Dante, 109 179, 182, 211, 223–4n.2, 224n.5 All-African People’s “Class Reunion,” 182 Conference, 224n.3 “Cuba Libre,” 150 American Coal Foundation, 183–4 “In the Tradition,” 152–4 American Colonization Society, Preface to a Twenty Volume Suicide 106, 109 Note, 150 American Federation of “Somebody Blew Up America,” 150 Labor (AFL), 32 “‘There Was Something I Wanted to Annand, George, 98–9, 105–6 Tell You.’ (33) Why?,” 155–6 anticolonization movements, 106 “Wise, Why’s, Y’s,” 154–5 anticommunism, 86, 97–8, 220n.14 Barcelona, 46, 49, 81–2 antiglobalization movement, 3, 18, Barnett, Thomas, 201 166, 177, 199, 201, 206 see also Strike Anywhere World Trade Organization Basie, Count, 153 Conference, Seattle 1999, 169 Beat Poetry, 120, 124–37, 150, 176, Appian Way, 99, 101 190, 192, 221n.1 Aristotle, 89 Benjamin, Walter, 100, 209–10 Arrighi, Giovanni, 119–20, 145, 182, “Theses on History,” 209–10 211–12, 226n.1, 226n.2 Bering, Vitus, 102 Ashmun, Jehudi, 109 Bering Strait, 99–103 Auden, W. H., 13 Berkeley, 136, 138, 142–3 Autoworker, 178–9 Bloody Thursday, 142 Aztlán, 162 People’s Park, 136, 138, 142–3, 223n.20 Bagong Alyansang Makabayan Bernstein, Charles, 75 Movement (BAYAN), 166 Birth of a Nation, 151 Baha’i, 166 Black Arts Movement, 148–50, 152–3 Bakhtin, Mikhael, 122, 222n.8 Black Mountain School, 114, 139, 192 Bambaata, Africa, 224n.7 Black Nationalism, 8, 82, 148–52, 171 “Planet Rock,” 224n.7 Black Panther Party, 148 248 ● Index

Black Star, 165 Civil Rights Movement, 117–18 Blake, William, 88, 202 Clash, The, 178, 201 “London,” 202 Sandinista!, 201 Blue Jays, 15 Cloots, Anacharsis, 93–4 Blue Scholars, 147, 165–70, 211–12, Coffee House Press, 190 224n.8 cognitive mapping, 6–7, 13, 212, 214 “50k Deep,” 169 Cold War, 12, 66, 86–8, 94–9, 104, Bayani, 166–9 109–14, 117, 124–6, 224n.3 “Bayani,” 167–9 see liberal consensus Cinémetropolis, 224n.8 Collins, Judy, 138 “Opening Salvo,” 166–7, 212 Coltrane, John, 153 “Second Chapter,” 166 Common, 165 Blues, 14, 44, 153 Communist International, 54–5 Bly, Robert, 137 Communist Party of the United Blythe, Arthur, 152 States of America (CPUSA), 55, Boone, Daniel, 99 88, 126 Boston Five, 137 Cortés, Hernán, 162, 220n.6 boysetsfire, 209 Council for Democracy, 97 The Misery Index, 209 Crane, Hart, 88 Bradstreet, Anne, 72 Creedence Clearwater Revival, 203 “The Author to Her Book,” 72 “Fortunate Son,” 203 Brathwaite, Edward Kamau, 74–5 Creeley, Robert, 114 Brecht, Bertolt, 59 Crisis, The, 59, 67, 69, 72, 80, 219n.6, “Questions of a Worker Who 219n.12 Reads,” 59 Cuba/Cuban Revolution, 117–37 broadsides, 118, 126, 148 Cullen, Charles, 73 Browder, Earl, 23, 88 Cullen, Countee, 54, 73, 220n.15 Buddhism, 136, 190–5 The Black Christ, 73 Burke, Kenneth, 213 Caroling Dusk, 220n.15 Bush, George W., 191 cultural front, 35–6 cultural nationalism, 35, 42, 54–6, Casa de las Américas, 130 75–6, 83, 147–73 Castro, Fidel, 120, 125–30, 221n.3 Castro, Raúl, 119 Daily Worker, 23, 34, 137 Chaplin, Ralph, 21 Davis, Bette, 122 “Solidarity Forever,” 21 Davis, Mike, 149 Chase, Richard, 98 Debray, Régis, 125 Chicano Moratorium against the Foco theory, 125, 128 Vietnam War, 157 Revolution in the Revolution?, 125 Chomsky, Noam, 137 Declaration of Independence, 126 Ciardi, John, 221n.9 Deep Cover, 1–2 Dialogue with an Audience, 221n.9 Defoe, Daniel, 200 Cinderella, 121–2 A Journal of the Plague Year, 200 City Lights bookstore, 124 Dell, Floyd, 27 Index ● 249

Democratic Party, 45, 61 “Tradition and the Individual see Popular Front; Roosevelt, Talent,” 28–9, 38 Franklin Delano The Waste Land, 42, 50, 109, 194, Dessau, Paul, 42 218n.14 “Die Thälmann-Kolonne,” 42 Ellis Island, 94 Di Prima, Diane, 118–20 Emanuel, James A., 148–9 Revolutionary Letters, 118–20 “At Bay,” 148–9 DJ Kool Herc, 224n.7 Engels, Friedrich, 182 documentary poetry/documentary epic poetry (epos), 12, 86–92, 114–15 mode, 44, 62, 98, 188–90 equidistant azimuthal projection, 98 Dorsey, Thomas A. (Georgia Esperanto, 112–13 Tom), 154 Ettor, Joseph, 22 Dos Passos, 21–2 U.S.A., 21–2 Fair Play for Cuba Committee Du Bois, W. E. B., 67–71, 76–7, 113, (FPCC), 126, 129, 131, 150 218n.1, 218n.2, 219n.7 Fearing, Kenneth, 24 “Criteria of Negro Art,” 70–1 “Dirge,” 24 Foreword to Johnson’s Bronze, 67–8 Federal Theatre Project, 61–2 “The African Roots of War,” 113, Ethiopia, 61 219n.7 Ferlinghetti, Lawrence, 118–20, “Two Novels,” 218n.1 124–37, 142, 150, 222n.10, Dulles, John Foster, 133 222n.12 Dunbar-Nelson, Alice, 56, 67–74, After the Cries of the Birds, 135–7 219n.10, 219n.11 Americus, Book II, 124 “I Sit and Sew,” 68–9 A Coney Island of the Mind, 125–6 “The Proletariat Speaks,” 69–71 “Note on Poetry,” 118 Duncan, Robert, 143, 223n.19 One Thousand Fearful Words for Dylan, Bob, 14–15, 119–24, 137, 143, Fidel Castro, 126–9 222n.7, 222n.9 Time of Useful Consciousness, 124 “Desolation Row,” 119–24 “Where Is Vietnam?,” 135 Highway ‘61 Revisited, 121 Firestone Rubber and Tire “Masters of War,” 121 Company, 106 “Only a Pawn in Their Game,” 121 Fish, Stanley, 15 Dynamo, 35–6, 43, 102 foco theory, 125, 128 Ford autoworkers, 178–9 Eastman, Max, 26–7, 59 Freeman, Joseph, 23, 33–7 Einstein, Albert, 122–3 French Revolution, 53, 94 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 119 Fuller, Hoyt W., 148–9 El Movimiento, 157, 164 “Towards a Black Aesthetic,” 148–9 Eliot, T. S., 3, 10, 14–15, 28–9, 38, Funaroff, Sol, 35, 39–41, 102–3 41–2, 50, 82, 88, 93, 108–9, “The Bellbuoy,” 102–3 122–3, 194, 213, 217–18n.11 “The Love Song of J. Alfred G. I. Bill, 86 Prufrock,” 29–30, 82, 123 Galeano, Eduardo, 163 250 ● Index

Garvey, Marcus, 106, 165, 221n.8 Hardt, Michael, and Antonio Negri, geoculture, 7–8 17–18, 149, 176–7, 181, 187, 193, Ginsberg, Allen, 14, 119–20, 124–37, 201, 211–12 150, 222–3n.13, 223n.14 Harvey, David, 179 “A Vow,” 132, 134 Hawks Nest Tunnel Disaster, 24, “America,” 136 43, 49 “Howl,” 124, 132 Hayden, Robert, 166 “Message II,” 130–1 Hemingway, Ernest, 10 Prose Contribution to Cuban Hiatt, Ben L., 222n.5 Revolution, 130–1 Poems—Written in Praise of LBJ, “Wichita Vortex Sutra,” 132–5 222n.5 Giovannitti, Arturo, 11, 22–34, 38, 50, Hill, Joe, 21, 32 56, 210, 213 “John Golden and the Lawrence Arrows in the Gale, 23, 25–6, 217n.4 Strike,” 32 “May Day in Moscow,” 26 Hip-hop, 164–73 “New York and I,” 27–31 Holocaust, 92 “O Labor of America: Heartbeat of Homer, 87 Mankind,” 31–2 Hopi religion, 91 “The Walker,” 25 Hughes, Langston, 8–10, 13–14, “To Helen Keller,” 26 16, 23, 55–67, 73, 80–1, global poetic subjectivity, 4–6, 8 218–19n.4 Gold, Michael, 23, 34–6 “Advertisement for the “Go Left Young Writers,” 35 Waldorf-Astoria,” 8 “Toward Proletarian Art,” 35 “Air Raid Over Harlem,” 61–7 Golden, John, 32 “Christ in Alabama,” 73 Gompers, Samuel, 32 “Johannesburg Mines,” 57–8 Gonzales, Rodolfo, 149, 157, “Letter From Spain,” 58 162, 224n.6 “Proem” (“The Negro”), 59 “I am Joaquín,” 149, 157, 162 “Question [1],” 59–60 Goodman, Mitchell, 137 “The Negro Artist and the Racial gopher, 92–3 Mountain,” 57, 218–19n.4 Gordon, Don, 92 “The Negro Speaks of Rivers,” Great Depression, 5, 9, 33–6, 57 59–61, 66 Green Party, 158 The Weary Blues, 59 Grimké, Angelina Weld, 57 Hurston, Zora Neale, 57 Gropper, William, 79 Guevara, Ernesto “Che,” 125, 129 Immortal Technique, 1–2, 15, 147, Guido of Arezzo, 113 169–73, 211 Guthrie, Woody, 186 The 3rd World, 1–2 “This Land Is Your Land,” 186 “Golpe De Estado,” 1 “Harlem Renaissance,” 170–2 Haile Selassie Gugsa, 63–4 “That’s What It Is,” 2 Hampton, Fred, 155 “The 3rd World,” 169–70 Index ● 251

Industrial Workers of the World Levertov, Denise, 120, 137–45 (IWW), 11, 14, 21, 24, 27, 32–3, “At the Justice Department, 50, 201 Nov. 15, 1969,” 143 International Brigades, 42 “Biafra,” 144 International Ladies Garment Workers “Life At War,” 139–41 Union (ILGWU), 26 The Sorrow Dance, 139, 141–2 International Monetary Fund (IMF), To Stay Alive, 139, 141–3 169, 172 “The Distance,” 144–5 Iraq War, 197 “The Pulse,” 141–2 Iron Front, 203–4 Levertov Olga, 137, 139–40 Lewis, John, 120 James, C. L. R., 94 liberal consensus, 12, 85–8, 114, Jameson, Fredric, 6–7, 119, 143, 213, 117, 126 216n.5 Liberator, The, 22, 25–7, jazz, 14, 37, 39, 57, 152–3 29, 77–9 John Reed Clubs, 35 Lieber, Maxim, 67 Johnson, Georgia Douglas, 55–6, Lindsay, Vachel, 23 67–8, 71–4 littérature engage, 3–15, 206 “Black Woman,” 71–2 Little Red Songbook, 32 Bronze, 71–2 living newspaper, 61 “Cosmopolite,” 72–3 Locke, Alain, 54–5, 67, 82 “The True American,” 73–4 The New Negro, 67 Johnson, James Weldon, 54 “The New Negro,” 54–5 Johnson, Lyndon B., 132–3, 135 London, Jack, 73 Justice Party, 158 Los Angeles Janitor’s Strike, 2000, 164 Keats, John, 37–8 Los Angeles Riots, 1992, 158 “Ode to a Nightingale,” 37–8 Lowell, Robert, 117 Keller, Helen, 26, 217n.4 “Memories from West Street and Kerouac, Jack, 225n.10 Lepke,” 117 King, Martin Luther, 120 Lowenfels, Walter, 86 King, Rodney, 158 Lyrical left, 22–5, 33–4, 50 Kipling, Rudyard, 113 “Recessional,” 113 Macy, Anne Sullivan, 26 Klee, Paul, 209 Malcolm X, 153 Kramer, Aaron, 86 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 120 language poetry, 176 Marinetti, Filippo Tommaso, 26–7 Lauter, Paul, 137 “Futurist Manifesto,” 26–7 Lawrence textile strike, 22, 25, 31 Marx, Karl, 7, 36, 182 League of Revolutionaries for a New Communist Manifesto, 182 America, 157–8 MC Globe, 224n.7 People’s Tribune, 157–8 McCarthyism, 88 252 ● Index

McGrath, Thomas, 86–97, 99, 106–7, National Liberation Front, 144 112, 114, 119, 131, 194 Nelson, Cary, 3, 34–5, 217n.6, 219n.5 Letter to an Imaginary Friend, Neruda, Pablo, 222n.5 86–97, 114 New Criticism, 88 pseudo-autobiography, 90, 114, 194 New Left Review, 221n.3 strategic and tactical poetry, 87 New Masses, 8, 10, 23, 35, 43, 46, 97 McKay, Claude, 26, 53–7, 74–83, 217n.5 New York School, 192 “Barcelona,” 81–2 New York Times Book Review, 44, 114 “Exhortation: Summer, 1919,” 78 New Yorker, 114 Harlem Shadows, 77–8 North American Free Trade Agreement “Harlem Shadows,” 78, 79 (NAFTA), 160, 179, 195 “He Who Gets Slapped,” 79 Nowak, Mark, 2, 5, 51, 175–91, 197, Home to Harlem, 53–5 200–1, 204, 206, 211 “If We Must Die,” 26, 78 Coal Mountain Elementary, 2, 51, A Long Way From Home, 80–1 175, 178–80, 183–91 “Peasants’ Ways o’ Thinkin’,” 75–7 “June 19, 1982,” 181–2 “The Harlem Dancer,” 78, 79 “Notes Toward and Anti-Capitalist “The International Spirit,” 79–80 Poetics,” 179, 188 “The Tired Worker,” 78 “Notes Toward and Anti-Capitalist “To Ethiopia,” 78–9 Poetics II,” 179 Medical Bureau and North American Revenants, 180 Committee to Aid Spanish Shut Up Shut Down, 180–3 Democracy, 46 Nuyorican Café, 165 Merriam, Eve, 86 Merwin, W. S., 137 Obama, Barack, 119 Messenger, The, 55, 57, 59 Occupy, 177, 190, 201 Mills, C. Wright, 118 Olson, Charles, 192 modernism, 3, 14, 25–8, 31–2, 35–6, Ophelia, 122–3 42–3, 46, 61, 65, 86–9, 96–8, Orlovsky, Peter, 130–1 108, 115, 122, 194, 213 Owen, Chandler, 55 Monroe, Harriet, 25 “The New Negro—What Moratorium March on Washington, 143 is He?,” 55 Morello, Tom, 201 The Nightwatchman, 201 Pa’lante: Poetry Polity Prose of a New Motown, 170 World, 131 multitude, 164, 176–8, 181, 201–3, Pan-Africanism, 55, 77, 106, 152 205, 212 Paris Commune, 154–5 Mussolini, Benito, 48, 61 Pearl Harbor, 105 Myrdal, Gunnar, 110 pedagogical dimension of art, 6–7 An American Dilemma, 110 Penguin, 190 Peoples’ Olympiad, 43, 47 Nancy, Jean-Luc, 6, 211 Pindar, 108, 113 Nation, The, 218–19n.4 Pizarro, Francisco, 99, 101, 220n.6 National Council of Teachers of Plessy versus Ferguson, 60 English, 188 poetic archive, 14, 213–14 Index ● 253 poetic communities, 10–15, 18, 117, “My name’s not Rodríguez,” 162 125, 135–7, 142, 144, 178, 206 “Running to America,” 160–2, 168 poetics of global solidarity, definition, “¡Si, Se Puede! Yes, We Can!,” 164 1–6, 9–10 “Watts Bleeds,” 159–60 Poetry, 25 Rolfe, Edwin, 5, 8–10, 23–4, 33–43, Poetry Project (St. Mark’s Church in 50, 56, 86, 92, 102, 123, 213 Manhattan), 190 “Credo,” 36–7 Popular Front, 3, 10, 22–4, 33–5, “Death By Water,” 42 41–5, 49–50, 57–8, 61, 67, 85–6, “Entry,” 42 97, 102, 131, 211 First Love and Other Poems, 34, 42 see also cultural front “Georgia Nightmare,” 36 Pouget, Emile, 33, 217n.9 “Homage to Karl Marx,” 36 Sabotage, 33 “Kentucky,” 36 Pound, Ezra, 3, 14, 15, 25, 87–8, 98, “Letter for One in Russia,” 36 122, 194, 213 To My Contemporaries, 23, 35–6 “A Few Don’ts By An Imagiste,” 25 “Poetry,” 23, 35, 41 The Cantos, 87–8, 98 “Room with Revolutionists,” 41 proletarian poetry, 10, 35, 97–8 “Seasons of Death,” 33–4 Proust, Marcel, 93 “These Men Are Revolution,” 8–9 Public Enemy, 169 “To My Contemporaries,” 24, punk/hardcore punk, 15, 176, 200, 36–42, 123 207, 226n.13 “Witness at Leipzig,” 36 Romanticism, 24, 28–9, 34, 35–42, 71, Rainey, Ma, 154 202–3 Randolph, A. Philip, 55 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 45, 48 “The New Negro—What is He?,” 55 Ross, Diana, 170 Reagan, Ronald, 142, 180 “Brown Baby,” 170 Bloody Thursday, 142 Rossman, Michael, 145 Reed, Adolph, Jr., 171 Rosten, Norman, 50, 85–7, 97–107, Reed, Ishmael, 152 114–15, 119, 221n.7 Reed, John, 27 The Big Road, 50, 86, 97–106 RESIST, 137 Rukeyser, Muriel, 22–4, 56, 86, 98, Revolution on Canvas, 200 137, 176, 179, 183 Rexroth, Kenneth, 221n.3 “George Robinson: Blues,” 44 Rich, Adrienne, 7, 10–11, 179, 209–12 Life of Poetry, 44–5 “Benjamin Revisited,” 209–10 “Mediterranean,” 24, 43, 46–9 “Credo of Passionate Skeptic,” 7 “Night-Music,” 44 “North American Time,” 10–11, 209 “Praise of the Committee,” 44 Poetry and Commitment, 11, 210–12 “The Book of the Dead,” 24, 43–6, Rineheart and Company, 98 49–50, 98, 176, 179, 183 Rodríguez, Luis, 147, 157–64, 168, “The Cruise,” 46 172, 179, 211 “The Lynchings of Jesus,” 43 Always Running, 157 Theory of Flight, 43 “Fire,” 162–3 U.S.1, 43–6, 48, 50 It Calls You Back, 157 Russian Revolution of 1917, 26, 78 254 ● Index

Sacco, Nicola, 22 Tate, Allen, 108 Sago Mine Disaster, 183–4 Teh, Ian, 190 Samson, John K., 14 Thälmann, Ernst, 93 San Francisco Renaissance, 124, 142 Thatcher, Margaret, 180 Sandburg, Carl, 23, 28, 32 Third International Red Poets’ Nite, 23 “Chicago,” 32 Third World, 1–2, 112, 117–19, 125, Sanders, Ed, 130 145, 147–9, 150–1, 156, 166–9 Santamaria, Haydée, 130 Third World Liberation Movements, Sartre, Jean-Paul, 6–8, 13, 206 1, 117–19, 125, 145, 147–9, 166–9 Notebooks for an Ethics, 8 Third World Marxism, 148, 150–1 What Is Literature?, 6–7, 13, 206 Third World Project, 147–8, 156 Schuyler, George, 57, 218–19n.4 Tolson, Melvin, 86–7, 106–15, 119, “The Negro-Art Hokum,” 57 152, 221n.9 Scottsboro Boys, 43, 66 Libretto for the Republic of Liberia, Second Writers’ Congress, 66 86, 102–15 Sewanee Review, 88 Touré, Askia, 152 Sex Pistols, 201 “From the Pyramids to the Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 67, 88–9, 176, Projects,” 152 200, 205 Trilling, Lionel, 86 “The Mask of Anarchy,” 200, 205 Trotsky, Leon, 170 Situationists, 124 Twain, Mark, 200 Sixties/Long Sixties, 117–20 “War Prayer,” 200 Smith, Patti, 178 Spanish Civil War, 13, 34, 42–3, 46–9, United Automobile Union, 179 58, 80–1, 92–3, 137 United Nations, 98, 106 see International Brigades; Peoples’ Universal Negro Improvement Olympiad Association, 106 Steinbeck, John, 110 The Grapes of Wrath, 110 Vanity Fair, 8 Strike Anywhere, 15, 175–8, 200–7 Vanzetti, Bartolomeo, 22 “Amplify”/”Blaze,” 204–5 Vietnam War, 5, 119–20, 126, 131–45 Change Is a Sound, 203–4 Virgil, 87 In Defiance of Empty Times, 201 Volapük, 113 Exit English, 205 “Extinguish,” 206 Waldman, Anne, 7, 10, 175–8, Iron Front, 203 190–200 “Postcards from Home,” 206 “Fast Speaking Woman,” 190 “South Central Beach Party,” 206 “Global Positioning,” 191–2 “To The World,” 202–3 Iovis, 7, 10, 175–8, 190–200 “You’re Fired,” 202 Structure of the World Compared to a Students for a Democratic Society Bubble, 190 (SDS), 118, 131 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 4–7, 9, 56, 119 Port Huron Statement, 118 Walton, Edna Lou, 44 Suez Canal, 105 Watten, Barrett, 142–3, 223n.20 Swinburne, Algernon Charles, 28, 30 Watts riots, 1965, 159 “Dolores,” 28 Weather Underground, 125 Index ● 255

White House Poetry Night, 165 Workers Monthly, 59 Whitman, Walt, 13, 28, 31, 36, 105, World War I, 68–9 108, 110–11, 127–8, 210 World War II, 87–8, 90–6 “Passage to India,” 105 World-System, 4–10 “Song for Alle Seas, All Ships,” 31 see geoculture “Song of Myself,” 31 World-Systems analysis, 4, 6, 101 “When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Wright, Richard, 10, 82–3 Bloom’d,” 127–8 “Blueprint for Negro Williams, Raymond, 181–2 Writing,” 82–3 Williams, William Carlos, 10, 86, 88, 98 Young Communist League, 34 Paterson, 88, 98 Wonder, Stevie, 153 Zapatistas, 97, 179