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Roma Population FULL BOOK 2.Pdf ROMA POPULATION ON THE PERIPHERIES OF THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES Integration Issues and Possible Solutions 1 ROMA POPULATION ON THE PERIPHERIES OF THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES Integration Issues and Possible Solutions Edited by: János PÉNZES and Zsolt RADICS The project was financed and supported by the Standard Grant (no. 21120080) of the International Visegrad Fund. Debrecen, 2012 2 Project partners: Jagiellonian J. E. Purkinje University of Presov University University University University in Presov of Miskolc of Debrecen in Krakow in Usti nad Labem (Slovakia) (Hungary) (Hungary) (Poland) (Czech Republic) Edited by: János PÉNZES and Zsolt RADICS Lectored by: Gábor KOZMA and Csaba PATKÓS Technical Editor: Erzsébet ERDELICSNÉ VIRÁGOS ISBN 978-615-5212-10-9 Kiadta a DIDAKT Kft., Debrecen Felelős kiadó: a DIDAKT Kft. ügyvezetője Nyomdai munkák: Center-Print Kft., Debrecen 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD János PÉNZES – Zsolt RADICS INTEGRATION ISSUES……………………………………………….7 Maria SOJA – Andrzej ZBOROWSKI: Selected aspects of social situation and living conditions of Roma in Poland……………………………………………………………………………..8 Darina POSOVA: Residential segregation: the case studies of spatial segregation of Roma population in the Czech Republic…………………………………….20 Ildikó PETŐ: Being in Voluntary Segregation: Gypsies on the Way to the Secondary School Leaving Examination………………………………..27 Attila PAPP Z.: The results of competency tests in relation with the proportion of roma students in Hungary……………………………………………………..40 István Zoltán PÁSZTOR – János PÉNZES: Employment crisis and income peripherization in Northeastern Hungary with special attention to the Roma population……………………..52 IDENTITY AND ADVOCACY……………………………………….66 Robert FARACIK – Magdalena KUBAL – Robert PAWLUSINSKI: Promotion of cultural legacy of Roma in Poland as a manifestation of state policy towards ethnic minorities……………………………………….67 Anna BOGDÁN: The Hungarian “Beás” gipsies’ identity and their language using - the third generation……………………………………………………………...81 Kinga SZABÓ-TÓTH: The impact of policies and of cultural and educational institutions on the maintainance of roma identity in Miskolc……………………………..88 Virág HAVASI: Cooperation, Participation and Interest Representation of the Romain Miskolc…………………………………………………………..107 4 POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS…………………………………………….120 Alexander MUŠINKA – Kvetoslava MATLOVIČOVÁ – Anna ŽIDOVÁ: Differentiated effects brought by locally implemented solutions to the Roma issue in municipalities Pečovská Nová Ves, Lipany and Ostrovany…………………………………………………………...121 Jana KOLESÁROVÁ: Empowerment of Roma communities through municipal enterprises in the context of Slovak Republic………………………………..143 Emese K. NAGY: Using Complex Instruction Program in heterogeneous classrooms………157 5 6 INTEGRATION ISSUES 7 Maria Soja1 – Andrzej Zborowski2 SELECTED ASPECTS OF SOCIAL SITUATION AND LIVING CONDITIONS OF ROMA IN POLAND Introduction Roma in Poland, just as in other European countries, are an ethnic group that definitely stands out from the total population. The features that make them a unique ethnic group are: nomadism, a nomadic lifestyle - in practice, because this nomadic lifestyle is among other things the result of seasonal employment, which is an important part of their identity; life in clans, based on blood ties; being a non-territorial nation, or living scattered among other nations; and living according to their own established rules of conduct, called Romanipen (Nowicka E., 2007). This community is often referred to as traditional and very conservative. In Poland, as in other European countries, this minority has a number of social and spatial diversities on both the local and regional level as well as between different groups of Roma. Because the Roma minority is so clearly different from the majority population, it is a social group particularly vulnerable to discrimination, marginalization and finally social exclusion. One of the main reasons for this situation is, according to A. Mirga (1997), the government policy implemented in the years after the Second World towards this minority, the purpose of which was to make them settle down. Undoubtedly, their situation was also affected by the transformation of the political and socio-economic system which took place in Poland after 1989. Although Roma in Poland have full civil rights and constitutional rights to maintain their identity, to develop their own culture and language, and although by law they are one of the four legally recognized ethnic minorities in Poland - it does not change the fact that they are on the margins of political and social life 1 Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University. 7 Gronostajowa St., Krakow, Poland 2 Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University. 7 Gronostajowa St., Krakow, Poland 8 in the country, exist in harsh living conditions and are exposed to persecution and discrimination. In recent decades, authorities have made new efforts to improve living conditions of Roma. These efforts included assistance programmes for the Roma community implemented in 2001-2003 as pilot projects in several communities of Lesser Poland Voivodeship and then continued throughout the country as government aid programmes for 2004-2013. This article presents selected aspects of social and living conditions of Roma in Poland. Particular attention was paid to the causes and consequences of the marginalization of this community resulting from forcing the Gypsies to settle down. The article discusses professional activity, employment opportunities, problems of unemployment and housing conditions of Roma in Poland. Settlement and productiveness of Gypsies After World War II, Poland from a multi-ethnic country changed to a country of one nationality. Even in 1931, more than one third of the population were representatives of national and ethnic minorities, which later, due to the war, shifting borders of the country, mass migrations and eventually forced resettlements almost completely disappeared from the Polish territory. It is estimated that in the early 1960s, the share of minorities accounted for only 1.5% of the total population of the country. Already in the 1940s, the government, implementing the principles of socialist system, began to form a homogeneous country of one nationality and ethnicity. One of the objectives of this policy was to ensure integration and assimilation of Gypsies living in Poland. Their most distinguishing feature was nomadism that also was an important element of their group identity and their real income source. The main theme of the government policy was the idea of "productiveness of the gypsy community" that was supposed to render this minority socially useful. Therefore, actions were aimed at their settlement, that is at limiting their mobility. In Poland, the first settlement action was organized in 1952 by a resolution of the Presidium of the Government called "About supporting the Gypsy population in their transition to a settled way of life". The action was accompanied by a propaganda campaign that would justify the need for lifestyle changes and the need for employment. Its persuasive character, combined with 9 widespread illiteracy among the gypsy community brought limited results, especially among the nomadic Gypsies. The only group that partially benefited from the support during the first action of settlement were the Carpathian Gypsies (Roma Bergitka) who already had been living a settled way of life for centuries. They were usually assigned to work in industry, construction and transport, or also in the construction of the steel plant in Nowa Huta, near Krakowa, and they were offered permanent residence in cities and towns of the so-called Recovered Territories, in Upper Silesia. Nowa Huta was considered to be the largest concentration of Roma working in the industry and it was a propaganda example of social promotion. To this day, one of the largest concentrations of Roma in Krakow lives in the Nowa Huta district. The failure of the first settlement action, as there were still around ¾ of Gypsies living a nomadic life, led to the introduction of stringent administrative rules aimed at total elimination of nomadism. The second action to stop and settle nomadic gypsy caravans began on 23 March 1964. There were 1146 migratory families or about 10 thousand Roma reported in the country at that time (Mirga A. 1997). The action started with an inspection of gypsy winter camps, during which an inventory of members of this community was made, identity cards were issued to them, and they were forced by an order to take up employment and to send their children to school. The second settlement action was carried out with greater consistency and enforced a total ban on mobility of Roma, and thus the end of their wandering in caravans around the country. However, this was achieved in Poland only by the end of 1970s, after more than three decades since the beginning of the settlement campaign. It is worth mentioning that the unplanned result of this campaign was spatial dispersion of gypsy communities across the country. This is a feature rarely found in other European countries, where Roma usually live in highly concentrated communities in selected regions of the country or in selected locations. The majority of Roma settled down in cities joining their already living there families or sometimes forming new local Gypsy communities. Apartments assigned to the newcomers were a low standard and, what is important, located on the outskirts
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