ROMA POPULATION ON THE PERIPHERIES OF THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES
Integration Issues and Possible Solutions
1 ROMA POPULATION ON THE PERIPHERIES OF THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES
Integration Issues and Possible Solutions
Edited by: János PÉNZES and Zsolt RADICS
The project was financed and supported by the Standard Grant (no. 21120080) of the International Visegrad Fund.
Debrecen, 2012
2 Project partners:
Jagiellonian J. E. Purkinje University of Presov University University University University in Presov of Miskolc of Debrecen in Krakow in Usti nad Labem (Slovakia) (Hungary) (Hungary) (Poland) (Czech Republic)
Edited by: János PÉNZES and Zsolt RADICS
Lectored by: Gábor KOZMA and Csaba PATKÓS
Technical Editor: Erzsébet ERDELICSNÉ VIRÁGOS
ISBN 978-615-5212-10-9
Kiadta a DIDAKT Kft., Debrecen Felelős kiadó: a DIDAKT Kft. ügyvezetője Nyomdai munkák: Center-Print Kft., Debrecen
3 TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD
János PÉNZES – Zsolt RADICS
INTEGRATION ISSUES……………………………………………….7
Maria SOJA – Andrzej ZBOROWSKI: Selected aspects of social situation and living conditions of Roma in Poland……………………………………………………………………………..8 Darina POSOVA: Residential segregation: the case studies of spatial segregation of Roma population in the Czech Republic…………………………………….20 Ildikó PETŐ: Being in Voluntary Segregation: Gypsies on the Way to the Secondary School Leaving Examination………………………………..27 Attila PAPP Z.: The results of competency tests in relation with the proportion of roma students in Hungary……………………………………………………..40 István Zoltán PÁSZTOR – János PÉNZES: Employment crisis and income peripherization in Northeastern Hungary with special attention to the Roma population……………………..52
IDENTITY AND ADVOCACY……………………………………….66
Robert FARACIK – Magdalena KUBAL – Robert PAWLUSINSKI: Promotion of cultural legacy of Roma in Poland as a manifestation of state policy towards ethnic minorities……………………………………….67 Anna BOGDÁN: The Hungarian “Beás” gipsies’ identity and their language using - the third generation……………………………………………………………...81 Kinga SZABÓ-TÓTH: The impact of policies and of cultural and educational institutions on the maintainance of roma identity in Miskolc……………………………..88 Virág HAVASI: Cooperation, Participation and Interest Representation of the Romain Miskolc…………………………………………………………..107
4
POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS…………………………………………….120
Alexander MUŠINKA – Kvetoslava MATLOVIČOVÁ – Anna ŽIDOVÁ: Differentiated effects brought by locally implemented solutions to the Roma issue in municipalities Pečovská Nová Ves, Lipany and Ostrovany…………………………………………………………...121 Jana KOLESÁROVÁ: Empowerment of Roma communities through municipal enterprises in the context of Slovak Republic………………………………..143 Emese K. NAGY: Using Complex Instruction Program in heterogeneous classrooms………157
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6
INTEGRATION ISSUES
7 Maria Soja1 – Andrzej Zborowski2
SELECTED ASPECTS OF SOCIAL SITUATION AND LIVING CONDITIONS OF ROMA IN POLAND
Introduction
Roma in Poland, just as in other European countries, are an ethnic group that definitely stands out from the total population. The features that make them a unique ethnic group are: nomadism, a nomadic lifestyle - in practice, because this nomadic lifestyle is among other things the result of seasonal employment, which is an important part of their identity; life in clans, based on blood ties; being a non-territorial nation, or living scattered among other nations; and living according to their own established rules of conduct, called Romanipen (Nowicka E., 2007). This community is often referred to as traditional and very conservative. In Poland, as in other European countries, this minority has a number of social and spatial diversities on both the local and regional level as well as between different groups of Roma. Because the Roma minority is so clearly different from the majority population, it is a social group particularly vulnerable to discrimination, marginalization and finally social exclusion. One of the main reasons for this situation is, according to A. Mirga (1997), the government policy implemented in the years after the Second World towards this minority, the purpose of which was to make them settle down. Undoubtedly, their situation was also affected by the transformation of the political and socio-economic system which took place in Poland after 1989. Although Roma in Poland have full civil rights and constitutional rights to maintain their identity, to develop their own culture and language, and although by law they are one of the four legally recognized ethnic minorities in Poland - it does not change the fact that they are on the margins of political and social life
1 Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University. 7 Gronostajowa St., Krakow, Poland 2 Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University. 7 Gronostajowa St., Krakow, Poland
8 in the country, exist in harsh living conditions and are exposed to persecution and discrimination. In recent decades, authorities have made new efforts to improve living conditions of Roma. These efforts included assistance programmes for the Roma community implemented in 2001-2003 as pilot projects in several communities of Lesser Poland Voivodeship and then continued throughout the country as government aid programmes for 2004-2013. This article presents selected aspects of social and living conditions of Roma in Poland. Particular attention was paid to the causes and consequences of the marginalization of this community resulting from forcing the Gypsies to settle down. The article discusses professional activity, employment opportunities, problems of unemployment and housing conditions of Roma in Poland.
Settlement and productiveness of Gypsies
After World War II, Poland from a multi-ethnic country changed to a country of one nationality. Even in 1931, more than one third of the population were representatives of national and ethnic minorities, which later, due to the war, shifting borders of the country, mass migrations and eventually forced resettlements almost completely disappeared from the Polish territory. It is estimated that in the early 1960s, the share of minorities accounted for only 1.5% of the total population of the country. Already in the 1940s, the government, implementing the principles of socialist system, began to form a homogeneous country of one nationality and ethnicity. One of the objectives of this policy was to ensure integration and assimilation of Gypsies living in Poland. Their most distinguishing feature was nomadism that also was an important element of their group identity and their real income source. The main theme of the government policy was the idea of "productiveness of the gypsy community" that was supposed to render this minority socially useful. Therefore, actions were aimed at their settlement, that is at limiting their mobility. In Poland, the first settlement action was organized in 1952 by a resolution of the Presidium of the Government called "About supporting the Gypsy population in their transition to a settled way of life". The action was accompanied by a propaganda campaign that would justify the need for lifestyle changes and the need for employment. Its persuasive character, combined with
9 widespread illiteracy among the gypsy community brought limited results, especially among the nomadic Gypsies. The only group that partially benefited from the support during the first action of settlement were the Carpathian Gypsies (Roma Bergitka) who already had been living a settled way of life for centuries. They were usually assigned to work in industry, construction and transport, or also in the construction of the steel plant in Nowa Huta, near Krakowa, and they were offered permanent residence in cities and towns of the so-called Recovered Territories, in Upper Silesia. Nowa Huta was considered to be the largest concentration of Roma working in the industry and it was a propaganda example of social promotion. To this day, one of the largest concentrations of Roma in Krakow lives in the Nowa Huta district. The failure of the first settlement action, as there were still around ¾ of Gypsies living a nomadic life, led to the introduction of stringent administrative rules aimed at total elimination of nomadism. The second action to stop and settle nomadic gypsy caravans began on 23 March 1964. There were 1146 migratory families or about 10 thousand Roma reported in the country at that time (Mirga A. 1997). The action started with an inspection of gypsy winter camps, during which an inventory of members of this community was made, identity cards were issued to them, and they were forced by an order to take up employment and to send their children to school. The second settlement action was carried out with greater consistency and enforced a total ban on mobility of Roma, and thus the end of their wandering in caravans around the country. However, this was achieved in Poland only by the end of 1970s, after more than three decades since the beginning of the settlement campaign. It is worth mentioning that the unplanned result of this campaign was spatial dispersion of gypsy communities across the country. This is a feature rarely found in other European countries, where Roma usually live in highly concentrated communities in selected regions of the country or in selected locations. The majority of Roma settled down in cities joining their already living there families or sometimes forming new local Gypsy communities. Apartments assigned to the newcomers were a low standard and, what is important, located on the outskirts of the city or in remote city districts. Today, the situation is practically the same. In Poland, the largest concentrations of population declaring Roma nationality, according to the census in 2002, are in the cities of
10 Wroclaw (467 persons), Mielec (349 persons), Lodz (330 persons), Nowy Sacz (306 persons), Krakow (264 persons), Bytom (231 persons), Pulawy (225 persons) or Warsaw (213 persons). One can assume that these data are clearly understated, but they come from the official National Census of 2002. The presence of Roma in many Polish cities may indicate that, despite their great difficulties in adapting to a new and permanent place of residence, they took advantage of this "opportunity" for employment, housing and education. Some of them, however, returned to their former homes or independently tried to find a new place to live. In the Polish Carpathians, gypsy settlements were usually at the edge of the village, on no man's land being the floodplain of the river. Examples of such settlements can be found in Czarny Dunajec, Czarna Gora, Miszkowice or in Szaflary (Bartosz A. 2002). Most of Roma live in the western part of the Carpathians, mainly in the Podhale. Their absence in the eastern part of the Carpathians is the result of forced resettlement of the Lemko and Boyko populations from the areas of the Low Beskids and Bieszczady (action "Vistula" in 1947), resettlement that also included the Gypsies, which is rarely mentioned. It is worth mentioning that for the majority of Gypsies, nomadism was the most important element of their group identity and their source of income. Due to nomadism, they enjoyed spatial mobility and self-employment. These provided for an effective adaptation to the natural environment, made them look for activities, which guaranteed them a living. Finally, nomadism as a way of life consolidated their internal structure, social norms, customs and rituals, which allowed them to survive for centuries. According to Mirga (1997), the government's intentions showed in settlement actions were a denial of Roma lifestyle and culture. The support offered by the state, from the Roma perspective, was de facto their deprivation. Social, economic, and even psychological transformations that took place and continue to take place in the Polish Roma community are rooted both in their culture as well as the activities of the state authorities aimed at Roma settlement, productiveness, literacy, in other words, forced integration and assimilation into society.
11 Professional activity, jobs, employment
One of the advantages of the nomadic way of life of the Roma was the possibility of self-employment, providing them with a living. Traditional occupations and professions were music, blacksmithing, horse trade, boilerwork, bear handling and fortune-telling (Ficowski J. 1985). One of the weak points of the productiveness campaign was inclining and urging Roma to work in professions that were very different from their previous occupations or completely unknown to them. Thus, for example, attempts at giving the Gypsies jobs in cultivation and animal husbandry in State Agricultural Farms established after the World War II resulted in total failure. Although many of the Carpathian Roma were employed in construction of the Nowa Huta or other large industrial investments, their blacksmithing or boilerwork skills remained unused. They performed simple works of unskilled workers such as heavy earthworks or breaking stones for roads. Today music, fortune-telling and trade remain the traditional occupations of Roma. This last profession used to be horse trading, but now it is trade in used cars, carpets, foreign currencies, or antiques. Trade contributed to the sometimes considerable fortunes among some families, but also to the formation of family networks in the country and abroad. The most enterprising in this respect proved to be representatives of the Polska Roma, Kalderash and Lovari. The least enterprising or even completely deprived of this skill are the Carpathian Roma. The Roma community has always been internally diverse, stratified. Division into better and worse, rich and poor was present not only between groups but also within them. One of the examples cited by Ficowski (1985) is the use of names: the more "noble" names belonged to nomadic gypsies, whereas the Carpathian Gypsies were the "proletariat" by their names. Stratification of the society, the caste system, as well as diversified language (despite the fact that it is still Romani) were the reason, why there is no mutual support between individual groups of Roma. Usually, every group forms a quite hermetic community. Socio-economic actions and contacts between the groups are limited. It is worth noting, however, that these contacts and cooperation in the sphere of cultural activity are becoming increasingly often. Basically, until the end of the 1990s, there were no official information and data on the situation of Roma in Poland. The Central Statistical Office, District Labour Offices or Social Assistance Centres did not keep such statistics. Only in
12 1999, the Association of Roma in Poland (based in Auschwitz) carried out a research program "Understanding the social position of the Roma in Poland" in the form of the project "Roma in the labour market", funded by the National Labour Office. The report "Roma - unemployment" presents the results of research based on interviews. This is the first such study in Poland (Kwiatkowski, Gruszczyński, Paul, Pasternak, 1999). Although the research was conducted over ten years ago, it is still used by both scientists and the authorities. The results formed the basis for the development of both the "Pilot Government Programme for the Roma community in the Lesser Poland Vivodeship for the years 2001-2003" and the yearly government programme called the "Programme for the Roma community in Poland" implemented since 2004 in all voivodeships in the country. The authors of this study also refer to the findings contained in that report. The report is based on about 2500 interviews with diversified group of respondents. Apart from the Roma (2/3 of interviews), also other respondents took part in the interviews, such as representatives of local authorities, businesses/employers and persons trusted by Roma, the so called leaders (1/3 of interviews). Roma respondents came from all Roma groups living in Poland, most of them from Polska Roma (66.5%), less from Bergitka Roma, also called the Carpathian Gypsies (25.5%), and the Kalderashi and Lovari were poorly represented: respectively 0.6% and 0,4%. This distribution seems to be proportional to their numbers in the country. It is worth mentioning that the study covered both cities of different sizes (e.g. Krakow, Szczecin, Wadowice, Limanowa) and rural areas (mainly in the Podhale). This is well justified, as in Poland, this community lives dispersed across the country. The data presented in the report allow us to determine, among other things, professional activities of the Roma, the size of unemployment or their living conditions. The study helps to understand the attitudes and expectations of the members of this community regarding employment. One third of respondents show interest in employment, more women (37.0%) than men (28.0%). Unfortunately, more than half of the respondents (56.7%) did not express their opinion on the subject at all, which may indicate a lack of willingness to approach work. The need and desire to take up employment were declared by 93.5% of representatives of the Bergitka Roma
13 (the Carpathian Gypsies) and 61.0% of the Polska Roma, slightly less among the Kalderashi (40.7%) and Lovari (38.5%). People who are not interested in working usually justify it by their poor health, lack of profession or old age. Attempts to find work were undertaken by 39.6% of respondents, and one in five of them (19.6%) were successful, they got a job. Undoubtedly, Labour Offices played here an important role as they were addressed by one third of those persons, however, more often by women than men. Almost two thirds of respondents were registered at District Labour Offices, relevant to their place of residence. They declared to take any job (41.1%), but also indicated such occupations as: construction worker (7.5%), cleaner/housekeeper (6.4%), tailor (6.4%), bricklayer-plasterer (6.1%) or chef (5.8%). They did not attach importance to the character or the type of establishment where they could get a job (40.5%), although they preferred to work in a state-owned company (38.5%) rather than private one (10.3%). For most of them (56.4%), the main motivation was to secure a higher standard of living for their families. In order to improve their qualifications, some of the respondents (25.0%) were interested in participating in vocational training courses. Most of them indicated the need to run courses focusing on following professions: bricklayer-plasterer (22.1%), waiter (14.6%), chef (13.8%), tailor (7.9%), hairdresser (5.9%), but some were also willing to participate in a computer course (6.3%). Roma are aware of the difficult situation in the Polish labour market. Three thirds of respondents have difficulty in finding a job in place of residence. As the reason for this situation, they indicate the existing unemployment in Poland (73.0%) and the general lack of jobs for both Roma and Poles (2.4%). Another reason, according to the respondents, is discrimination (4.3%) and the reluctance of employers to employ Roma (2.0%). The report data (Kwiatkowski, et al. 1999) show that 57.3% of Roma did not have any professional training, 17.5% were in retirement, 13.8% were unemployed, including 6.1% were on unemployment benefits, while 1.2% still studied in schools. The declared learned profession usually coincides with the occupation performed. The list of these occupations/professions include several dozen items, but the most common are cleaner/housekeeper (2.9%), tailor (2.2%), manual worker (1.9%), driver (1.7%), salesman (1.6%), nurse (1.5%) or orderly (0.9%). In addition to these, there are also officials, economists and teachers.
14 Among these indicated professions, a relatively high percentage refers to professions recognized by the Roma community as "unclean," such as nurses, orderly or cleaners (Ficowski 985, Bartosz 2004), and therefore forbidden to perform. It can be assumed that these occupations are usually taken by representatives of the Bergitka Roma, where the "code of defilement" is not as rigorously enforced as in other Roma groups. Also, notice the absence or low share of professions considered to be Roma tradition, such as musician or boiler- maker. List of professions that the respondents would like to perform mostly coincides with the list of professions already performed by them. This means that the expectations of prospective Roma employees are often related to occupations already performed by the members of their families or neighbours. Undoubtedly, their choice is also determined by their level of education and professional qualifications. If Roma work, it is mostly in the "grey zone". This is evidenced by the lack of response (up to 60% of working Roma) to the question about the type of workplace in which they are employed. Other work in private companies (14.8%), schools, hospitals, health clinics and municipal services in urban areas. The main source of income for some families is their employment (43.4%), but also financial support in the form of benefits (permanent or temporary) provided by social assistance centres (19.6%) or help provided by relatives (9.4%). Pensions (12.4%) and incapacity benefits (12.2%) are important because constant source of income for almost ¼ of families. The research results in this report (Kwiatkowski et al. 1999) show that at the end of the twentieth century no member of about 43% Roma families in Poland was professionally active. This was mainly due to lack of work in place of residence (63% of responses), lack of professional training (9.0%) and lack of education (7.0%). Roma as a social group, which was excluded and marginalized over centuries, learned to live outside the mainstream of social life in the country. Only a small group of Roma is wealthy or they can independently provide for their families. It is notable. The last two decades showed that in this group there are people with career aspirations, professionally active, creating their own successful businesses. Roma invest in shops, restaurants, real estate and small workplaces. Having a distinct culture and history, they produce goods and provide services characteristic of their social group. They are trying to be
15 competitive by the high quality of their products and prices. Their entrepreneurship has been documented for example in the study by A. Machnik- Pado and M. Kudłacz (2010) presenting (in the form of a catalogue) workplaces that were created from scratch and successfully run by Roma. In light of the report (Kwiatkowski et al. 1999), the social situation of the Roma in Poland is very difficult. This is confirmed by the results of the National Census of 2002, showing high level of unemployment among the Roma (30.98%) and a very low percentage of employed persons (8.29%). The situation in this respect has not changed despite the implementation of the Pilot programme for the Roma community in the Lesser Poland Voivodeship for the years 2001-2003, or the annual government assistance programme implemented in the entire country with considerable funding. Compared to other ethnic minorities in Poland, the situation of the Roma is undoubtedly the most difficult. Although you can find examples of improvement of living conditions of the Roma, but only locally, in selected Roma settlements in rural areas or cities. The support addressed to this community seems to be insufficient. Incidents and backlog in this field are significant and require the authorities and the interested parties to cooperate in order to reduce social disparities.
Housing conditions
Research on the social situation of the Roma conducted at the request of the Association of Roma in Poland in 1999 provided the previously unknown data regarding living conditions, housing, and health of the community. Roma respondents from all ethnic groups, living in a particular village, considered themselves members of the local community (87.2% of responses), and the period of their residence ranged from a few to several dozen years. If we define settled population as people living in the place of current residence since their birth, only 17.5% of the Roma belong to settled population. However, in the case of this community the definition of settled population should be modified. We should keep in mind that even in the 1950s, the vast majority of Roma lived a nomadic life. The restrictive because forced settlement of Roma to permanent residence carried out during two decades of the twentieth century led to lifestyle changes and to reduction of their mobility. So we can say that Roma living in a given locality for at least 30 years form a settled group (39.7%). If we also count
16 Roma living in place of residence from birth then more than half of the Roma population show characteristics of settled population. A Roma family constituting the basis for their existence has changed in size and structure. Everyone knows that a Roma family used to be and still is multi- generational, with many children, it often numbers more than a dozen people. The research shows, however, that the size structure of these families is usually 4-5 people (46.0% of the total). Poland Roma live scattered mostly in towns and cities. The predominant type of accommodation is a communal apartment in an old building, often located in the annexe (outbuilding), in the attic or basement, but also an apartment in old or new high-rise residential buildings. Roma have proprietorial flats (6.6%) and detached houses (10.6%). Most apartments have one or two rooms (54.8%), but there are also apartments with nine rooms (0.3%). Every fourth apartment has a kitchen and every tenth a bathroom. Roma apartments are overcrowded, they are deprived of basic media. No gas (29.7%), running water (23.0%), sewerage system (11.0%), and heating (14.0%) - all this is due to the limited technical capacity to bring individual installations to occupied premises, but also due to the difficult financial situation of Roma, who cannot pay bills for the use of the media. The income of most Roma families is low, at the poverty line or below it. Increasing rent arrears mean that Roma families are not eligible for housing allowances. This entanglement of problems results in poor technical condition of occupied premises that usually require immediate repair. One third of respondents rate their living conditions as good or very good, and nearly another one third as bad or very bad. The main problems are moisture and fungus, overpopulation and small area of occupied premises. The consequence of poor housing is often poor health of their residents. Although three-quarters of respondents' families do not undergo any treatment, the others suffer many diseases, mostly asthma, arthritis, diabetes and female reproductive system diseases.
Summary
Roma community is closed and traditional, thus, although living in Poland for centuries, it did not integrate into society and only adapted to it. Undoubtedly, the campaigns of forced settlement launched in 1950s and 1960s aimed at eradication of nomadism among the Roma had a significant impact on their
17 social and living conditions. One of the unintended consequences of these actions is the dispersal of this community across the country. Social and economic changes that took place in Poland in the transition period had an impact on the social situation of the Roma. On the one hand, they contributed to the increase in the already high unemployment and poverty in this community, on the other hand they led to increased activity and social awareness of this group. This is evidenced by the creation of a number of new Roma organizations that are very active in the promotion of their community. The proof of their effectiveness is the government programme for the Roma community in Poland implemented for many years now. Roma are a recognized ethnic minority in Poland. Their growing ethnic awareness and identity manifest in preliminary results of the National Census of 2011, in which 16 thousand people (compared to 12.8 thousand in 2002) declared Roma nationality. While this is half the number estimated for Poland (which is more than 30 thousand people), but at the same time it is by 20 per cent more than in the data from 2002. In light of the results of Kwiatkowski et all. (1999), social and housing conditions of the Roma should be assessed as difficult or very difficult. In Poland, Romani families are eligible to get practically all existing forms of benefits. The support is provided in the form of social assistance benefits or in- kind aid, such as the purchase of fuel, school kits for children or paying meals for school children. Most of Roma are unemployed for various reasons, they have no education, occupation, earnings and permanent sources of income. Not knowing how or not wanting to take up a job, they live in poverty. The assistance offered by the state, in-kind aid or financial support, can improve their situation only partially or temporarily.
References
Bartosz, A. (2002): O Cyganach w Karpatach, Zakorzenienie, Wielokulturowość w Karpatach, Biuletyn Stowarzyszenia na rzecz Wielości Kultur, Numer specjalny, Wyd. Stowarzyszenia „Olszówka”, Bielsko-Biała. Bartosz, A. (2004): Nie bój się Cygana. Na dara Romestar, Fundacja Pogranicze, Sejny. Ficowski, J. (1985): Cyganie na polskich drogach, Wydawnictwo Literackie, Kraków–Wrocław.
18 Mirga, A. (1997): Romowie w historii najnowszej Polski, (in:) Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce, Z. Kurcz (ed.), Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis, No 1940, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Wrocław. Nowicka, E. (1999): Rom jako swój i jako obcy. Zbiorowość Romów w świadomości społeczności wiejskiej, (in:) Sytuacja Romów w Polsce. U nas dole i niedole, E. Nowicka (ed.), Zakład Wydawniczy NOMOS, Kraków. Pilotażowy Program Rządowy na rzecz społeczności romskiej w województwie małopolskim na lata 2001-2003 (Pilot government programme for the Roma community in the Lesser Poland Voivodeship), 2001 Ministry of Interior and Administration, Warszawa. Programme for the Roma community in Poland in the years 2004-2013, the Ministry of Interior, Warsaw. Kwiatkowski, R – Gruszczyński, L.A. – Pawela, H.J. – Pasternak, J. (1999): Opis położenia społecznego Romów w Polsce, Stowarzyszenie Romów w Polsce, Oświęcim–Katowice. Machnik-Pado, A. – Kudłacz, M. (2010): Katalog przedsiębiorstw romskich, Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie, Małopolska Szkoła Administracji Publicznej, Kraków.
19 Darina Posová3
RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION: THE CASE STUDIES OF SPATIAL SEGREGATION OF THE ROMA POPULATION IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC
Introduction
Phenomena of social segregation might appear in four forms regarding the groups of inhabitants with territorial separation as well:
rich inhabitants (upper class of the society); poor inhabitants (lower class of the society); Roma communities; foreign people (e.g. immigrants).
The issue of the Roma population and the relationship with the segregation is relevant in the Czech Republic, as 11.746 persons (0.1 percent of the population) declared themselves as Roma in the country during the census in 2001. However, the real number might approximately between 160 thousand and 300 thousand (1.6-3 percent of the population). Dominant part of the Roma population immigrated to the Czech Republic from Slovakia, Hungary or Romania. (World Bank, 2010)
Roma segregation in the Czech Republic
There are lots of examples for these listed types in the Czech Republic however the residential spatial-social segregation is really characteristic in the case of the Roma communities as it is illustrated by the map. (Figure 1) Numerous Roma communities live under segregated situation regarding their living conditions and spatial-residential location. The largest concentrations of segregated Roma communities can be found in the surroundings of Ostrava
3 Mgr. Darina Posová, Ph.D. J. E. Purkyně University in Ústi nad Labem, Faculty of Science, Department of Geography
20 and Haviřov, Most and Chomutov, Jihlava, Kolín and Kutná Hora, Plzeň, and of course Praha.
Figure 1: Types of segregation and separation in the Czech Republic by social residential groups. (Source: Sýkora, L., Temelová, J., Posová, D. (2007))
The reasons of the segregation of Roma inhabitants can be concluded in the followings: discrimination: o labour market discrimination; o educational discrimination; o and residential segregation on the housing market. the non-payers in the rented flats are forced to move into replacement flats – this process strengthens the residential segregation even more; there is a significant immigration of Roma families from Slovakia – this demographic tendency deepens the ethnic separation and makes the problem more mosaic-like from ethnical point of view;
21 cities and larger towns tends to push the non-payer poor inhabitants (in most cases Roma families) out from their own territory to the surrounding villages; the sailing of flats with tenants to private owners (that makes the tenants more exposed); the deep poverty and the cumulative debt causes a witch’s circle that increases the residential segregation as well.
The case study of Most, Chánov
There are more typical segregated areas in the Czech Republic that clearly represent the cumulative problems of the Roma communities. Chánov is a characteristic Roma segregation that is one part of Most – it is located on the Eastern part of the town to the direction of Bílina and Teplice. (Figure 2 and 3)
Figure 2: The situation of Chánov at the Eastern part of Most (Source: from the Google Earth)
22
Figure 3: The housing estate in Chánov, Most (Source: by the author)
The original village – old Chánov – is situated under the hill where a housing estate was constructed separately from the surroundings and outside of the compact built up area. There is a petrol station close to this area and lots of dwellings were constructed in order to place the non-payer tenants who were unable to pay their rent for the flat in Most. The housing estate is separated from the city of Most by the road E447 and the railway line. It is 2 kilometres far from Most and the distance from the closest bus stop is 500 metres. This part of the town is called as ‘the housing estate of dread’ or ‘the hell on the earth’. It is the well known and the worst ghetto (residential segregated area in the town). The housing estate was constructed in1978 in order to provide replacement homes to the people who were forced to move out because of the increasing territory of coal mining site. At the beginning, Czech and Roma people lived there later related Roma families from Slovakia started to move there. The complete ethnic restructuring caused the appearance of Roma residential segregation in the last two decades. 355 flats were constructed, 80 percent of them are inhabited, 15 percent of them are destroyed and 5 percent are unoccupied or has a different usage (police, city management, community
23 centre). The major owner of the dwellings is the city of Most. It is really hard to establish the number of population that is approximately between 1500 and 2000 inhabitants.
Figure 4: Living conditions before and after reconstruction (left up) in Chánov, Most (Source: by the author)
The self government of Most tried to solve the social tensions of the deep poorness and unemployment that concentrated in this social and ethnic segregation. A smaller housing estate was closed down and the inhabitants were replaced in 12 prefabricated houses into much better social and health conditions. Basic school, doctor for children, cultural centre for Roma and post office were initiated after disorders appeared on the streets few years ago. Police station was installed in order to maintain the order in the surroundings and the decline of criminality could be experienced as a result of this step.
24 The dwellings are in different physical condition. The high building is in better condition after the reconstruction in the 1990’s. Half of the other large building has been reconstructed so far. The self government of Most spends 140.000 euro for the reconstruction per year. The renting cost of a small flat (for two dwellers) is moderate (28 EUR) with a given cost of energy (84 EUR), but the rent of a larger flat (for five persons) amounts 280 euro, with 60 euro energy cost. (www.stream.cz)
Conclusions
The number of Roma in the Czech Republic is significant however most part of these citizens did not declare their origin during the census. The educational, social and labour problems are characteristic in their case, mainly in a segregated situation. Most part of the areas characterised by residential segregation are populated by Roma inhabitants, whose territorial concentration often accompanied by cumulative social pressures, deep poverty, high unemployment and crime activities. These groups of inhabitants were pushed out of the towns – sometimes as a result of the residential processes and the housing market through the housing prices. But the forming and increasing hot spot of problems cause aggregate and growing social tension that needs to solve with huge amount of financial resources, involvement of experts and multidimensional complex rehabilitation process that covers not only the physical conditions but the human-social side as well. It is really important to avoid the formation of a closing and segregated community because abnormal forms of social behaviour might become dominant among the participants of the community. And besides of this, it is also essential to avoid the creation of those residential segregations that are ethnic ghettos at the same time, because the costs of the prevention and early preventive integration is much more lower than the total costs of the termination and solving a witch’s circle like the issue of Most, Chánov.
25 Bibliography
Sýkora, L., Temelová, J., Posová, D. (2007): Identifikace lokalit koncentrace sociálních skupin a jejich typologie. In: Sýkora, L. a kol.: Segregace v České republice: stav a vývoj, příčiny a důsledky, prevence a náprava. Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Přírodovědecká fakulta, katedra sociální geografie a regionálního rozvoje, Centrum pro výzkum měst a regionů, Praha, 29-58. pp. World Bank (2010): World Bank involvement in Roma issues. Roma at a Glance. siteresources.worldbank.org/INTROMA/Resources/Roma_at_a_Glance.pdf http://www.stream.cz/retro/chanov/542346-chanov-sidliste-hruzy-1-dil
26 Ildikó Pető4
BEING IN VOLUNTARY SEGREGATION: GYPSIES ON THE WAY TO THE SECONDARY SCHOOL LEAVING EXAMINATION
For the last few years adult education has been considered as an issue of great importance in major and minor forums in Hungary as well. The latest argument for this form of education alludes to the developed civil societies, in which various forms of adult education have been established, from labour market, professional training courses to organised free time activities. The laws regulating adult education vary as well, but most countries have a law applied to the field. For today the recommendations of the European Committee’s ’White Book’ – the need for life long learning and institutions of second chance – have become widely-spread and accepted in Hungary. As the concept of adult education had broadened, ’second chance’ has been included in the Act of Public Education. ’For students falling out of the education system school-based adult education as the second channel means a further chance. It is true that in 90s the functions of school-based adult education were mainly clearing the air caused by the structure, protecting against unemployment and parking labour force, however today it serves as a mean of correction and enhancement of chances in the labour market. At the same time the sector can hardly meet the social expectations, which weigh heavily on it, for several reasons such as part time instruction, part time teachers, working students or students dependent on their parents.’ (Szívosné 2001:42)
Adult education briefly
One can find a wide range of definitions of adult education from the classical teaching-learning based trainings which provide state certificates to self- developing activities. Adult education in a broad sense however, means life long
4 assistant professor, University of Debrecen, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Institute of Educational Sciences, Department of Pedagogy
27 learning, to which basic or intermediate level schoo- based adult education and the ’second chance’ school program, which partly covers it, is the introduction. Life long learning is adult education, which may mean second, third or umpteenth chances (Mayer 2000). The Government of Hungary, following the expectations of the European Union, make efforts to extend the time of compulsory education and make secondary school qualification common nationwide. Evening and correspondence secondary school education still plays a significant role in meeting these social expectations. Mayer (2000) raises and answers the question of who are considered typically the students of school-based adult education. On the basis of research, students of school-based adult education were not very successful at primary school, they mainly had satisfactory marks, which determined their further education. For them the only option is skilled workers training. It is an even more determining circumstance in their life whether they are accepted at the certain training, finish it successfully and then find a job. Those who could not finish their studies successfully for different reasons such as family, financial or learning dificulties, became unemployed or found low-prestige and low-paid (casual and illegal) jobs. On the basis of certain research results, they are the ones from whom most of the students attending evening or correspondence grammar schools - as a form of adult education - are chosen. The difference between those who successfully completed a skilled workers training and those who did not is that while the former wish to obtain higher qualification at short notice, to the latter ’recognition’ takes comparatively longer (Mayer 2000; Pető 2005). Most students taking part in adult education are supposed to have mixed previous school experience, however, by the time they reach adult age the need for further studies arises in them for several different reasons. The most decisive of the reasons, fairly naturally, is the position they occupy or wish to occupy in the world of work. Adult education is an opportunity for them to better their situation, since it provides a chance, the ’second chance’ to complete secondary studies over the school age, with which they may establish the chance for themselves to take part in further professional trainings. Those who want to learn to enhance their labour market chances in the long run are in minority, but their number is continuously increasing. They are the ones who sit behind the school
28 desk again with the aim of further education (Mayer, 1995, 1999a, 1999b, 2000; Szívósné, 2001, Juhász, 2000).
Secondary school leaving examination – segregated classes
Budakalász Grammar School supported by the Ministry of Education and the National Roma Authority established and runs so called gypsy grammar school classes in Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county (in the towns of Nyíregyháza, Nagykálló, Nyírbátor, Nagyhalász, Nagyecsed and Ajak). The aim of the initiative was to involve as many young people of Gypsy descent as possible in a form of adult education that gives a secondary school leaving certificate. The ratio of grammar school graduates in Hungary among people of not Gypsy descent is 40%, while the same data among Gypsies (depending on age) is only 11-12%, which is a significant difference. Romany students are supported by receiving not only books and other school things free but the opportunity as well to learn in smaller groups (maximum 24 students/class instead of 35 students/class as enacted by law), and they can also take the mandatory language examination in Romany. Szabolcs- Szatmár-Bereg county has not been involved in the research by chance. This county has always been one of the most socially and economically disadvantaged counties of Hungary, a densely populated area by Gypsies. Owing to the negative tendencies of the economic and labour market conditions the situation in the county has worsened further.
Research results
With this research we wish to form a notion of the Gypsies who in spite of their previous school failures and learning in a segregated form of education started studying again, and want to obtain the secondary school leaving certificate. In the sample those Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county evening and correspondence grammar school students were involved who study in Gypsy classes. As the first step of the research 32 of them were interviewed. The students, who had chosen this segregated form of adult education and in their first or second year are successfully over what may be considered a continental divide, were asked about their path of life so far and about their future plans. Research in the field either in the region or on national level had not been
29 conducted before because correspondence grammar school Gypsy classes have no past and for the time being they seem to have no future, either. The second section of the research was a survey. Before conducting the research the sample had been extended. Besides the students of Gypsy classes other over-eighteen students from different years of evening or correspondence, possibly distant learning classes of the county’s local authority maintained schools had been involved. In this section of the research the sample consisted of those students from nine local authority maintained and six private schools who were willing to cooperate and completed the questionnaires. From non-Gypsy classses (hereafter referred to as ’traditional classes’) 452, from Gypsy classes 57 completed and processable questionnaires were returned.
The results of the interview
Students in Gypsy classes had been reached for the interview with snowball method, in which personal relations in the class, teachers, local Roma authority leaders served as starting points. As we had expected not every registered student was available, because there were students who did not undertake the interview. Finally 32 interviews were made, out of which 22 were suitable for processing. The rest (10 interviews) turned out to be unprocessable either for technical reasons or for the reason of the interviewee’s reserve. The interviews had been recorded with the consent of the subjects. During the interviews we had taken notes to be able to return to and ask about important details. We tried to create a relaxed atmosphere in order that the subject could relate as openly and frankly as possible. The structured list of questions merely helped the interviewer not to miss any of the relevant areas. The aim of the study was to reveal the previously and presently existing factors, events and persons that support the subject, who had failed at school before, to study again. We wished to collect the needs and further plans connecting to secondary school leaving examination certificate, which are likely to be in connection with the events of their earlier life. We devoted special attention to those persons who had influnced the subjects decisively. The following hypotheses were formulated: 1. It can be assumed that after successfully completing the first year of grammar school students in Gypsy classes regard secondary school
30 leaving examination certificate as a means of obtaining a marketable trade or diploma. 2. It can also be assumed that the previous school experience of students learning in Gypsy classes fall into two categories: - supposing there were parallel classes in the same year, the subjects started and finished primary school in a low-level (so called ’C’) class. - supposing there were parallel classes in the same year, during primary school years the subjects were moved from a class with higher standards to a class with lower ones. 3. In the life of the students in special Gypsy classes there is likely to have been an influencial person who irrespectively of his education rather with his power and personality became dominant in the life and memories of the individual. 4. We assume that students in special Gypsy classes feel themselves special during their grammar school studies, which may send or have already sent them on their way towards public affairs (taking part in activities in Gypsy community centres, minority organizations).
The 22 interpretable interviews show several different paths of life that is why it was impossible to outline one generally applicable model of path of life and way of thinking. Divergencies arose mainly from age differencies. Analogical stages can only be detected in the life of those younger students who are just over the school age. They were all accepted at a secondary school, but did not started it since they had heard about the initiative of Gypsy classes or dropped out soon because they did not feel good there. Owing to the initiative these students got back behind the school desks soon. Those, at the same time, who finished secondary school did not obtain marketable qualifications. In fact, they attanded vocational schools (not skilled workers training or VET schools), which provides special further education and corresponds to year 9 and 10 of normal secondary schools. The aim of vocational schools is preparing students for learning a trade or help their professional orientation, but they do not prepare young people for appearing in the labour market. Older students show a considerably colourful picture. Among them we have found former children in care, adopted persons and people brought up by grandparents. There are married men and women, parents with three or more
31 children, employees, and people who, going on forty, do not have any qualifications. To make the picture even more colourful there are students whose parents and siblings are uneducated, too, and other students whose spouse graduated from university. Their common feature is that they all respect secondary schoool leaving examination, and regard obtaining the certificate as an important stage of their life and future. However, the interview contained some dimensions that most interviews do, our findings deserve some discussion in spite of the fact that no generalization can be made about them, which we are definitely aware of. - The parents are uneducated or low-educated, and however important they considered meeting school requirements, they did not support their children in learning. In most cases they asked their children whether they had done the homework, but they missed check and control. They soon put up with their children’s school failure, bad marks or falling school results. They did not take steps when the children were put into another class with lower standards or when they were unwilling to start secondary school. - These students live in a small way, which they rarely call poverty. They feel their parents have always provided what they really needed so they have never been in necessity. - Their views and memories of primary and secondary school teachers are usually good. They did not experience negative discrimination at school because of their descent. - They faced discrimination when finding a job. Those who managed to find a place had to prove long and hard in order to become accepted and recognised. Despite these facts, Gypsies see the solution to their social and cultural problems in creating workplaces. Providing, there were more workplaces, even Gypsies would have the chance to find jobs, and besides the economic benefits it would bring, more Gypsies could prove in the labour market, which would decrease the prejudice and discrimination against them. - Whatever community they got into they always had to prove, for which they prepared in advance. The more chance they had to prove, the sooner they were accepted, and their conflicts at work reduced to the normal level, and no longer were conflicts of ethnic nature.
32 - They find the present subsidy system of disadvantaged groups ineffective, what is more, sometimes damaging. On the one hand, it is not encouraging, instead it accustoms people who live on benefits to remain passive. On the other hand, these benefits result in the distaste and anger of those being not subsidized. - The subjects of the interviews share the view that Gypsies’ biggest weaknes, the biggest obstacle of the alteration of their situation is that Gypsies are not persistant enough. They take the advantage of new opportunities, initiatives with enthusiasm, but when they have to make an attempt or it requires a long time to deal with something, they did not carry the started thing through. One of the reasons for this perhaps is that they take no preconsideration, and see the aspects to be considered distorted. (for example, for starting grammar school the promised scholarship proved to be the most powerful reason for the Gypsies, or in the villages the Gypsy population meets the expenses of the installation of the phone, gas heating and so on, not taking the instalments they have to pay for years into consideration). - They are religious, believers and god-fearing people with their own rituals. They do not go to church, do not know prayers, but pray every day with their own words. They can easily be involved in religious communities, they are willing to change even their lives for the sake of it. At the same time they cannot identify themselves with the churches or the mass practice of majority society. - On the basis of their previous experience Gypsy students see the key of effectiveness in coeducation. In their opinion the behavioural, learning and cooperational models, which are considered to be important by them, can be observed and taken over in mixed classes. Despite this view, they are all happy to be among Gypsies at the grammar school, and none of them were annoyed by learning in Gypsy minority classes at primary school, either. - They regard teaching Romany to non-Romany children as unimportant and irrelevant, and many of them share the view that even students with Gypsy descent can profit little from it. - At the same time, they would welcome the elements of Gypsy history and culture as part of the core curriculum. It would be very useful if
33 everybody learnt about it since Gypsy culture has several values and morals, and these values are the values of a populous people. - They cannot explain the difference between ’Gypsy’ and ’Romany’. The majority does not mind which term is used when referring to them, but politicians and the media suggest preferring ’Romany’.
After analysing the interviews we tried to test the hypotheses we formulated at the beginning of the research. In view of the fact that we want to extand the research in the near future, we concentrated on the tendencies and the phenomena on which we can make any generalization. First, we assumed that after successfully completing the first year of grammar school, students in Gypsy classes regard secondary school leaving examination certificate as a means of obtaining a marketable trade or diploma. On the basis of our results this hypothesis proved to be true, students participated in the interviews look forward and make plans for the future. Two different types of previous school experience were predicted, namely the research subjects started and finished primary school in a low-level (so called ’C’) class provided there were parallel classses in the same school year, or during primary school years the subjects were moved from a class with higher standards to a class with lower ones. Both predicted types of previous school experience have been confirmed. It was also assumed that in the life of the students in special Gypsy classes there was likely to have been an influencial person who irrespectively of his education, rather with his power and personality, had become dominant in the life and memories of the individual. To prove this hypothesis we did not find enough convincing evidence. There was a person in every questionned student’s life who was told to be encouraging or supporting, and it generally was a family member or a teacher, but from the interviews we did not ’feel out’ any charismatic person. Finally, we can confirm our last hypothesis that students in special Gypsy classes feel themselves special during their grammar school studies, which may send or have already sent them on their way towards public affairs (taking part in activities in Gypsy community centres, minority organizations), to a certain extent. It is clear that they are proud of learning and proud of the fact that they did not drop out as opposed to many of their fellows, and it gives them the
34 feeling of being special among Gypsies in respect of persistancy, hard working, power and consistency. However, the hypothesis that their self-concept formed by their grammar school studies encourages them to do something for the Gypsy community or take on a communal role, has not been found true in general or among the younger students in particular.
The results of the questionnaire survey
In the survey a self-filling questionnaire was applied. The questionnaire consisted of 85 open- ended and close questions. The questions fell in three major categories: - personal details and the family (parents, siblings, spouse, children) - previous school experience (nursery, primary school, secondary school, evening/correspondence education, workplace) - future plans. From the results we present a small selection in this paper without interpreting exact data and without the intention of being exhaustive. 57 persons filled in the questionnaires, out of whom 39 were female and 18 male. Their age ranged from 16 to 43, the mean age was 25. Age distribution was comparatively balanced. Out of the two different groups of the sample we found employed parents only in the group of students in the traditional classes. The parents of students in Gypsy classes were twice as likely to have worked as unskilled workers in their late job as those of students in traditional classes. In addition, students in the traditional classes had less siblings than those in special Gypsy classes. The highest number of siblings, the mean and the mode were lower in the traditional classes, too. Siblings in the traditional classes are better educated, than those in the special Gypsy classes. Among them we have found university or college graduates and university or college students, and the number of siblings who did not complete primary school is also lower in the traditional classes. The education history of siblings in the traditional classes is one level higher. Although in the number of bedrooms, the size of the flat, the number of people living in the flat we have not found significant differences between the two groups, the major difference is the separate children’s room, running water and the bathroom. In the Gypsy classes the number of flats with running water and a bathroom is lower by one third.
35 Financial difficulties are primarily caused by low incomes in both groups. In the traditional classes, however, more confessed to be comfortably off and less to be badly situated than in the other group, while in the Gypsy classes no- one grew up in a well off family. Alcoholism and bad money manners are in reverse order as reasons for being in a bad financial situation. Bad financial situation in the Gypsy classes is present in multiple ratio. In these classes more families applied for and received benefits from the local authorities. The number of books at home is lower in the Gypsy classes. Both the distribution and the mode fall short of those in the traditional classes. Slightly more students in the traditional classes feel they had an average childhood. In contrast, in the Gypsy classes more persons considered their childhood years different from average, either in a positive or a negative way. Examining the reasons for that the disribution of the reasons is balanced, although in the traditional classes emotions were mentioned primarily. From the traditional classes more students attended nursery, at the same time their memories of the nursery and nursery teachers are worse than those Gypsy students’ who also attended nursery school. When they had to evaluate their own primary school achievements the ratio of students who evaluated themselves ’satisfactory’, ’good’ or ’excellent’ was larger in the traditional classes, while in ’pass’ and ’fail’ categories students in the Gypsy classes were in majority. Regarding success in competitions it is traditional class students who come before the students of the other classes, but the difference is not significant. A slight difference can be observed in connection with non-sport competitions to Gypsy class students’ credit. As for plans for further studies the two groups showed a very similar picture. In the end, in the special Gypsy classes less students started secondary school studies than had planned. Nearly one third of them got to such secondary schools that gives school leaving certificate, and there were many who started working or stayed at home right after finishing the primary school. School choice at the same time proved to be slightly different in the researched two groups. Students of the traditional classes chose the school for their interest more typically, which, however, did not help them to complete it in larger number. Follow-up evaluation of the school is balanced between the two groups. They gave mainly positive answers to the questiones in the first half of the list.
36 Among students in the Gypsy classes there were more people who had had no job or just one than in the other group. The number of Gypsy descent employed persons was only the half of the number of employed persons in the traditional classes. In addition, less Gypsies find their job financially satisfactory. Gypsy students set a higher value on the secondary school leaving certificate than those in the other group. However, the order on the top of ’What do you expect from the secondary school leaving certificate?’list is different, the bottom of the list is almost the same for both groups except for one detail. Learning from the environment and the respect they hope for the certificate are three places ahead, in other words these dimensions of the scale are more important in the Gypsy classes than in the traditional ones. In the Gypsy classes we have found less married persons than in the other ones, but the number of children has been found almost the same in both groups. The age of the children (with a view to schooling) is very similar, too, which is valid with the stipulation that students in the Gypsy classes have slightly more secondary-school-aged children than those in the traditional classes. These results may show that among the spouses of the Gypsy students there might be more persons who were against their partner’s studies, and who are less educated in comparison with the partners of the students in the other group.
Summary
In this study the results of 32 interviews and an 85-item questionnaire (containing open-ended and close questions) were discussed. Self-declared Gypsies and non-Gypsy persons learning in adult education in evening or correspondence classes had taken part in the interviews and filled in the questionnaires. With this research we made an attempt to find an answer to Mayer’s question put in 2000, and form a notion of the students who had chosen a special form of adult education. By the time of the research the subjects have completed the second year of the correspondence so called Gypsy class. Having finished primary school they started their secondary studies at a skilled workers training school, which they did not complete, had little chance to find a job, often lived on casual work.
37 They started learning again to enhance their chances in the labour market and/or establish the basis for further studies. It is sad that the research subjects are fairly young i. e. they had faced school failure not long before they started their evening/correspondence studies, in our present school sytem. On the other hand, it is hopeful that owing to their young age they seem to get over failures soon, so they do not lose much time. The research subjects in their lives all had a person who, with his advice and suppport, was important in a certain stage of their lives, encouraged them or changed their lives. These persons were not only that reference-type ones we had expected. It was an illiterate grandfather, whose educational principles were carried on by the grandmother, a teacher who listened to the students, a brother or sister who had no possibility to study because of family conditions, but encouraged the younger, and so on. We found ’moment persons’, who had become ’fortune changers’ at a certain moment with their act or words. The most succinct example of this is the following: ’ ’I have heard from Sanyi … Sanyi that there is this grammar school. But I was travelling in greens, he was travelling in greens, too. He flaunted he was going to grammar school. A grammar school was started and asked me to tell a few others, too. He was travelling in greens, me too. We met at the wholesale. I will go! You won’t. You’re at the market all day. I said, if you have time I will have, too. But there you have to learn there! Learn you, I said. And I got in, too.’ (Péter, 29)’ …was working in the pub that time in B. And then my godmother, she still worked at the clinics that time, she said, listen, there is a school like this, I spoke to R. A. Flaunted at the doctor’s she goes to school. She will take the exame in two years free. Listen, let’s go, too. Only two years.’ (Anna, 24) The persons we call ’moment persons’ lived in the surroundings of the research subjects, had the same routine, lived the same life as them. ’Moment persons’ affected the subjects’ vanity i. e. the ’if they, me too’ effect prevailed. The question we formulated at the beginning and during the research that who and why wants to get the secondary school leaving certificate in adult education in an evening or correspondence class instead of learning a powerful, well-paid, marketable skill, became of minor importance when we recognised the role and multi-dimensional effects of grammar school studies among disadvantaged, undereducated groups. .
38 References
Fehér Könyv. Tanítani és tanulni. 1996. Európai Bizottság. MüM. Juhász J. (2000): Változás az iskolarendszerű felnőttoktatásban. Köznevelés. 56.29. 2-3. Mayer J. (1995): A dolgozók általános és középiskolái. Új Pedagógiai Szemle. 2. 34-45. Mayer J. (1998): Az iskolarendszerű felnőttoktatás helyzete. Köznevelés. 8. 9. Mayer J. (1999A): Felnőttoktatási konferencia Nyíregyházán. Köznevelés.15. 2. Mayer J. (1999B): Második esély az iskolarendszerű felnőttoktatás: a hagyományok rabsága és a megújulás kényszer között. Fejlesztő Pedagógia.2-3. 60-62. Mayer J. (2000): Az iskolarendszerű felnőttoktatásról 2000-ben. Új Pedagógiai Szemle.11. 13-22. Pető I. (2005): Hátrányos helyzetű csoportok a felnőttoktatásban: motivációk, esélyek. Debreceni Egyetem BTK, PhD Szívósné Tóth A. (2001): Az iskolarendszerű középfokú felnőttoktatás helyzete és távlatai Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg megyében. In: Közelítések I. Országos Közoktatási Központ, Budapest, 7-92.
39 Attila Papp Z.5
THE RESULTS OF COMPETENCY TESTS IN RELATION WITH THE PROPORTION OF ROMA STUDENTS IN HUNGARY
In this last part of our study6, on one hand, we will be examining how the competency measurement results - aggregated to a school-level - change in relation with the roma-proportion of the compound. On the other hand, we will be trying to give a plausible explanation to the changes in the results of the measurements on a school-level,7 with the aid of other variables besides the one referring to the ethnic proportion. The evaluation of the competency measurements happen with the help of a standardized variable, the mean of which was allocated at 500 points, and the standard deviation was determined at 100 points during the very first measurements, and results of the further years are calculated based on these standing values. During the measurements, questions of the test were placed on a scale of competencies, and then, based on these – knowing that the abilities are on a normal distribution -, levels of competencies were determined in relation with the mean and the standard deviation.8 In case of students of the 8th grades we can determine that compared to the mean of 500 points from 2004, the results of the reading comprehension
5 The author received Bolyai János Research Scholarship at the time of producing the present paper. 6 The first part of the study see Papp 2012. 7 The TARKI-Educatio Eletpalya survey that is connected to these competency testings, takes place every year since the fall of 2006. A sample of 10000 individuals was created, and within this, the proportion of roma students is almost 8%. As the research contains on an individual level the ethnical characteristics besides the socio-demographical data, and the results of the students’ competency testing, it makes it possible to follow the school career of the roma students. According to the first analysises, the competency-results of the 8thgrader roma students are lower than their non-roma companions by 0,3 points of standard variation, whick can be coming from the limits of the competency tests themselves, or even from the discriminative practises of the elementary schools (see: Kertesi – Kezdi 2008). In an other analysis of the authors (referring to the data of the same survey of 2006) they place the fallback of the roma students to 0,9 points in comprehension, and to 1 point of standard deviation int he field of mathematics. see. Kertesi – Kezdi 2010. 392. 8 See the downloadable professional content here: www.kompetenciameres.hu
40 competencies have slightly increased (502) by 2009,9 although the mathematical competencies have decreased (484). The results – besides many other factors – depend on the type of the education, hence in 2009, among students of the 8th grades, in case of students of the elementary schools, results of the comprehension measurements were 494, and 477 of the mathematical competencies, while in case of 8th grade-high schools, these results are significantly higher: 582 for comprehension, and 544 for mathematics.10
Fig. 1.: Mathematical and reading comprehension competencies of students of the 8th grade by type of education (2009)
Examining the results which depend on the esteemed average roma number of the elementary schools (Fig 2.1. and 2.2.), we can determine that after a 10% roma presence within the total number of students, the aggregated educational results of elementary schools show a linear decline. While comprehension shows a constant decline, in the mathematical results we experience only a slight fluctuation. For instance, elementary schools with a 31-40% roma-proportion achieved better results than schools within the 21-30% group; elementary schools with a 100% roma- proportion are not worse in mathematics than those
9 This trend was confirmed by the results of the PISA-measurements of 2009. See Balázsi and co. 2010. 10 For detailed cronological and areal data, see: Országos kompetenciamérés 2009. Országos jelentés. Oktatási Hivatal, OKM.
41 with a roma-proportion of “only” 81-90%. Linear regressional estimates11 in relation with the results of the two competencies and the roma- proportion make it clear that the effect of the proportion of romas is stronger on reading comprehension than on mathematical competencies. The under-average achievement of the schools shows in the models after the excess of the 13% average measured in case of elementary schools. We can interpret this as the Hungarian elementary schools can “bear” a 13% roma-proportion in the number of their students, which means 3 students in a class of 25 pupils.
Fig. 2.1.: Results of competency Fig. 2.2.: Results of competency measurements in mathematics in relation measurements in reading comprehension with the proportion of roma students in relation with the proportion of roma (elementary school, 8th grade, 2009) students (elementary school, 8th grade, 2009)
However, the practice is more shaded than this: according to the actual observations of the measurement, schools of 13% have achieved an above- average 486 points in mathematics, and we can find a school “confessing” a roma-proportion of 31%, where results in mathematics are well above the
11 Mathematics: Y= - 1,02X + 490,6 (beta-coefficient: -0,39; r2: 0,15); comprehension: Y= - 1,32X + 511,7 (beta-coefficient: -0,52; r2: 0,27). Both models are significant on a 0.000 level.
42 average (517 points). Even among the so called “ghetto” schools, we can find such, which achieved extremely well: for example, one of the elementary schools from Nograd county with a roma-proportion of 84% achieved 501 points in mathematics, and 538 points in comprehension.12 If we standardize the results of competency tests (mean: 0, standard deviation: 1), and we measure the roma proportion with only three categories (0%, 1-50%, above 50%), we see that the margin of the schools with absolutely zero roma proportion and the schools with a roma proportion above 50% in the field of mathematics is 1,5 point of standard deviation, and 1,85 in the field of comprehension (Table 1.). Comparing this to any estimates of 2006 of Kertesi and Kezdi, (see footnote 38.) it becomes apparent that the deviation between schools is much bigger than the deviation between the roma and non-roma students. This also indicates that the reasons of differences between schools can’t be studied exclusively in the ethnical dimension of the students.
Table 1.: Standardized competence values in relation with the proportion of roma students in the elementary school Proportion of roma students Mathematics Comprehension 0 % 0,23 0,29 1-50 % 0,04 0,04 above 50% -1,27 -1,56 Mean 0,00 0,00 Deviation (0%- above 50%) 1,50 1,85
So the question is the following: usually which factors influence the achievements of schools, and to what extent does the roma proportion alter the achievement? In school-efficiency examinations it is common to make a differentiation between factors that can be influenced by the school (management, work place social climate, etc.), that can’t be influenced by the school (geographical characteristics, the owner, type of school, etc.), and those
12 Inner, local reasons behind these good practices would be worth to explore with qualitative methods, case studies..
43 factors in connection with the characteristics, abilities of the students (gender, age, nationality, etc.)13 In our following models, we consider results of the competency measurements the dependent variable, because we have seen before how this value decreases more “sharply” in relation with the increase in the number of roma students. As we are working with data of compound-level, we can’t include the direct characteristics of the students in the models, but we have at our disposal the so-called brought-value index (social-economic index: SEI), expressing the family background.14 If we are trying to explain the compound-results with only the proportion of students of roma origin, we experience a significant effect as strong as 0,52 with a 27% level of explanation in the model. Therefore, the difference between schools is being largely explained, in almost 27% by the esteemed roma- proportion of the compounds (schools). We could also put it that way, that behind/before the parental and educational decisions, often this coherence lies (Fig. 3.). But in a statistical sense, on a country-scale, this is a “fake-coherence”. If we control the proportion of roma with the index of family background (SEI), we will see that the ethnical effect ceases almost completely, and the educational results will be very highly influenced by the mentioned brought value – and the explanation-level of the model will be almost doubled.15 Therefore the roma proportion has no direct effect, but through the family background (see graph 28.) In this sense, the school has no role in equalizing the chances, but amplifies certain brought values, while it can’t profit on others, and represents social inequalities. The family background variable is often considered a factor that can’t be influenced by the school,16 but due to the specific characteristics of the Hungarian educational system, due to the “fight” for the students, in part, we must consider it a factor wished to be influenced by the school through the process of selection. Therefore, we include in the model a variable expressing the selectivity of the school (dummy). Describing the inner world of the school, we also have two more standardized variables (the discipline and motivational
13 We can read a good international review on the subject: Teddlie – Reynolds 2000. Gives partialy international review, and experiences in Hungary: Lannert – Nagy 2006. 14 For detailed description: Országos kompetenciamérés 2009. Országos jelentés. Appendix. 15 R-square: 0,50; effect of the family background 0,66, roma proportion decreased to -0,07-re. 16 Horn – Sinka cited. 361.
44 index of the compound),17 and we have also created one variable, the further training index of the teacher.18 In order to describe the school’s size and infrastructural capabilities, we calculated the number of students for each schoolroom, and we consider the number of computers 0-3 year old. We also include the school’s geographical position within the settlement in the model.
Fig. 3.: Influence of the proportion of roma students of the elementary school on the competency results of comprehension
Fig. 4.: Influence of the proportion of roma students of the elementary school and the family background on the competency results of comprehension
17 For description of the indexes, see: Országos kompetenciamérés 2009. Országos jelentés. Appendix. 18 The variables ont he further education were standardized and averaged.
45
If we look at the data on a country-wide scale, and we consider the corelations between the variables, with path analysis, we can draw a graphical presentation of the ways influencing the educational results. (Fig. 5.) First of all we can see, the explanation number of the model is increased (r2: 0,66), but in the light of the many variables we included, “only” increased by 16 percentage point. Therefore, the educational results can be explained in 66% by the included group of variables. Although, it is also apparent that no matter how hard we tried to include variables which are more attached to the school, the family background has an effect so intense that so to speak, it represses the direct effect of the other variables. The direct effect of the roma-proportion of the school is still low (0,09), and besides the family background index (above 0,20), only three other variables have a sense of significant presence: the high proportion of romas in the school results lower motivational and disciplinal index, and is more likely in case of minor settlements. The discipline and motivational index is also coherent with the size of the settlement: the smaller the settlement, the smaller its value is. However, the size of the settlement is positively correlate with the social background, meaning that the smaller settlements can provide only a poorer background of students for the schools due to structural reasons. It is also important to recognize that the variables specifically in relation with the pedagogical work have no direct significant effect,19 the pedagogical work and the infrastructural characteristics of the school are so to speak embedded into the characteristics of settlements. However the demonstrated path analysis is only relevant on a national scale. If we examine the entering variables on a village-city distribution, we get different models (see Table 2.) First of all we can determine that the effect of the family background index remains strong in the villages, while in a city context its direct effect decreases. In line with this, the direct importance of the roma proportion in villages so to speak completely ceases, but in cities it expresses a strongly negative effect (-0,42). The selection of schools between students hardly explained anything on a national scale, but in cities it contributes to the increase of educational results.
19 More accurately: they express direct effect, but their extent is very low. Az ábrán a roma aránnyal közvetlenül nem összefüggő változók esetében csak a 0,10 fölötti értékeket tüntettük fel.
46 Fig. 5.: Factors influencing the reading comprehension competencies (path analysis)
While in villages it has no significance where a school is situated, in cities, those schools which are situated in the inner parts achieve better. The motivational and disciplinal indexes of the compound also separate, and have a direct effect according to the type of the settlement: presence of the discipline in cities increases the efficiency of the school (0,18), in villages it has no direct effect; while the motivational index increases efficiency in villages, its lack is what causes worse results in cities. The index of further education, intended to measure the pedagogical work still has no direct effect, and this is valid for both villages and cities. The number of teachers with no pedagogical education sharply separates according to the characteristics of the settlement: its lack in villages causes the results to decline (direct effect: -0,25), while in cities the presence of the needed workforce is not necessarily in relation with the improvement of the competency results on a school-level. In this model, the existence of the new computers doesn’t influence the reading comprehension competencies, though the increase in the average number of students in each schoolroom contributes to better results in villages, meaning that in villages, schools with a higher number of students perform better than small schools. Although we have examined the data on a village-city scale, we have left in the model the variable describing the size of the settlement in details, because the +/- being of the beta-coefficients which otherwise sign us a weak direct effect
47 are showing us that within the village settlements are achieving more weakly (- 0,04), and within the city settlements, the bigger cities are performing better (0,07).
Table 2.: Factors influencing the reading comprehension competencies by type of settlement (linear regression, standardized beta coef.)
Model - National Village City R2 0,65 0,56 0,64 Family background index of the students 0,717*** 0,651*** 0,398*** Further education index of the educator -0,036** -0,050* 0,023 Discipline index of the compound 0,076*** -0,001 0,185*** Motivational index of the compound 0,065*** 0,141*** -0,120*** Of roma origin % -0,097*** -0,008 -0,428*** Where is the school situated within the settlement? -0,080*** 0,094*** -0,139*** (1 – inner city, 2 – outer city, suburbs) Do they selection the applying students? -0,073*** -0,072** -0,136*** (1 – yes, 2 – no) Personal with no pedagogical qualification -0,027* -0,258*** 0,081*** (person) Number of students for one schoolroom 0,038* 0,188*** 0,091*** Number of computers 0-3 year-old 0,030* -0,033 0,079*** Size of the settlement -0,055* -0,048 0,079** *** p=0.000,** p<0.01, *p<0.05. Different beta values between the villages and cities are inclined.
Summary
In our study, we were trying to describe some relevant processes of the Hungarian public education in relation with the esteemed proportion of roma students in the school/compound, based on the database of 8 grades of the 2009 competency measurements. In the first part of the study, we reviewed territorial and areal aspects in light of the proportion of roma students, and we also examined some characteristics of the schools.20 In the second part of our analysis
20 See footnote no. 1.
48 we were trying to place the competency-results aggregated to a school-level into explaining models. Based on the processing of the compound questionnaires of the 2009 competency measurements, we can put the proportion of roma students in elementary schools to 13%. The unfolding further picture (such as the concentration of romas in small village schools, the “romaization” of certain territories, the preliminary selection between schools, infrastructural problems of schools with roma majority, etc.) might not indicate brand new results for those interested in the subject. However, if we regard the competency measurements as a full scale sociological survey, where we have compound-level information on the proportion of roma students, the statements built upon these will be much more reliable than sociographs coming from the guided (at roma population or roma schools) researches of the former decades. In addition, as the surveys are full scale, there is a possibility to put each and every elements of the schools into a comparing context, or even compare them with the “roma-free” schools. We need to remark that if we only consider the number of the schools with high (above 50%) roma proportion, and cross it with data from other surveys, then nevertheless all the integrational efforts of the educational-political of the past decade, the number of “ghetto-schools” doubled. The school can’t control the areal and demographical effects, and in a certain sense it is the most sensitive institute: the issues, being created independent of it, still condense here, while they are expected to resolve them (see. “school as a point of breaking out”-type). In the last part of the study, in the part explaining competency results aggregated to a school-level, we demonstrated that the proportion of roma students by itself influences the results only up to a small extent. Reasons behind the differences between schools are primarily due to the parental background: students with different background are on different school courses, while the school not that it could equalize the chances, but it often starts selectioning activities in order to save its own situation. The effect of the family background is so strong that so to speak it puts every other factors between brackets. Although it is true that the role of the school and the proportion of roma students appear with a different emphasis in villages and in cities: in villages, the family background dominates, in cities, the family background, the proportion of roma students, and the context of other characteristics influence the efficiency of each schools.
49
Literature
Balázsi I. – Balkányi P. – Felvégi E. – Szabó V. (2007): PIRSL 2006. Összefoglaló jelentés a 10 éves tanulók szövegértési képességeiről. Oktatási Hivatal, Budapest. Balázsi I. – Ostorics L. – Szalay B. – Szepesi I. (2010): PISA 2009. Szövegértés 10 év távlatában. Oktatási Hivatal, Budapest. Bourdieu, P. é.n.: Az osztályok pályája és a valószínűségi okság. In. Uő. A társadalmi egyenlőtlenségek újratermelődése. General Press. Clotfelter, C. T. (2004): After Brown. The Rise and Retreat of School Desegregation. Princeton University Press, Princeton-Oxford. Havas G. – Liskó I. (2005): Szegregáció a roma tanulók általános iskolai oktatásában. Felsőoktatási Kutatóintézet, Budapest. Havas G. (2008): Esélyegyenlőség, deszegregáció. In. Fazekas Károly – Köllő János – Varga Júlia (szerk.) 2008 Zöld könyv a magyar közoktatás megújításért. 2008. Ecostat, Budapest, 121- 138. Hermann Z. – Molnár T. L. (2010): Országos Kompetenciamérési adatbázis. Letölthető: http://adatbank.mtakti.hu/files/dokum/7.pdf Horn D. – Sinka E. (2006): A közoktatás minősége és eredményessége. In. Halász Gábor – Lannert Judit (szerk.): Jelentés a magyar közoktatásról. OKI, Budapest, 341-375. Kemény I. – Janky B. – Lengyel G. (2004): A magyarországi cigányság 1971- 2003. Gondolat – MTA ENKI, Budapest. Kertesi G. – Kézdi G. (2008): A roma és nem roma fiatalok középiskolai továbbtanulása. Első eredmények a TÁRKI-Educatio Életpálya-felmérése alapján. In. Kolosi Tamás – Tóth István György (szerk.): Társadalmi Riport 2008. Tárki, Budapest, 344–362. Kertesi G. – Kézdi G. (2009): Általános iskolai szegregáció Magyarországon az ezredforduló után. Közgadasági Szemle 2009/november 959-1000. Kertesi G. – Kézdi G. (2010): Iskolázatlan szülők gyermekei és roma fiatalok a középiskolában. Beszámoló az Educatio Életpálya-felmérésének 2006 és 2009 közötti hullámaiból. In. Kolosi Tamás – Tóth István György (szerk.) Társadalmi Riport 2010. Tárki, Budapest, 371-407. Kertesi G. (2008): A közoktatási intézmények teljesítményének mérése- értékelése. In. Fazekas Károly – Köllő János – Varga Júlia (szerk.) 2008: Zöld könyv a magyar közoktatás megújításért. 2008. Ecostat, Budapest. 167 – 189. Lannert J. – Nagy M. (szerk.) (2006): Eredményes iskola. Adatok és esetek. OKI, Budapest.
50 MTA KTI (2008): A válaszmegtagadás elemzése az OKM 2007. évi felmérésében. MTA KTI „A közoktatás teljesítményének mérése– értékelése” programjának KOSTB 104. számú produktuma. Letölthető: www.mtakti.hu Németh Sz. – Papp Z. A. (2006): „És mi adjuk az integráció vezérfonalát”. In: Németh Szilvia (szerk.): Integráció a gyakorlatban. A roma tanulók együttnevelésének iskolai modelljei. OKI, Budapest, 9-30. Oktatás-statisztikai évkönyv 2008/2009. Budapest, 2009. Papp, A. Z. (2012): Ratio of Roma Students in Hungary and Some characteristics of Schools. In. Pénzes, János – Radics Zsolt (eds.): Roma Population on the Peripheries of the Visegrad Countries. Spatial Trends and Social Challenges. Didakt, Debrecen University, 9-30. Teddlie, C. – Reynolds, D. (eds.) (2000): The International Handbook of School Effectiveness. Falmer Press, New York, London.
51 István Zoltán Pásztor21 – János Pénzes22
EMPLOYMENT CRISIS AND INCOME PERIPHERIZATION IN NORTHEASTERN HUNGARY WITH SPECIAL ATTENTION TO THE ROMA POPULATION
Introduction
The problems of the evaluation of the Roma population were discovered in our recent study with an actual estimation about the ratio of Roma among the settlements of Northeastern Hungary. (Pásztor, I. Z. - Pénzes, J. 2012) Not only the spatial distribution of the Roma population was analysed, but the current demographic tendencies were represented by the categories of settlements. These results strengthened the ongoing process of the rapidly growing number and ratio of the Roma communities with the spectacular ethnic exchange. (Table 1, Figure 1) Additional conclusion was the phenomenon of the appearance of the spatially concentrated segregation. The employment and income processes of the group of settlements categorised by the ratio of Roma population will be in the focus of the current study with special attention to the period after the change of regime in 1989. The employment situation of the Roma population did not differ significantly from other groups’ of the society (Janky, B. 2004), however the political and economic change caused a radical alteration. Gábor Kertesi (Kertesi, G. 2000) pointed out that the Roma employees had started to be squeezed out of the labour market from the mid 1980’s. Larger ratio of the Roma employees became unemployed at the time of the appearance of the transformational crisis occurred with the switch to the market economy, because those economic sectors were afflicted by the most significant recession in the first part of the 1990’s – agriculture, mining, construction, some segments of the
21 PhD-candidate, University of Debrecen, Department of Social Geography and Regional Development Planning 22 Phd, assistant professor, University of Debrecen, Department of Social Geography and Regional Development Planning
52 heavy and processing industry (Kocsis, K.–Kovács Z. 1991, Kemény, I.–Janky, B.–Lengyel, G. 2004).
Table 1: The number of settlements and the number of population in the settlement categories by the ratio of the Roma population in 1987 and 2010. (Source: edited by the authors, data from CIKOBI and from own survey) Categories Number of Number of Number of Number of Change between (by the ratio settlements population settlements population 1987 and 2010, % of Roma Number of Number of in 1987 in 2010 population) settlements population < 50 15 10,197 63 61,181 +320 +500 40-50 22 19,355 48 75,588 +118 +291 30-40 43 53,300 124 239,527 +188 +349 20-30 103 179,376 154 350,078 +50 +95 10-20 225 461,964 223 887,038 -1 +92 <10 392 1,939,380 261 1,064,390 -33 -45 0 156 357,400 126 112,726 -19 -68 Northeastern 956 3,020,972 999 2,790,528 +4 -8 Hungary
Figure 1: The ratio of the Roma population in Northeastern Hungary in 2010, in percentage. (Source: edited by the authors, data from own survey)
53 Employment and income situation of the Roma population after the change of regime
Three factors weaken the chances of the Roma employees to find a job: low level of education, territorial disadvantages and discrimination on the labour market (Kertesi, G. 2005, Nemes Nagy, J.–Németh, N. 2005). A high level fluctuation and instability can be observed among the Roma employees (Kertesi, G. 2005). As a consequence of the above listed cumulative problems, the employment of the Roma population became one of the most problematic issues of the labour markets in the whole Central Europe (O’Higgins, N.–Ivanov, A. 2006). The employment rate of the Roma population (age 15–49) was 77 percent in 1984 (and 95 percent among the Gypsy males) that reached 67 percent by 1989 and fell to only 29 percent by 2003. The extent of decrease was significantly higher among the Roma population than in the case of the whole population. The employment rate of the given age group was the double of the Roma’s ratio (Kertesi, G. 2005). Although the numbers are different but the main characteristics are represented by the census data as well. The national employment rate was 67.7 percent in 1990 within the 15–64 years old population and 55.8 percent among the Roma minority. The national rate was decreasing until 59.0 percent by 2001, while the data of the Gipsy population represented even more significant fall (it reduced by 35.6 percent). However, the Roma employment rate is higher than the national average in the case of the population with the lowest level of education (but more than 84 percent of the adult Roma population did not possess not more than primary school education in the light of the survey in 2003). There was not considerable difference between the Roma and the national employment rate in the case of those with college or university degree (less than 0.5 percent of the 25 years old and older Roma population had diploma according to the census in 2001) (Hablicsek, L. 2007). (Unfortunately, the database of the census in 2011 was not available at the time of the writing of the current paper.) The employment problems crucially influence the income situation of the Roma population. Almost two-third of the Gipsy people was included in the last one-tenth of the income rank and approximately 80 percent of them were in the last two income tenths (Janky, B. 2004). Major part of the Roma households does not have permanent income except for the national social transfers and
54 other supports from the local governments. In two of the most underdeveloped counties (Baranya and Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén), two-thirds and three-quarters (respectively) of the Roma households were without person in employment (Kemény, I.–Janky, B. 2004a). The accumulating deep poverty often leads to the searching of alternative incomes and to the appearance of illegal activities and crime (Szuhay, P. 1999). The income situation gives the most important factor of the residential segregation that causes extended social problems in the terms of territoriality and complexity as well (Kopasz, M. 2004).
Peripheral areas in Hungary in the light of the income pattern
According to the processes illustrated in the previous subsection, the spatial concentration of the most backward settlements delimited by the income23 indicator can be assumed in the areas with employment crisis. This is the reason of the strong correlation between the income indicator and the employment indices (Jakobi, Á.–Kiss, J. P. 2003; Tóth, G. 2005; Kiss, J. P. 2007). However, the illustration of the peripheral areas cannot be complete and absolute with the application of only one indicator due to the complexity of backwardness (Kanalas, I.–Kiss, A. 2006; Faluvégi, A.–Tipold, F. 2010; Nagy, A. 2011). Despite of this, an easily interpretable and appropriate overview is provided by the income rank about the spatial location and temporal changes of the backward areas (Pénzes, J. 2011). The settlements which were peripheral from the aspect of incomes between 1988 and 2010 clearly define the most backward regions of Hungary. The data of the studied more than 20 years show that the settlements most often occurring in the last one-tenth in the ranking by income are territorially concentrated. The disadvantageous position of Southwestern Transdanubia and Northeastern Hungary is reflected by the intensifying concentration of the peripheral settlements. In the latter region the so-called outer and inner peripheries can be clearly demarcated (Beluszky, P. 1976, Süli-Zakar, I. 1992, Baranyi, B. 2004, Lőcsei, H.–Szalkai, G. 2010). It is important to emphasise that
23 The concept of income means the gross incomes confessed in the personal income tax which has been published by the PM-APEH (Ministry of Finance – Hungarian Tax and Financial Control Administration) (National Tax and Customs Administration from 2010) and the HCSO (Hungarian Central Statistical Office) since 1988. This equals to approximately 40% of the total legal incomes; nevertheless, it is very often used in the territorial analyses.
55 the backwardness is also reflected in numerous other indicators along with the income factor – for instance, in the employment, infrastructural supply, and education (Kanalas, I.–Kiss, A. 2006).
Figure 2: The frequency of cases in the lowest income decile by the settlements and the peripheral areas of Northeastern-Hungary between 1988 and 2010 Source: edited by the authors based on the data from APEH-NAV and KSH24
Moreover, however, the high – and increasing – ratio of the Roma population in the peripheral areas is particularly outstanding. The reason for this can be partly originated in the above described employment problems since the income index applied by the authors in the present paper is primarily composed of the wages and salaries. The group of peripheral settlements can be regarded as stable, because significant part of the settlements was in the group of the last one-tenth of the income ranking during the whole investigated period. The societies of the traditionally backward regions became degraded resulting from the young labour force migrating elsewhere in the hope of better opportunities. The economic situation of the areas hit by outmigration and backwardness further deteriorated after the transition. The declining real estate
24 APEH: Hungarian Tax and Financial Control Administration from 2010 it is called National Tax and Customs Administration; KSH: Hungarian Central Statistical Office (HCSO)
56 prices and the deserted homes attracted the – typically Roma – population of a lower status crowded out from the cities. Moreover, the ratio of the Roma population in these peripheral regions has been higher originally as well. The problem resulted in regional level ghettofication in the above described regions (Kőszeghy, L. 2007). High ratio of the Roma population has been traditionally dominant in the most underdeveloped areas. This phenomenon is expressed by the above mentioned territorial (or geographical) disadvantage that includes the large distance of Roma communities from the economic centres and the significant spatial concentration of the Gipsy population in the areas with mosaic-like network of settlements and in the territories with structural crisis (Kocsis, K.– Kovács, Z. 1991).
Employment crisis and income peripherisation in the investigated areas
The employment rate generally fell back after the change of regime as it was illustrated previously in the current study. However, it represented spectacular and characteristic territorial pattern in its changes. (Table 2)
Table 2: The employment rate and the rate of inactive and dependent people. (Source: edited by the authors, data from the census in 2001, HCSO) Ratio of dependent and Employment rate inactive population Regions change, change, in 1990 in 2001 in 1990 in 2001 % % South Great Plain 43.12 34.18 -20.74 129.4 179.9 +50.5 Southern 43.07 33.94 -21.20 129.3 181.3 +52.0 Transdanubia North Great Plain 40.69 30.03 -26.00 142.0 213.9 +71.9 North Hungary 42.14 30.38 -27.91 134.0 209.3 +75.3 Central Transdanubia 45.09 39.73 -11.90 119.6 144.1 +24.5 Central Hungary 45.36 40.63 -10.44 117.6 138.8 +21.2 Western Transdanubia 44.70 41.53 -7.11 122.0 134.7 +12.7 National average 43.64 36.19 -17.07 126.4 165.1 +38.7
The most significant decline in the employment arose in the North Great Plain and in North Hungary, but these regions had the lowest level of rate at the time of the change of regime as well. However, the most developed regions
57 (Western Transdanubia, Central Hungary and Central Transdanubia) faced with below average employment decrease. These tendencies caused the rising of the regional inequalities regarding the employment indicators (Balcsók, I. 2005). The income processes of the Hungarian NUTS2 regions clearly illustrate the development of spatial inequalities after the political transition as well (Figure 3). The paths of the relative income levels (compared to the national average without Budapest) drew the splitting spatial pattern into two ‘convergence clusters’. The developed regions (naturally with the outstanding Budapest) are above the national average and the gap between them and the underdeveloped NUTS2 units opened during the 1990’s and has not shown an unambiguous convergence since then.
125
120
115
110 South Great Plain South Transdanubia 105 North Great Plain % 100 North Hungary 95 Central Transdanubia Central Hungary* 90 West Transdanubia 85
80
75
Figure 3. The relative income level of the NUTS2 regions in percentage of the national average without Budapest. in percentage (*without Budapest) Source: edited by the authors by the data from APEH-NAV and KSH
The Hungarian national overview unambiguously strengthened the hypothesis, that the Roma employees with low level of qualification might be seemed as the largest losers of the change of regime. For this reason, the degradation of employment had more drastic influence on the settlements with high ratio of Roma inhabitants. There were 38.8 employees in the group of settlements (by the categorisation of the data from 2010) with Roma majority in 1980, this rate
58 decreased to 33.6 by 1990 and fell until 16.2 by 2001. (Figure 4) The total rate of Northeastern Hungary declined significantly as well – the employment rate fell from 45.3 to 30.2 between 1980 and 2001; however this value was far from the falling back of the settlements mostly populated by Roma inhabitants.
50 45 40 35 30 % 25 20 1980 15 1990 10 2001 5 0
categories of settlements by the ratio of Roma population
Figure 4. The employment rate in the categories of settlements created by the ratio of Roma population, in the census years Source: edited by the authors by the data from the censuses
The illustrated process can be even more detailed by the number of employees compared to the summarized number of the dependent and inactive population (rate of dependency). In the light of this indicator, the disparities among the categories broadened enormously from 1980 and 1990 to 2001. 464 dependent and inactive persons per 100 employees were registered in the case of the settlements with Roma majority however the average of the investigated regions was 212 (and could be outstandingly high in a national comparison). (Figure 5)
59 500 450 400 350 300 % 250 200 1980 150 1990 100 2001 50 0
categories of settlements by the ratio of Roma population
Figure 5. The number of dependent and inactive persons per 100 employees in the categories of settlements created by the ratio of Roma population, in the census years Source: edited by the authors by the data from the censuses
40
35
30 > 50.0 25 40.0–49.9 30.0–39.9 20 % 20.0–29.9 10.0–19.9 15 0.1–9.9 10 0 Total 5
0
Figure 6. The rate of registered unemployed in the categories of settlements created by the ratio of Roma population, in the first quarter year Source: edited by the authors by the data from TEIR and National Employment Authority
60
The rate of the registered unemployed people is appropriate to analyse the employment tendencies in the recent years. In order to avoid the seasonal fluctuation of the rate, the first quarter of years were taken into account with the using of population in working age (the database of the National Employment Office has been available since 1993 from the TEIR) (Figure 6). The rate rose immediately after the change of regime that later started to decrease until the millennium. Subsequently, the rates of the settlement groups increased again, the basically similar development paths diverged and the settlements with Roma majority were characterised by the largest increase. As the results of this process, the rate almost reached 40 percent. Moderate decrease occurred in the last year is influenced by the public work initiated by the central government (so it cannot be clearly defined as the growing of employment). The settlements with Roma majority are unambiguously in worse situation regarding the unemployment rate than the other categories of settlements. Extremely high rate – more than 50 percent among the population between the age 18 and 59 – is characteristic almost only in the case of the settlements with more than 50 percent Roma ratio (Uszka village is located on the Szatmár plain with its especially outstanding 64.8 percent rate). The employment situation is reflected back by the income processes as well. The relative income per capita level compared to the national average has permanently remained under 90 percent since the first part of the 1990’s. (Figure 7) The relative income trajectories can be segmented by the increasing ratio of the Roma population. The category of settlements without Roma population meant the unique exception, but this group of settlements represented the largest dynamism in the last decade, it reached the regional average in 2010 and exceeded the level before the change of regime. Aging population is the most important demographic problem in this category with growing number of pensioners and inactive persons. The investigated regions – as it has been mentioned formerly – were losers in this process and the largest depression arose between the settlements with a significant ratio of Roma inhabitants. The curve of the group of settlements with a more than 50 percent of Roma population represented a spectacular fall after the political transition – confirming the employment crisis of the Gypsy people – nevertheless it had been originally lagging behind the total value.
61 110 100 90 80 > 50.0 70 40.0–49.9 60 30.0–39.9 % 50 20.0–29.9 10.0–19.9 40 0.1–9.9 30 0 20 Total 10 0
Figure 7. The relative income level compared to the national average in the categories of settlements created by the ratio of Roma population, percentage Source: edited by the authors by the data from APEH-NAV and KSH
The relative income level dynamically fell from the change of regime until the middle of the 1990’s in the case of the settlements with Roma majority. This tendency fits to the trend of the national income inequality that represented a divergent phase in the same period. This process caused the intensive falling behind of the investigated group of settlements. However, in spite of the national tendency of convergence after the millennium (following the period of stagnation), the backwardness of these settlements remained steadily and their average income level did not reach 40 percent of the national value in 2010. The crisis of the group of settlements with Roma majority is represented by the national income ranking, as at least 70 percent of them were part of the last one-tenth (while approximately 15 percent of the whole set of the settlements in Northeastern Hungary were included into this peripheral group). The strengthening correlation between the ethnical processes and the income peripherisation is represented by the correlation coefficient between the ratio of Roma population and the income per capita on the level of settlements. The
62 value of the coefficient was –0.29 in 1987–88 (according to the data from CIKOBI25) and it increased to –0.59 by 2010. The affected settlements represented spectacular territorial concentration on the territory of the Heves-Borsod Hills, Cserehát, Bodrogköz, Rétköz, Bereg Plain, Szatmár Plain, on the eastern part of the Nyírség, on the Sárrét and on the area of the Middle Tisza district (however this one cannot be defined as continuous). The listed territories almost completely overlap the main areas of the Roma population where their ratio is increasing mostly. According to this tendency, increasing peripherisation and deepening employment problems can be forecasted on the referred areas of Northeastern Hungary.
Conclusions
In the current investigation, we tried to collect the reasons for the backward employment and income situation of the settlements with significant Roma population and of the Gipsy people generally by the connecting special literature and by the example of Northeastern Hungary. The basically backward situation was clearly confirmed by the census statistics, by the results of the sociological surveys and by our calculations as well. The referred resources and our analysis drew the attention to the dramatically decreased employment and income level of the settlements with Roma majority after the change of regime. The territorial disadvantage besides the low level of education and the discrimination on the labour market are responsible mostly for the cumulative problem of the Roma population. The territorial pattern of the problems of the labour market and the income inequality represented the polarization of the settlement system in strong correlation with the ethnic tendencies as well. The labour market’s situation on the peripheral areas became significantly disadvantageous after the change of regime, but the tendencies have not been favourable following the millennium. Education and employment are key factors in the issue of Roma’s catching up. The formation of territorial ghettos with great extended romafication cannot be stopped without a comprehensive and integrated social-economic intervention (controlled and co-financed by the central government and by European Community resources).
25 Committee for the Coordination of Gypsy Affairs (former organization)
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65
IDENTITY AND ADVOCACY
66 Robert Faracik26 – Magdalena Kubal27 – Robert Pawlusinski28
PROMOTION OF CULTURAL LEGACY OF ROMA IN POLAND AS A MANIFESTATION OF STATE POLICY TOWARDS ETHNIC MINORITIES
Introduction
In terms of ethnicity, Poland is a homogeneous country. National and ethnic minorities make up less than 5% of the total population of the country. Issues of national and ethnic minorities in Poland are regulated by separate laws. According to the law of 2005, national minorities in Poland are: Belarusians, Czechs, Lithuanians, Germans, Armenians, Russians, Slovaks, Ukrainians and Jews. Ethnic minorities are: Karaims, Lemkos, Roma and Tatars (Ustawa ... 2005). The policy of Polish state towards minority groups includes providing them with legal, organizational, financial assistance in solving their problems as well as respecting their rights. The main body responsible for the implementation of the state policy in this regard is the Department of National and Ethnic Minorities in the Ministry of Interior. Its tasks include development and coordination of programmes for national and ethnic minorities and regional languages, cooperation with government and local authorities in order to satisfy local needs of national and ethnic minorities, taking measures to respect the rights of minorities and staying in contact with the management of social organizations of ethnic minorities. An important role in shaping the policy towards minority groups belongs to the Joint Commission of the Government and National and Ethnic Minorities appointed by the Prime Minister as an advisory body.
26 Ph.D., Associate Professor, Department of Tourism and Health Resort Management Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland. [email protected] 27 Ph.D. Student, Department of Tourism and Health Resort Management Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland [email protected] 28 Ph.D., Associate Professor, Department of Tourism and Health Resort Management Institute of Geography and Spatial Management, Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland [email protected]
67 Roma as one of minority ethnic groups are subject to protection by the Polish state. Number of Roma living in Poland is estimated to be from about 16 thousand (according to the census in 2011) to about 30 thousand (Raport... 2012). It is one of the smallest Roma communities in Europe, but, as in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, it is still struggling with many social problems, especially educational backwardness and low social status, and it still living on the outskirts of the Polish society. In recent years, there has been an increase in activity of the Roma in social, political and cultural life of the country. Many activities in this area are only possible with financial support from the government as well as funds from the European Union. In this regard, the implementation of government programme addressed directly to the Roma is essential.
Cultural diversity of Roma in Poland
The first historical evidence of Roma living in Polish lands dates back to the fifteenth century, but most probably, like in other Central European countries, they were present here much earlier than that. The contemporary Polish Roma community is not uniform. They are divided into four main groups, that differ in language, internal organization, customs and time of arriving in Polish lands and the direction from which they came. Here belong: Polska Roma (Polish Lowland Gypsies), Kalderash, Lovari and Carpathian Gypsies (Polish Highland Gypsies, Roma Bergitka). There is also another group, a relatively small community of Sinti, who do not describe themselves as Roma (Ficowski, J. 1989; Soja, M. - Zborowski, A. 2012). The cultural and historical diversity of Roma was the reason why they never formed a uniform social organization in Poland. Their existence was determined mainly by the way of life (especially nomadic lifestyle), the nature of their professions and craft as well as the areas in which they visited, which was especially important for Roma travelling in caravans. The diversity of Roma groups in Poland is also reflected in their language. Individual groups/clans of Roma use their own dialects. There is no written version of their language and this meant that oral tradition of individual groups of Roma consolidated their community spirit.
68 Life of Roma is based on the unwritten, sacred tradition or law called the Romanipen. It regulates all aspects of Roma life, and it is of the highest value. According to this law, communication with other Roma should be only in the Romani language. The law requires solidarity, support and respecting rites and rituals. The head of the family is a man who shall, in turn, be subordinated to the leader of the clan and to the elders. Despite the differences between the various groups of Polish Roma (traditions, history, religion, lifestyle), they share a common Roma identity, characterised by the primacy of the customary law, patriarchy and high respect for the elders. Today, an important part of the Roma legacy is the memory of the extermination of the Roma and Sinti during World War II. This is undoubtedly an element that unifies this so highly diverse and internally divided community, and the awareness of these events becomes the common ground, also in the context of international relations. For a long time after the war, this subject was rarely raised and it remained in the shadow of the Holocaust of Jews. Basically, monuments and other forms of commemorating the fate of the Roma during the war began to appear only in the last 15-20 years. Genocide Remembrance Day of Roma and Sinti is celebrated each year on August, 2nd to commemorate the liquidation of the so-called "Gypsy camp" at Auschwitz-Birkenau Concentration Camp (2-3 August 1944) (Smoleń, K. 1994; Talewicz-Kwiatkowska, J. 2011).
Presentation of the cultural heritage of the Roma
The period of political transformation in Poland (after 1989) provided an opportunity for full integration of the Roma minority into the society, without any direct threat to their national identity and culture. Actions aimed at the integration of the Roma minority and the Polish society include finding and appreciating differences and seeking common ground in the field of cultural heritage. Currently, there are two lines of action for the promotion of Roma cultural heritage. These are: actions addressed to Roma in order to preserve their cultural heritage (internal promotion) and external actions aimed at promoting Roma culture in Poland, and as a consequence, wider acceptance for this minority group in the Polish society (external promotion). The internal promotion of culture and heritage among the members of the Roma minority is a priority for the integration of different groups of Roma, who
69 are descendants of communities immigrating into the Polish territory since the sixteenth century (Nowicka, E. 2003; Kowarska, A. 2005; Paleczny, T. 2003). Promotion activities for Roma heritage include: support for preservation of the written language, publishing of Roma press and books, broadcasting of radio and television and internet programmes about social issues, supporting activities of social and cultural organizations of Roma, such as the organization of cultural events: festivals, concerts, folk events. Dialects facilitate the identification of different groups within the Roma minority in Poland (Paleczny, T. 2003). As already mentioned, the Romani language is one of the most important elements of Roma heritage. Today, however, the issue of writing in this language becomes a necessity. The written word is more approachable to a wide audience. There is a Work Group for the Romani language appointed by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Interior and Administration, working on adapting the written form of this language to Polish diacritical marks. The work of this group contributes to the celebration of the International Day of Romani Language (5 November, from 2009) and the International Roma Day (8 April, from 1990) (Faracik, R. - Mika, M. - Pawlusiński, R. 2012). Phonetic transcription of written works: songs, poems, stories and observations enabled wider understanding of the work of outstanding Roma literature personages. A textbook for the Romani language is the publication: "Mowimy po romsku (We speak Romani)", written by Vania de Gila Kochanowski, published by the Association of Polish Roma (Puszczykowski, D. 2006). Great attention is paid to the promotion of the most outstanding writers of Polish Roma. Here, the Roma poet Bronislawa Wajs, known as Papusza, enjoys pride of place. Today, integration of Roma and promotion of their heritage take place via the mass media. The presence of Roma issues and television programmes for Roma in the media are important for understanding and integration. Increasing numbers of Roma associate in all kinds of national and local organizations. Important results of their work are undoubtedly publications in Romani, in the form of magazines, monthly magazines and newsletters as well as programmes broadcast by local and national television (Table 1) on Roma culture, including music, film and literature, as well as interviews with important people from the Roma community. Some articles are translated into Romani. There are poems and stories published in Romani.
70
Table 1. Magazines and radio and television programmes on Roma issues First First year year Publishing Magazine of Publisher Station of house broadcast release 1990 The Central Council of Rrom P-O My Roma 1997 TVP Bialystok Roma in Drom (We Roma) Bialystok 1995 Informator Association Dialog- Romski - of Roma in 2002 TVP Krakow Pheniben Romano Poland Ciacipe 2006 Polish Roma Etniczne Association Romano Klimaty 2002 TVP Krakow in Atmo (Ethnic Szczecinek Climates) 2008 Polskie Radio in Romano 2005 Koszalin Dzipen Regional Polish Roma Studia Museum in Association and Romologica Romano Tarnow 2010 the Telewizja Sveto Zachod in Szczecinek Source: authors` own study.
A specific manifestation of integration of Roma and at the same time a manifestation of their culture is prayer book in Romani language used during their annual pilgrimages to holy places in Poland. Characteristic of Roma pilgrimages are colourful processions and distinctive caravans going to places revered by the faithful. The organizational side of pilgrimages (including the translation of the prayers into Romani language) is taken care of by the national chaplain of Roma - Stanislaw Opocki (Faracik, R. - Mika, M. - Pawlusiński, R. 2012). Pilgrimage processions are manifest of Catholic faith, their appearance and organization refer to the Roma tradition of wandering. Any action addressed to Roma in order to preserve their cultural heritage are undertaken in the first place by local and national Roma organizations and associations. The most active organisations in popularizing the Roma heritage among the Roma are: the Central Council of Roma based in Bialystok, the Association of Artists and Friends of Gypsy Culture in Gorzow Wielkopolski,
71 the Society for the Promotion of Roma Culture and Tradition "Kale Jakha" based in Krakow, the Association of Roma in Poland located in Oswiecim, the Polish Roma Association in Szczecinek, the Cultural Centre of Roma in Poland based in Tarnow, and the International Association of Roma Artists in Poland "ROMA" in Wloclawek (Organizacje..., 2012). These organizations are focused not only on the integration of Roma communities and promotion of their culture in their own community. They are also actively involved in external promotion of Roma culture in order to make Roma culture popular in Poland. External promotion of Roma cultural heritage includes the organization of national and international culture events such as music festivals, folklore and happenings, museum exhibitions and integration programmes bringing together the Roma community with neighbouring community. The non-Roma population in Poland identifies Roma basing on their folklore, in which the colourful dresses of women, music, language and dance play the main role. They are the elements of the cultural heritage of Roma, presented at festivals of Roma culture, such as: The International Meeting of Gypsy Music Bands Romane Dyvesa in Gorzow Wielkopolski, The International Festival of Song and Music of the Roma in Ciechocinek, Lublin Meetings with the Roma Culture – Taboriada or The World Encounters with Roma Music in Poznan (Table 2). Festivals are organised in cities (such as Szczecin, Radom, Wroclaw, Lodz, Warsaw, Zakopane, Glinojeck, Luban, Suprasl) (Faracik, R. – Mika, M. – Pawlusiński, R. 2012) that are home to concentrations of Roma, or to activities of prominent representatives of that minority, or related to historical events. These events, usually lasting a few days, provide an opportunity to present and popularise Roma culture, history and art, in both their ancient and modern aspects. During the festivals, there are films about Roma, concerts of Roma music bands and Romani dance workshops, photo exhibitions and presentations of costumes. A very important role in the promotion of the cultural heritage of the Roma belongs to Polish museums and exhibition departments that already since the 1970s attempted to commemorate this heritage (Table 3). The first exhibition devoted to the Gypsies was opened in 1979 in the Regional Museum in Tarnow: Gypsies in Polish culture. This extensive, large scale exhibition drew attention to the high value of the material heritage of Roma culture. As a result, the museum in Tarnow opened a special section devoted to Roma, which in 1990 was
72 transformed into Museum of Ethnography, a branch of the Regional Museum in Tarnow (Bartosz, A. 1982, 1998, 2000).
Table 2. Cultural events promoting the cultural heritage of Roma in Poland
Name Place Nature Short description
The Caravan goes from Museum in 22-25 July, organized by the International Roma Tarnow to annual Regional Museum in Caravan of Memory Bielcza Tarnow (Borzęcin), Szczurowa and Żabno Third Culture Days of takes place in August, an Roma - Gypsy Music Lubartow annual outdoor event Festival The Papusza It is organized by the International Poetry Tarnow annual Regional Museum in Contest Tarnow As part of the International Gypsy Spring - Museum Night, organized opening of season for Tarnow cyclical by the Regional Museum in Roma art Tarnow. It is organized by the Romano Dyves - Days Association of West of Roma Culture and Swinoujscie annual Pomerania Roma Terne Cuisine Cierchenia 19 years of tradition of the festival, artistic programme includes concerts by artists from Poland and abroad, a International Meetings scientific seminar and of Gypsy Music Gorzow annual exhibitions of paintings, Bands Romane Wielkopolski events commemorating Dyvesa significant personages of the cultural life of the Roma, poetry evenings, book promotions and a gypsy fair
73
International Festival 16 years of tradition, a two- of Roma Song and Ciechocinek annual day event Culture the programme includes films, dance workshops, two days of concerts featuring traditional Roma music, gypsy caravan parading one time through the streets of Lublin Lublin Meetings with event, there and putting up a stylized Roma Culture Lublin are plans to gypsy camp in the Saski Taboriada continue Garden. The festival is accompanied by two exhibitions, demonstrations of old trades and meetings with famous experts of Romani studies. 9 years of tradition, the programme includes: a street parade, exhibitions, World Meetings with lectures, concerts, Roma Music in Poznan annual integration events for Poznan children and young people, film screenings, Roma folklore workshops, Roma cuisine Source: authors` own study.
The contemporary interest in Roma culture and its heritage implies the need to popularize its achievements in the media. The hermetic character of this community is still of interest to scientists, not only in the field of social research (for example, regarding the Polish-Roma relations), but also with regard to research on the culture and identity of Roma. There are several feature films made in Poland, showing Roma heritage for Roma and for the Poles. Such an image is a film by Dorota Kędzierzawska called Devils, devils (1991). The film tells the story of life realities of Gypsies and the story about a Polish girl, fascinated by the gypsy lifestyle. Another film is The Black Daughter, directed by Anna Skorupa, about the pride of being a gypsy. Film Gadzio by Kryspin Pluta is about a meeting of a Roma boy and an elderly Silesian, the reason of
74 which is music. The film presents the problem of the confrontation of two separate worlds, which leads to the emergence of an unexpected bond. An important series of external promotion activities are programmes for integration between the Roma and other minorities or the Poles.
Table 3. Museum departments featuring exhibitions on Roma Year of creation of Place Event the exhibition Beginning Museum of Folk of twentieth Architecture in exhibition of gypsy wagons century Olsztynek Regional Museum in exhibition of gypsy attires (based on collections 1977 Gorzow donated by the music band of this city, the "Terno") Wielkopolski Sadecki organization of an exhibition in the Gypsy section, Ethnographic 1978 presenting the equipment of a residential building, a Park in New work place and a farm building Sącz the first exhibition in Poland devoted to Gypsies/Roma - Gypsies in Polish culture. Since Regional 1995, the museum organizes the International Roma 1979 Museum in Caravan of Memory and the Papusza International Tarnow Roma Poetry Contest called For the golden pen of Papusza. Auschwitz- exhibition commemorating the pogrom of Roma and 1993 Birkenau Sinti during the Nazi occupation Museum National exhibition of Roma artists from the cycle Romani Ethnographic 2001 Art. The exhibition is combined with a show of Museum in photographs entitled Roma Snap. Warsaw Source: authors` own study.
An example for such activities could be the workshops for radio and television journalists organised in Szczecin in 2011. The workshops invited journalists coming from national and ethnic minorities in Poland and working on the implementation of radio and television programmes on minority issues. Other examples of this type of activity in recent years include, among other things, the Week of Gypsy Culture Sar Dziven Roma, which was organized by the City Council of Kamienna Gora and local Primary School students, the
75 Competition of Knowledge about Roma combined with a Roma picnic organized by the Association of Friends of Catholic Schools from Czestochowa, and the Festival On European roads with a gypsy caravan under patronage of the City Council of Wroclaw and students of the Primary School No. 108 in Wroclaw (Romski..., 2010).
Organizational and financial instruments to support the promotion of the Roma cultural heritage in Poland
Implementation of measures to promote the cultural heritage of the Roma in Poland falls under the state policy towards minorities. The institutional entity responsible for supporting such projects is the Ministry of Interior, which, as already mentioned, is the primary state authority in Poland for national and ethnic minorities. The Ministry of Education also plays a significant role in this respect - e.g. supporting of arts education, knowledge of the Roma, etc. And the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage works on promotion of Polish culture, including the legacy of the Roma. Nevertheless, activities of these bodies are complementary to the actions of the Ministry of Interior. The state policy for the preservation and promotion of cultural heritage of the Roma is mainly aimed at providing financial and organizational support for local and regional associations of Roma and Roma cultural institutions in Poland. The most important actions taken in this regard by the government are: - The programme for the Roma community in Poland for the years 2004-2013 - Grant competitions for the implementation of tasks aimed at maintaining and developing the identity of national and ethnic minorities - The Roma component under the Operational Programme Human Capital
The programme for the Roma community in Poland for 2004-2013 covers a wide range of tasks relevant to the Roma minority. Emphasis has been put on issues of education, improvement of living conditions and preventing social exclusion of Roma. The programme also provides for the implementation of tasks promoting the cultural identity of the Roma minority and the dissemination of knowledge about the Roma community. Every year, the Programme provides
76 for both of these goals approximately 10% of the total budget of the programme (Table 4). The beneficiaries of most of the grants are Roma organizations and associations, but also other institutions working for the Roma communities, universities, churches and religious associations as well as local authorities can apply for these grants. Supported activities for the preservation of cultural identity include organization of days of Roma culture, concerts, exhibitions, open airs and workshops presenting the culture of the Roma, as well as supporting the activities of Roma music bands and the organization of events promoting the history of the Roma, with particular emphasis on the events commemorating the martyrdom of the Roma during the Second World War. In order to disseminate knowledge about the Roma community, the programme is funding research projects on Roma in Poland, educational projects of Romani culture (e.g. funding of Romani studies at the Pedagogical University in Krakow), dissemination of knowledge about the Roma on television programmes and through specialised websites. In 2004-2010 the amount of money spent for the implementation of projects for the cultural heritage and the dissemination of knowledge about the Roma was 5.8 million PLN. Table 4. Funds for the implementation of activities to promote cultural identity and the dissemination of knowledge about the Roma community under the government programme for the years 2004-2013 (excluding the own resources of the beneficiaries)
Year The overall Expenditure on Expenditure on the budget of the supporting the cultural dissemination of programme identity of the Roma knowledge about the for the given Roma community year (PLN) % of the (PLN) % of (PLN) total the total budget budget 2004 4,750,000 264.0 5.56 86.0 1.81 2005 5,000,000 431.6 8.63 36.5 0.73 2006 5,000,000 478.6 9.57 41.7 0.83 2007 10,000,000 777.0 7.77 378.8 3.79 2008 10,000,000 954.6 9.55 228.9 2.29 2009 10,000,000 839.0 8.39 313.7 3.14 2010 10,000,000 731.4 7.31 266.0 2.66 Total 2004– 54,750,000 4,476.2 8.18 1,351.6 2.47 2010 Source: own study based on data from the Ministry of Interior.
77
Apart from the Programme for the Roma community, other important instruments for supporting the promotion of Roma cultural heritage are grant competitions addressed to national and ethnic minorities and announced by the Ministry of Interior. The beneficiaries of these grants may be organizations and institutions representing all national and ethnic minorities in Poland, including Roma organizations. This instrument can finance events of high artistic values and particularly important to minorities, events popularizing the knowledge of various minority groups, book publishing, as well as production and broadcasting of television programmes. Several cultural projects related to Roma culture are funded by this source every year. For example, in 2010, ca 500 thousand PLN were allocated to projects for the promotion of Roma heritage, which accounted for 4% of total funds for this action. In recent years, EU funds are gaining increasing importance for funding cultural activities, and especially the Operational Programme Human Capital, with its Roma component, i.e. sub-measure 1.3.1. "Projects for Roma community – Call for proposals projects", with a budget of 22 million euro. The aim of this measure is co-financing of projects on education, employment, social inclusion, health, activation in the area of civil society and the dissemination of knowledge of the Roma community. The call for proposals is open. The programme is addressed to both Roma institutions and entities acting on behalf of the Roma community in Poland.
Conclusion
Polish government policy towards ethnic and national minorities has significantly changed over the past 20 years. During the rule of the socialist regime, the population in Poland was regarded as homogeneous, and issues of ethnic and national minorities were completely ignored. It is only since the 1990s, following the transition to democracy, this problem came to the attention of state institutions. The framework of state policy towards national minorities and ethnic groups was set out at that time. The main goal in this policy was to provide appropriate conditions for the functioning of these groups within the Polish society and to seek preservation of their cultural identity. Among all actions of the Polish government addressed to national and ethnic minorities, issues of the Roma community take a special place. Here, the issue is
78 not only to improve the living conditions and social status of Roma, but also to change the attitude of Poles towards representatives of this ethnic group. Roma people, despite centuries of coexistence with Poles, still raise concerns and even a sense of danger. Spreading knowledge about Roma and promoting their cultural heritage could be one of the ways to change their image in the Polish society and thus, to reduce their marginalization. This task is very difficult to achieve, as a part of Roma population is unwilling to develop closer relations with the Poles, or even to publicise knowledge about their culture among the Poles, fearing that this will contribute to the loss of their cultural identity. An active policy for the promotion of culture and for the change of the image of the Roma must be a long-term process. It requires not only active involvement on the part of Roma community leaders, but also a change in the model of education of the Roma community, in particular an improvement in the education of children and youth. Previous actions for the promotion of the cultural heritage of the Roma have already brought first results, but their influence is still limited. So it is advisable to increase funding for the promotion of Roma culture and, even more importantly, to try to involve cultural and social institutions, including state institutions at regional and local level, which would provide organizational and technical support for such projects.
References
Bartosz, A. (1982): Zaczątek kolekcji cyganologicznej. „Lud”, 66, 287-293. Bartosz, A. (1998) Cyganie. Roma. Gypsies. Przewodnik po wystawie. Tarnów 1998. Bartosz, A. (2000): Kolekcja cyganologiczna w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Tarnowie. In: Polska egzotyka w polskich muzeach. Materiały z konferencji. Tarnów 1-2 października 1998 r. Muzeum Okręgowe w Tarnowie, Tarnów 2000, 199-202. Faracik R., Mika M., Pawlusiński R. (2012): The Roma Cultural Heritage in Poland – Selected Aspects, In. (Eds. J.Penzes, Z.Radics) Roma Population on the Peripheries of the Visegrad Countries, Spatial trends and Social challenges. University of Debrecen, Debrecen, 137-152. Ficowski, J. (1989): Cyganie w Polsce. Dzieje i obyczaje. Interpress, Warszawa. Kowarska, A. (2005): Polska Roma. Tradycja i nowoczesność. Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Wydawnictwo DiG, Warszawa.
79 Nowicka, E. (2003): Romowie w Polsce. Tradycja i nowoczesność w oczach liderów, In (Ed. E. Nowicka) Romowie o sobie i dla siebie. Nowe problemy i nowe działania w pięciu krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Instytut Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa. Paleczny, T. (2003): Socjologiczne refleksje na temat polskich Romów. Stowarzyszenie Romów w Polsce. Romski Instytut Historyczny, Oświęcim. Organizacje romskie (2012): Portal Społeczności Romskiej http://www.harangos.pl/organizacje-romskie Program na rzecz społeczności romskiej w Polsce na lata 2004-2013 (The programme for the Roma community in Poland for 2004-2013) - http://www.msw.gov.pl /portal/pl/185/ 2982/ Tresc_Programu.html Puszczykowski D. (2006): Wybitne osobowosci, Romano Atmo Nr 1/2006 Czerwiec , Zwiazek Romow Polskich, Szczecinek - http://www.romowie.com/romano_atmo/ra_1.pdf Raport z wyników. Narodowy Spis Powszechny Ludności i Mieszkań 2011, 2012, GUS, Warszawa. Romski Informator Kulturalny (2010): Romano Atmo Nr 3/2010 (27), Związek Romów Polskich, Szczecinek - http://www.romowie.com/romano_atmo/ra27.pdf Smoleń, K. (1994): Cyganie w KL Auschwitz-Birkenau, In (ed. J. Parcer) Los Cyganów w KL Auschwitz-Birkenau. Stowarzyszenie Romów w Polsce, Oświęcim, 84-175. Soja M., Zborowski A. (2012): Gypsies/Romani in Poland - Outline of the Topic, In. (Eds. J.Penzes, Z.Radics) Roma Population on the Peripheries of the Visegrad Countries, Spatial trends and Social challenges. University of Debrecen, Debrecen, 119-133. Talewicz-Kwiatkowska, J. (2011): Romowie i Sinti w KL Auschwitz, In: Romowie w KL Auschwitz. Głosy Pamięci. 7, Międzynarodowe Centrum Edukacji o Auschwitz i Holokauście, Oświęcim, 13-31. Ustawa z dnia 6 stycznia 2005 r. o mniejszościach narodowych i etnicznych oraz o języku regionalnym, Dz. U. z 2005 r., nr 17, poz. 141.
80 Anna Bogdán29
THE HUNGARIAN “BEÁS” GIPSIES’ IDENTITY AND THEIR LANGUAGE USING – THE THIRD GENERATION
Introduction
The Gypsies in Hungary can be divided into three considerable groups from the aspects of culture and language. The first and the biggest is the so-called “Romungro” group (they call themselves Hungarian Gypsies or musician Gypsies), their ratio is above 70-75%. The “Vlach Gypsies”, who speak both the Hungarian and the Romani languages, make up the second big group, their ratio is about 15-20%. The third group is formed by the “Beás” Gypsies, who live mainly in the Southern-Tarnsdanubia region, and they speak Hungarian and an archaic Romanian language. The ratio of this group is around 8-10% (Kemény I. 1974). Nowadays it can be observed, that the use of the mother tongue is slowly pushed into the background among the Vlach and Beás groups.
Gypsy languages in Hungary
To interpret the system of the Gypsy languages, a short historical review is indispensable. While the Gypsies were migrating to Europe, they borrowed words from almost all languages, which they have got in touch with. The effect of the Greek language was obviously the biggest. The present European Gypsy dialects contain numerous Greek-origin words. The ancient word set and the borrowed words originating from different languages form the stable word set of the present Gypsy language. This is small, similar to the other European languages, and it consists of – according to the different estimates – 1000-1500 elements. (Heltai J. I. 2002) The so-called mobile word set is connected to these words. The Gypsy language borrows its elements from the European languages (e.g. Hungarian,
29 PhD student, University of Pécs, Department of Romology and Educational Sociology
81 Romanian, German, Slavic), where the members of the community stayed during their migration in Europe. Therefore the mobile word set is different in each dialect. Sometimes in some extreme cases the members of the different Gypsy communities can’t understand each other or just with difficulty, because they speak different dialects. Naturally the ratio of the stable and the mobile word set can be variable. The words borrowed from the Hungarian language form the mobile part of the word set, which is the common characteristics of the Gypsy languages in Hungary. Their connections with the Hungarian language are confined to the vocabulary, their grammatical systems are simple, but independent and their phonetic characteristics are different from the Hungarian language. Generally, the Hungarian words become stable in the language with Gypsy affixes. So these words adopt the characteristics of the Gypsy language and enrich it with new affix types at the same time. (Karsai E. 2007) The group of the bilingual speakers can be subdivided: the Carpathian Gypsy and the Vlachos Gypsy groups. (Erdős K. 1989) The other group of the Gypsies in Hungary consists of those, who have a non-Gypsy mother tongue, so they are monolingual speakers. More than the half of the Gypsies living in our country can understand only the Hungarian language. They have lived in Hungary for more centuries, and probably they arrived here during the first migration waves. Earlier some of them spoke the so-called Carpathian dialect of the “Romani” language (it belongs to the group of the “Ind” language of the Indo-European language family), thus usually they are also called Carpathian Gypsies. The mother tongue of the “Beás” Gypsies (a language group of the Hungarian Gypsies) is an archaic version of the Romanian language that is called “Beás” by the members of the community. „The considerable groups of the Hungarian Gypsies, the “Romani-speakers” and the “Beás”, who speak Romanian, became the inhabitants of Hungary in the modern ages. From the 18th century to the beginning of the 20th century they continuously arrived from the area of the Romanian principalities, and later from the united Romania. There is almost no special literature in Hungarian about these ethnic groups staying there and about their history. There are altogether 1- 2 sentences here and there referring to the fact that the Gypsies were forced to slavery in the area of the Romanian principalities until 1856. (Kogălniceanu, M. 1975; pp. 153-219.)
82 Characteristics of the “Beás” language
So the question about the origin of the “Beás” gypsies is the less clear, compared to the former two other gypsy groups. The language of the overall majority, the so-called “Árgyelán” is the Romanian dialect form the Banat, and it is older than the language reform. The language saves the nature of its archaic dialect, and it is almost isolated from the Romanian language. The “Árgyelán” gypsies use this dialect in Somogy, Tolna, Zala, Baranya and Vas counties. In Alsószentmárton and its surroundings, in Southern Transdanubia the so- called “Muncsán” dialect is spoken, the origin of which is not clarified for the time being. The third language group speaks the “Ticsán” (it is a Western Transylvanian so-called “Krisán” dialect) and they live in the Eastern part of our country. (Kovalcsik K. 1994) These Gypsies who speak Romanian are usually called trough-hollowers, because they are traditionally employed in trough-hollowing, in wooden spoon making and in other wood-work. This activity is followed by fewer and fewer people today, because they became villagers with a peasant lifestyle during the integration process. They call themselves “Beás”, which is translated to “miner” by some researchers. It can refer to their mine work during their Transylvanian/Romanian stay, they were employed in gold-washing and trough- hollowing was just an additional activity, which helped their living. The wood- work became the main source of their living after they migrated to the southern part of Transdanubia. (Papp Gy. 1982) After the „Beás” left the Romanian language surroundings, they came under the influence of new language surroundings. Nowadays this process of language change is accelerated, because the closed communities disintegrated and the Gypsies became increasingly bilingual during the mass liquidation of the slums and their moving or forced moving into the villages. So the “Beás” language became a kind of an intimate, family language. The social change (schools, public administration) caused by their new life needed a lot of words which had not belonged to their vocabulary earlier. So their vocabulary changed: numerous Romanian words disappeared from it, and at the same time it increased with a lot of new words which were borrowed from their new surroundings and which were added “Beás” endings and grammatical characteristics. The “Beás” dialects cannot be called independent languages – in spite of their changes – because they are different from the Romanian language at few
83 and not basic points. Their mentioning as a language can be used just with simplification and didactical aims. We can’t forget that it is an archaic, but living version of the Romanian language. Like the Romanian language, its relative languages also belong to the Latin languages of the Indo-European language family. Its relative languages are for example the French, the Italian, the Spanish and the Portugal languages. (Orsós A. 1997)
The “Beás” language using and identity
My main theme is the assay of Beas language intergenerational inheritance. I came from a Gipsy Bea family, experienced the process of linguistic assimilation, which can be talked about the Beas and the Olah Romani community in general. My research aims is to examine through three generations the way of the transfer of the Gypsy language through third generations of Roma families, and confirm my hypothesis.
Two concepts should be mentioned that is related to main theme.
1. Bilingualism: If the speaker uses both languages in all situations. This of course assumes that both languages have the vocabulary in all areas of life. (see. Bartha Cs. 1999)
2. Diglosy: A long-term social and linguistic phenomenon, we can talk about when two languages are used in different situations of society and community.
Diglosy style is identified by linguistic poverty of the Gypsy language. Zita Réger criticized those linguists who identified the Roma language with poor vocabulary and limited in usage passing the social context. (Réger Z. 1990) Criticism of the main points included, that technically is incorrect to use the methodological basis se of national languages describing Gypsy in a minority position, with no literacy. In addition, it is also important that the Roma language is characterized by diglosy. These languages are mainly used in informal situations. Hence the sentences and vocabulary are bounded to situation, and this is not from a language deficiency. Finally, the Roma
84 community’s formal language appears in formal situations, although its features are different from mainstream society’s language. The process of interruption of language transfer has phases by Fishman (1991). Gypsy language is in situation with diglosy in any dialects. This means that this is different from the major languages in his function. After World War II language shift began in Bea language on account of the assimilation policy, and pushed into the background of the traditional crafts. The group had to acquire the dominant language, bilingualism appeared at the expense of Bea language, which has only ever been used less extensively, this particular scene was the family. This bilingualism is disadvantage, and the research also aimed to confirm this. I point out that the gradual process of language shift in that stage in when the older generation use the language passing through the period of child upbringing, but the young people don’t use at all. (Fishman's 6th 7th phase) Gypsy origin and the existence of being in 3 generations were important in the selection of the respondents. I choose the questionnaires from the test methods. The questionnaire was filled out during interviews with the trial subjects. The questionnaire was constructed in Beas languages. This is a high levelled filter in relation whether the respondent understands the questions. The interview also took place in Romany language. There were questions about sex, age, residence, marital status, educational attainment, occupation in the first part questionnaire. These are further interest in that how the respondents picked up the mother tongue, how they consider about it. I investigated what is the reason if they do not understand, do not speak and the Participants of research were tested on that what kind of knowledge they have in interpretation of words and translation Beas and the Hungarian-language. I determined the type of questions. I constructed mostly closed questions, taking into account the fact that I can meet the older generation of illiterate person. During the reading to select a seemingly sympathetic response is easier for him. There was chance for the respondents to choose another opportunity not listed in questions about the workplace. In translating Gypsy words to Hungarian I tried to collect words, which are related to the traditional crafts, tools. Translating the Hungarian word to Gipsy I preferred words, we cannot find in
85 the Romanian archaic language. In the course of language reform - in everyday speech - words taken from the environment got Bea dialect’s characteristic and grammatical features.
Results
The 60% proportion of respondents felt Bea to their mother tongue. 13% proportion did not understand the language, and 40% can speak and understand the language. 77% of the respondents speak Beas language from their birth, 8% said they began to talk Beas language as adult. 40% told that they can speak the language whenever they want. 38% use Beas language if they do not want others to understand. 50% said that they fear of failure using the language. 30% was not taught, and are not in the situation. 86% of respondents were taught Beas language by their parents. Fewer people ventured to Translate Hungarian words into Gypsy. The reason for this is suspense Gypsy language - knowledge The research results proved the hypothesis that Bea language shift in the sixth scale of Fishman’s 6-7. level.
6. phase The minority language transmitted from generation to generation, and the language used in the community. Continuous support is necessary for families in language transition.
7. phase The minority language is used by the older generations overcome the period of raising children, young people do not. The language is necessary to disseminate among the youngsters.
In the case of Hungary minorities found that of the majority of declined the mother tongue inferior, they think less importance to education. The Hungarian minorities experienced mentality of the education system damage irreversible harms. There are few educational programs that discover the identity and preservation of Roma. The reasons are internationally prevailing, Roma culture has generally low social prestige, strong assimilationist expectations from the majority.
86 There will not be any change without supportive environment and language shift will end.
. Bibliography
Bartha Cs. (1999): A kétnyelvűség alapkérdései: Beszélők és közösségek. Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, Budapest. 268 p. Erdős K. (1989): A magyarországi cigányság (1958). In: Erdős Kamill cigánytanulmányai. A Gyulai Erkel Ferenc Múzeum kiadványa, Békéscsaba. pp. 42-56. Fishman, J. A. (1991): Reversing Language Shift: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. 76. 431 p. Heltai, J. I. (2002): A magyarországi cigány lakosság által beszélt nyelvek. Nyelvésznet (http://www.nytud.hu/pp/heltai.html) Karsai E. (2007): Cigány nyelvészeti tanulmányok. Anda Romani Kultúra Alapítvány, Budapest. 168 p. Kemény I. (1974): A magyarországi cigány lakosság. Valóság 1. 63-72. pp. Kogălniceanu, M. (1975): A parasztság sorsának könnyítése. (Relieving the plight of the peasantry). Kriterion, Bucuresti. 222 p. Kovalcsik K. (1994): Florilyé dá primaváril. Tavaszi virágot – Beás cigány iskolai énekeskönyv. Spring Flowers. Singing book for Boyash schoolchildren. I-ll. Gandhi Középiskola – Fii cu noi Bejás Közművelődési Egyesület, Pécs. 110 p. Orsós A. (1997): A magyarországi cigányok nyelvi csoportjai. Cigány néprajzi tanulmányok 6. Ed.: Bódi Zs. Magyar Néprajzi Társaság, Budapest. 210 p. Papp Gy. (1982): A beás cigányok román nyelvjárása. (The Romanian dialect of Boyash Gypsies). Tanulmányok a cigány gyermekek oktatásával- nevelésével foglalkozó munkacsoport vizsgálataiból V., JPTE Tanárképző Főiskola, Pécs. 30 p. Réger, Z. (1990): Utak a nyelvhez: nyelvi szocializáció, nyelvi hátrány. Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest. 166 p.
87 Kinga Szabó-Tóth30
THE IMPACT OF POLICIES AND OF CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS ON THE MAINTAINANCE OF ROMA IDENTITY IN MISKOLC
Introduction
In this study I would like to focus the questions as follows: (1) How policies (programs) towards Roma people and cultural and educational institutions of Roma people influence (ethnic) identity and (ethnic) identity construction of Roma/Gypsies in Miskolc and in Hungary and (2) Do they help to maintain or to develop positive Roma ethnic identity and if so, how and to what extent? Under the term ’policies’ and ‘programs’I refer to policy documents at national and local level related to culture and identity, minority educational program and policies for children in nursery-school and programs for talented Roma students in higher education institution. The foundation for the following analysis included 8 in-depth interviews with kindergarten teachers and with the representatives of András Bacsinszky Greek Catholic Special College for Roma, 2 case studies based on different research methods of social sciences, a thorough analysis of the identified policy documents directly related to this dimension and an array of other general local legislation. Apart from these, I made participatory observation in the observed kindergarten and in the András Bacsinszky Greek Catholic Special College for Roma in order to get a better understanding of the research topic. Major strategic/policy documents that I looked through in order to answer the questions at national level: • 68/2007 Parliamentary Resolution on the Decade of Roma Inclusion Program Strategic Plan • a Government Action Plan for 2008-2009 related to the Decade of the Roma Inclusion Program Strategic Plan • National Social Inclusion Strategy 2011-2020
30 PhD, associate professor, head of institute, University of Miskolc, Institute of Sociology; e-mail: [email protected]
88 • Step by Step Program for kindergartens • National Program of Preschool Education • MKM [Ministry of Culture and Education] Decree 32/1997 (XI.5.) on the Issuance of the Guidelines for the Pre-school Instruction of National and Ethnic Minorities and the School Education of National and Ethnic Minorities Local documents I used for the analysis: • Miskolc Small Region Short-term Cultural Strategy 2009-2012 • Documents I have got from the director of Cultural, Tourism and City Marketing Division of the Mayor’s Office, Miskolc • Deed of Foundation of the Batsányi Kindergarten • Local Kindergarten Education Program for Batsányi Kindergarten • Local Kindergarten Integration Program for Batsányi Kindergarten • Local Program of Gypsy Minority Preschool Education for Batsányi Kindergarten • Available information on András Bacsinszky Greek Catholic Special College
National and Local Policy Context
On national level there are some important documents that we have to take into account, one is the 68/2007 Parliamentary Resolution on the Decade of Roma Inclusion Program Strategic Plan. The Strategic Plan is concentrating on the areas as follows: • Education • Employment • Health conditions • Housing conditions, regional characteristics
Regarding identity and culture, there are two parts that has importance. One is with the title “Tasks in the field of education” (page 5-7, in the English version). In the field of education, integration is supportable, and in parallel, desegregation process has to be speeded up, as well as the qualification of Roma people should be elevated. It must be reached by the activities as follows: • “Ensuring access to an equal level of education for Roma children in public education” (page 5)
89 • “Kindergarten services to disadvantages children in their own villages” (page 5) • „Towards the reduction of the number of children false-diagnosed as being disabled, the identification and relocation of these children to classes with general curriculum,, especially among disadvantaged children living in state foster care.” (page 5) • „The acceptance of any application by parents for attending being studied at home may not become a way of segregation.” (page 6) • “Framing and improvement of anti-discrimination elements in public education.” (page 6) • „Dissemination of alternative methods of informal education for the promotion of the successfulness of disadvantaged children in schools, as well as the encouragement of the inclusion of disadvantaged young adults into public education and alternative education.” (page 6) • “Ensuring the highest possible rate of admission to secondary schools offering general certificates of secondary educations following the completion of vocational schools not granting GSCEs or directly after primary-school studies.” (page 6) • “Introduction and improvement of balancing programs for the compensation of disadvantages in higher education towards ensuring the admission of and the completion of studies by students with multiple disadvantages.” (page 7) • “Horizontal presentation of equal opportunities, fundamental human rights, Roma folk studies and culture in education.” (page 7) • “Extension of the scope of the European Council’s European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages to involve Roma (Romani and Beas) languages.” (page 7) • “Promotion of the training and employment of the largest possible number of Roma pedagogues, pedagogic assistants, kindergarten pedagogues.” (page 7)
As far as Roma identity is concerned, it is clear from the activities that are cited above, that the preservation of Roma culture and the preservation of different Roma dialects are important issues as well as the formation of Roma intelligentsia and the promotion of integration by all means. The last section of the Strategy (page 19-20) contains the tasks in the field of culture, media and sports. From the point of view of the preservation of ethnic identity, it seems that, this part of the document does not handle this question in an explicit way, but it gives an importance to the reduction of prejudice and stereotypes against Roma by promoting the appearance of authentic image of Roma in the media and in the field of culture as follows: • presentation of Roma culture to the wide circles
90 • promoting the institutions that has the task to keep and presenting Roma culture • contributing to present the authentic image of Roma people in the media
In order to improve efficiencies in these fields, there was a Government Action Plan for 2008-2009 related to the Decade of the Roma Inclusion Program Strategic Plan. I looked through the document with regard to Roma identity and culture. From this aspect, I have found the idea of Invisible Colleges (the establishment of 4 in the country) as an important one for those Roma young, who is studying in higher education, because the colleges help Roma people to only to be more successful in their fields, but help to maintain their Roma identity and culture also. It is also a priority to promote training of Romani and Beas language teachers and interpreters. In the last section of the document, where the tasks related to culture, media and sports are specialized there are some, which are extremely important in relation with ethnic identity maintenance: • promoting the training and employment of Roma program-makers and journalist • establishment and founding of a national Roma cultural centre (From 2010, January, 1, in Budapest, the FROKK was established, that is responsible for Roma Culture and Education in Budapest). • Roma objects of artistic value should be digitalized and catalogued with the help of National Roma Self-government • Roma culture should be supported by documentaries, exhibitions and cultural events • The position of Romani and Beas languages should be affirmed
When we search for the expression of ‘identity’ in the National Social Inclusion Strategy 2011-2020, we get 6 records. One is on page 107 (in the English version of the Document), where this topic come up in writing about State Secretariat for Social Inclusion, as the document formulates: “…these programs do pay attention to the specific features arising from the Roma identity”. On page 110, where the document writes about Roma minority self- governments, the topic of identity preservation also comes up as one of the task of the minority self-governments. On page 111, the document declare, that it is the individual’s exclusive and unalienable right to declare his/her identity and if she/he does so, he/she has national minority rights and obligations. When the documents writes about the role of churches (on page 116), it declares that when it comes to pastoral activities, where Roma and non-Roma work together, one hand, it reduce stereotypes against Roma and in the other hand, this cooperation “reinforces” the dual identity of Roma people”. In the part of Monitoring and indicators, on page 125, the documents says: “The Roma
91 Steering an Monitoring Committee calls upon the Government and municipalities to enable the exercise of the legal right relating to the expression of ethnic identity for the above-mentioned equal opportunities, integration, and national minority purposes, in their administrative, service and development policy system”. On the same page the document declares: “We must ensure the availability of ethnic data derived from official and administrative sources, in addition to data derived from researches. Self-identification is the basic principle of data gathering within the current legal framework. It should additionally be considered what other scope there may be, in addition to self-identification, for the gathering of origin-based ethnic data. This is particularly important with regard to the management of social disadvantages and discriminatory phenomena as these do not represent social problems in connection with identity but in relation to origin. At the level of local policy documents, we have to discuss the Miskolc Small Region Short-term Cultural Strategy 2009-2012. It was prepared with the funding of Ministry of Education and Culture, under the project of Közkincs, per procuration of Multi-Purpose Association of Miskolc Small Region. In the analysis of the “current situation” part of the document (page 8) the authors wrote about the cultural, religious and national diversity of the Miskolc Small Region. They use the figures from the 2001 Census, that show the proportion of national and ethnic minorities (5% for the Roma population in this Region). As they conclude (page 8): “One part of the Roma minority preserve their traditions, so we have to count and plan with their presence and cultural heritage”. Amongst the strategic aims (on page 21) one is to increase the cultural activities of minorities. In the second part of the Documents, in the Strategic Program, the Document describes this aim in detail. As the largest minority groups are the Slovaks and the Roma, the Document gives a special attention to the two groups – by do not neglecting the other minorities either. As the Document describes “The inclusion of the Roma population in community culture is an essential interest of the mainstream society as well as for the Gypsies”. The document declare the ways it can be reached: • Searching for traditional Roma folklore and presenting it for the minority and also for the majority • Outstanding artist and groups should be supported, who would present their knowledge on the areas in the small region, where the proportion of the Roma population is less than the average • Where the proportion of the Roma population is high, it is would be supportable that the community centers would run programs for the Roma population. It could be financed by the state.
92 • In the case of other minorities (like Greek, Bulgarian, German, Polish, Croatian Ukrainian and Rusin) those cultural initiatives should be supported, that displays the cultural specification of the ethnic group, or those initiatives should be supported that strengthen the ethnic identity.
The Document declares that the support of those programs - especially community cultural programs - that help in the preservation of ethnic identity is essential in the case of all minorities. According to the Document, the cultivation of Roma culture and tradition helps to present ethnic identity and also helps to reduce stereotypes and prejudice against Roma. In order to attain these issues mentioned above, the Document appoints specific aims as follows: • The presentation of the values of Roma folklore by the exchange programs of artists within this region • In order to promote the qualitative work of artistic groups helps in methodology should be organized • By the help of Roma Minority Self-government, the possibility for a region- wide cultural and artistic muster should be examined.
It is also important - as the Document says – that the daily cultural activities of Roma people would be guaranteed – not only by the artistic groups. Therefore it is also essential to provide the possibilities for cultural and community occasions on a daily basis by the help of professionals working in cultural field. For the sake of this, Roma and non-Roma people should work together in the framework of a cooperative network. On the level of concrete projects, the Document suggests to organize a “Gypsy Tradition-Preserving Meeting” with culinary programs on a yearly basis. It also suggest to collect and process Gypsy cultural traditions and to record it in traditional and electronic way. According to the Document, the deadline for the latest one is 31. 12. 2010. It is also declared that the equality of cultural opportunity should be guaranteed for minorities. There is also a webpage - I have downloaded the program above from that webpage also, where we can find some information on Roma cultural organization in the Small–Region, however this data base is pretty incomplete. (http://miskolckistersegkult.mindenkilapja.hu/#/html/21415682/render/miskolci- kisterseg). In the case of Miskolc, it only mentions Romano Teatro, but there is no available information on the program, that they organize. I talked to András Kákóczki, who is the head of Cultural, Tourism and City Marketing Division of the Mayor’s Office. I have got from András Kákóczki two materials that they prepared in order to introduce their activities regarding
93 Roma culture. By analyzing these materials the following picture emerges on the cultural policy of the Mayor’s Office of Miskolc regarding Roma Culture: The City Government of Miskolc and the Bányász Cultural Association (in Pereces part of Miskolc) has a cultural agreement for supplying cultural tasks. In Pereces, the proportion of the Roma population is high. The Bányász Cultural Association has a community house in Pereces and they run lots of programs for the local community. The community house provides free internet access to Roma and non-Roma children and also helps children to acquire the daily curriculum. The organization is mediating between Roma and non-Roma people by the help of culture, it helps to reduce stereotypes and also helps to be more tolerant with other cultures. They organized the Daylight Festival, in which Roma Juvenile Foklbands and dance groups met. They also organized the “We give culture space” program, where the audience had the opportunity to get to know Roma folklore extensively. Also they had the “Vareso Aver”, Something Different festival for the aims mentioned above. As the Association gained a Project (under the framework of TÁMOP 3.2.3-08/2), they organized a theater group for children, with the help of Romano Teatro Cultural Association. In 2001, May, they had a community and lifestyle developer camp for 30 children in underprivileged situation for the period of one week. Regarding the activities of Cultural Houses, (Művelődési Házak) in the material I have got from András Kákóczki, the following activities exist in the issue of Roma culture: The Ifjúsági és Szabadidő Ház has an agreement with Nyitnikék Kindergarten, and they together, realized a program under the name of “Mentor- training for Roma women”. The training was a sort of child-rearing training. In the Ady Endre Community Center, there was also a training for children. During the training, those children who had some problems with social inclusion, got some trainings in communication and capacity-building. Besides, the Miskolc City Public Library and Information Center run a sub-library in Szondi settlement. The librarian is also a Roma person. This library can help to reduce digital illiteracy amongst Roma children by offering them modern IT equipments. The City Government gives financial support to Romano Teatro Association and to Bányász Cultural Association. For the latest one, the Government gave 1.5 million HUF in 2010, 1,2 million HUF in 2011, and 0,5 million HUF in 2012. Romano Teatro got 0,5 million HUF in 2011, 0,5 million HUF in 2012, and from Cultural Patron program of the City Government, 100 000 HUF in 2009.
94 Case studies
In the following part of my paper, I give two examples in order to highlight how ethnic identity maintainance works in practice.
Case study I. János Batsányi Kindergarten – Vasgyár Subsidiary (3533 Miskolc, Kabar u. 1.Maintainer: Municipality of Miskolc)
The first kindergarten of Miskolc was opened in 1842. The Vasgyár Kindergarten was one of the first such establishments, opening its gates in 1887. The kindergarten was established by the joint effort of the Hungarian Royal State Railroads Machine Factory and of the Hungarian Royal Steel Factory of Diósgyőr in order to provide daycare for the workers’ children. With its playroom, changing room, room for serving meals and 4-4 separated washrooms for boys and girls the institution was a model-kindergarten of its times. At the end of the 1800s nearly 200 children attended the kindergarten in three classes. At that time the kindergarten was closed between 11:00 a.m. and 2 p.m. because both the children and the kindergarten teachers went home for lunch. In 1914 the building was turned into a hospital but from 1921, after renovation, it was again used as a kindergarten. The institution did not operate during World War II but was reopened by the two factories in 1946. Since that time the institute functioned as full-day kindergarten. In order to meet all requirements the building had to be remodeled: kitchen, office, storage rooms and four separated classrooms were added to the structure. By this time more than 300 children attended the kindergarten and each class were supervised by two teachers. In 1967 the then Lenin Metallurgy factory transferred the operational rights of the kindergarten to the City Council of Miskolc. At the end of the ‘60s six classes learnt in the kindergarten. Since the beginning of the 1980s, parallel to the gradual decline of heavy industry, the population of the workers colony has also changed: workers moved out of the area, apartments were either sold or swapped and mostly Roma and underprivileged working class families settled down here. As a result, nowadays many of the children attending kindergarten are disadvantaged or multiply disadvantaged. According to the data supplied by the kindergarten currently 88 children attend the institute. 57 of them are
95 disadvantaged, while 43 are multiply disadvantaged. 69 of the children are of Roma origin (78%). By taking the changes into account the Deed of Foundation and the Local Kindergarten Education Program were modified at the end of the’90s. From that time, up to now, the kindergarten carries out its special educational tasks concerning ethnic and minority education and training of children with special needs in an integrated framework. In the school year of 1997/1998 the Lépésről lépésre [Step by Step] program was launched in three of the classes with the support of the Hungarian Soros Foundation. From the school year 1998/1999 the program was extended to all classes and became part of the local Education Program of the Kindergarten. The kindergarten has all tools and equipments necessary for the successful realization of the Step by Step Program and 100 % of the teachers participated at the required postgraduate training. The aim of the Step by Step Program is to provide a non-prejudiced, inclusive pre-school atmosphere for the children. Furthermore, the program focuses on individual development by taking differences in skills, talents, customs, gender, temperament and family values into account. By considering the age and maturity of the children receiving Roma ethnic education and based on multicultural integrated training the Program helps to have the children understand and learn the minority and ethnic culture and to receive cultural traditions. Special characteristics of the program in relation to the strengthening of ethnic identity: • Individualized socialization: helps to create and develop an ethnic identity cultivates and improves traditions and customs related to the minority culture • Families are part of the educational program: the education of ethnic minority children is carried out in cooperation with their families, especially in terms of linguistic skills, cultivation of traditions and establishment of the ethnic identity
It is emphasized in the Kindergarten Education Program that ethnic traditions and special socialization rules of different cultures are valued. The improvement of language skills (mother tongue) has outstanding importance in the Step by Step Program. Special attention is given to Gypsy folk tales and
96 poems. The kindergarten is a subscriber and regular user of the “Glinda” Roma Children and Youth Magazine.
Cover page of the Glinda Roma Children and Youth Magazine
The magazine is published monthly with Erika Varga as its chief editor. It includes book recommendations, articles on Roma history and music, Roma poems, description of Roma programs and projects, introduction of Roma people prominent in their fields and also Roma folk tales. The director of the Kindergarten (Gizella Képes Petránné) says that Roma Children admire Roma songs and dance, “they totally culminate in dancing and singing.” “Local Kindergarten Education Program is really an important one regarding Roma identity. It helps Roma traditions to be an integrated part of the education in the kindergarten” – as she says.
97 Artistic training is an important part of the Step by Step Program. In terms of the ethnic identity-building the role of “cultivation of ethnic culture, music and dance motives” is especially important, but also the “appreciation of multicultural values” is highly emphasized. The special approach of Roma culture toward colors and shapes plays an important role in the education as well. The Program includes classes on getting acquainted with our surroundings with special focus on ethnic culture, ways of living, customs, traditions and material culture. The kindergarten also has a Local Kindergarten Integration Program, which includes the followings: • supporting the inclusion of multiply disadvantaged children to pre- school education • classes are formed by taking integration into account • minimizing unjustified absence • operation hours comfortable for working parents • cooperative staff • special focuses within the pedagogical plan • child well-fare, health, social well-fare • cooperation with other institutions • support given to have a smooth transfer from the kindergarten to the school • cooperation with parents of multiply disadvantaged children
Besides, the kindergarten adopted a Local Program of Gypsy Minority Preschool Education as well. In terms of ethnic identity-building the Program states: “Gypsy games, poems, tales and songs are given special emphasis in our classes. The special approach to colors and shapes are part of the visual training. The Gypsy dance-culture is included in the curriculum.” Also the Program highlights the importance of ethnic identity-building and development and that “the child shall have a positive emotional tie to the minority culture and language”. In addition to the above mentioned programs, point II.5. of the National Program of Preschool Education also regulates the ways of preserving the identity and culture of children of ethnic minorities as follows: “The preschool education of children of national or ethnic minorities shall ensure the
98 preservation, cultivation, strengthening and transmission of identity, the improvement of language skills and the access to integration based on multicultural training.” The National Program states that “kindergartens in which children of national or ethnic minorities learn shall keep contact with the given minority government and organizations.” In the Vasgyár Kindergarten this regulation is observed, but, as one of the teachers mentioned, the contact is quite one-sided: the kindergarten seeks to keep contact with the Gypsy minority government, but they only turn to the kindergarten when they need children for some presentations or programs. The operation of the kindergarten is regulated also by the MKM [Ministry of Culture and Education] Decree 32/1997 (XI.5.) on the Issuance of the Guidelines for the Pre-school Instruction of National and Ethnic Minorities and the School Education of National and Ethnic Minorities. The following section of the Decree is especially important in terms of identity: “the minority education in kindergartens shall take the age and maturity of the children into consideration and provide opportunities to learn and improve language and cultural skills, to transmit cultural traditions.” The Decree emphasizes that the aim of pre-school minority training is to establish and improve minority identity. The regulation mentions kindergartens with special Roma cultural programs and allows them to educate and instruct children in Hungarian (the Vasgyár Kindergarten does so). Furthermore, the Decree states, that “In the framework of Gypsy minority education in pre-schools Gypsy games, poems, tales and songs shall be given special emphasis. The special approach to colors and shapes shall be part of the visual training. The Gypsy dance-culture shall be included in the curriculum.” As the director of the kindergarten says, those parents who send their children to the kindergarten in Vasgyár do not intent to integrate into the mainstream society. “If the proportion of Roma children goes above 30%, segregation starts” – she says. It means that those parents, who would like to integrate and the non-Roma parents send their children to other kindergarten, and it does not matter whether it is a plus effort for them (regarding traffic for instance). “In those kindergartens in the city, where the proportion in under 30%, and the kindergarten run more than 4 groups, Roma parents do not identify with their Gypsy roots, even deny it, they are really angry if we ask about it”. “The
99 problem is that if the Roma parents do not identify with their Gypsiness, there is no multicultural elements of the local pedagogical program” – says the leader. Non-Roma parents send their children to other kindergarten, but not into the Vasgyár Kindergarten, because it is considered to be a Gypsy Kindergarten amongst them. “According to the figures of the population register, 60% of the children, who live in Vasgyár goes to other kindergartens” – says the director. “We try to make efforts not to be like this, but we are powerless in this matter. Those Roma parents who would like to resemble to non-Roma people get their children to attend to other kindergartens. Like those 3 Roma children in Komlóstető Kindergarten. They live in the Vasgyár, but attend that Kindergarten. It is quite interesting that even the grandchild of one of the main Roma leader at county level attends to that Kindergarten but leaves here in Vasgyár.” There are some other kindergartens in Miskolc, where the proportion of the Roma children is more than 50%. These are: • Nyitnikék (It is situated also in the Vasgyár. It has children from Vasgyár and Lyukóvölgy. It has 7 groups of children and the proportion of Roma children is nearly 100 %. • Vadász úti Kindergarten (It is located in Pereces region of Miskolc. It has one group. The proportion of Roma children is 80%. Non-Roma children from Pereces region attend other kindergartens in the city, mostly in Diósgyőr or in the city center. • Zsolcai kapui Kindergarten (The proportion of Roma children is 99% according to the estimation of the leader of the kindergarten. According to self-identification, the proportion is 78%). • Szilvás úti Kindergarten in the Avas part of Miskolc (the proportion of Roma students is 33%).
In Nyitnikék Kindergarten and in Vadász úti Kindergarten, Lépésről-lépésre Program is also implemented as well as in Vasgyár Kindergarten. Since all the kindergartens mentioned above get a normative founding from the state in order to develop the skills of Roma children, thus they need to follow the rules layed down in the National Program of Preschool Education. Apart from this, all of the kindergarten mentioned above (excluded Zsolcai Kapui Kindergarten from the year of 2012), accordingly with the 11/1994. Decree of
100 the Ministry of Culture and Public Education (Művelődési és Közoktatási Minisztérium Rendelete) can apply for the program of multiply disadvantages children (that is the IPR, in English: Local Kindergarten Integration Program). Regarding identity, it seems that the educational programs of kindergarten in Vasgyár are based on social integration and based on the support of double- binded identity, however it is also clear, that the problem of identity is more complex in the Vasgyár. There are some Roma families who send their children to other kindergarten outside Vasgyár and they do not want to preserve their ethnic identity – it can be regarded as a sort of assimilative strategy. For those Roma parents, who send their children to Vasgyár kindergarten, integration is not so important.
Case Study II. András Bacsinszky Greek Catholic Special College for Roma (Miskolc, Görömbölyi utca 24.)
Maintainer: Greek Catholic Church and Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, State Secretariat for Social Inclusion Since its formation the Hungarian cabinet emphasized the importance of strengthening the social inclusion of the Gypsies with the help of the churches. Behind the idea is the recognition that there is a need for responsible, Christian Gypsy elite, the members of which identify themselves as Hungarian and also as Gypsies. After six months of preparatory work, in March 2011 an agreement was signed by the cabinet and the churches on the establishment of a special college system. The government agreed to support the establishment and provide scholarships and stipends for those accepted to the special colleges. The Ministry of Public Administration and Justice, State Secretariat for Social Inclusion is responsible for the Program. In accordance with the agreement and in order to ensure continuous operation, the State Secretariat plans to establish a special college norm. In the near future a grant by the European Union will become available with the help of which the financial requirements of the program will be secured.
101 The system of special colleges favors disadvantaged, and especially Roma students. Unique in Europe, the Christian Roma Special College Network operates on the national level since September, 2011. Currently four colleges established in four cities with major universities are part of the network. The Jesuits have the Jesuit Roma Special College in Budapest, the Greek Catholics operate the András Bacsinszky Greek Catholic Special College for Roma in Miskolc, the Calvinists established the István Wáli Roma Special College in Debrecen, while the Evangelical church has its Evangelical Roma Special College in Nyíregyháza. The aim of the system is: “to raise public, national and social awareness, to strengthen Hungarian-Roma identity, to support the studies, training and personal development of the Roma members of the colleges and to facilitate the emergence of Roma intellectuals devoted to Christian values and social responsibility.”31 The Network is leaded by Tamás Forrai Jesuit Father Provincial. The Network wishes to strengthen Hungarian-Roma double identity; that is to facilitate social inclusion parallel to maintaining ethnic identity and roots. The idea was that Hungary lacks Roma intellectuals who, by accepting their double identity, help their own communities while also understand and identify themselves with the expectations, customs and norms of the majority and are able to mediate between the two groups. According to its mission statement the network of special colleges wishes to help the youngsters build a positive double identity, an identity in the frame of which minority and majority identity elements are in harmony. This identity shall provide a stable basis for successful integration. The network gives professional and methodological help and background to the institutions. Education and instruction are ecumenical, each colleges has similar cultural, spiritual and theoretical agenda. The special college of Miskolc has started its work in September 2011. In their Call for Application they specifically wanted full-time students from the University of Miskolc, or students who wished to enter this university. As stated in the call for application the college welcomed Roma and non- Roma applicants as well. Roma applicants were accepted so the goal of educating responsible, Roma-Hungarian intellectuals is met. Non-Roma
31 Magyar Kurír, 2011. 03. 17.
102 applicants were welcomed, because the project leaders believe that the living together of Roma and non-Roma help to learn and understand Roma culture, strengthening further cooperation of the two groups. The entrance examination had two rounds. In the first one the entrance committee evaluated application forms. This stage was followed by a weekend-camp during which the applicants had several community programs and individual meetings with the committee. In order to have a clear understanding on the operation of the college and to gain more knowledge on the activities that supposed to build and strengthen the ethnic identity I interviewed Mónika Péter. Mónika Péter graduated at the University of Miskolc, Institute of Sociology specializing in Romany studies in 2010. Currently she works as a secretary 20 hours a week, which means that she is not only responsible for the special college but also for the whole dormitory system (having secondary school students as well) operated by the Greek Catholic church of Miskolc. Her office hours are flexible, in compliance with the needs and requirements of the students. She participated in organizing the summer camp (two days in August with 18 participants) after which she was offered her current part-time position. She loves her work and wishes to have a full-time position as soon as it will be possible. Currently there are 14 students in the special college of Miskolc, 10 Roma and 4 are non-Roma. Since September two students left the college (one did not continue his studies, the other one accepted a trainee position in Budapest) but others took their places. There are a first year students, but also seniors living in the college. Father László Makkai is the head of the college. The program has three modules, theoretical, cultural and spiritual. One weekend in every month is spent with these special modules. On Friday they have some community program, joint cooking and baking followed by Saturday seminars starting in the morning and finishing in the afternoon. They usually invite Roma lecturers who can serve as examples for the future generation of Roma intellectuals. In October 2011 the psychologist Mária Lubinszki, PhD had a personal development, self-help course, while in November Ilona Nótár (journalist, midwife) held training for the students. In December Norbert Káló was invited to the college. He graduated as a social worker, is the member of several civil organizations and teaches in special programs for disadvantaged children. In February 2012 Kálmán Káli-Horváth, the head of the Communication Department at the Ministry of Public Affairs and Justice, was
103 invited. In March Emese Muri (teacher, debate-culture mentor and trainer) offered a course on successful debate techniques, while in April Zsolt Farkas (leader of a Gypsy dance group) had a course under the title “Amaro khelyipo” (our dance). In May, Péter Szuhay ethnolographer had a seminar on Gypsy culture. As part of the spiritual module each Tuesdays there are self-help and Bible discussions during which personal problems (crises in life or in studies) are also discussed. These discussions are held in the form of retreats. Invited guests are common on these occasions, for example Bishop Atanáz and Gyula Patkó, Prof. the rector of the University of Miskolc participated in these events. Beside these modules the students have the opportunity to learn foreign languages (currently, based on the students’ requirements, German and English courses are offered). Each student has their own mentor helping them with their undergraduate studies. Mentors are selected from the Faculties the students attend. The frequency of the meetings is defined by the mentor and his/her student. The students come from different fields: cultural anthropologists, energetics engineer-assistant, minister-to-be, violinist, industrial designer, political scientist, law student and legal assistant are among them. Most of them come from Borsod county. In terms of gender half of the students are male, the other half are female. There is a group of students who tend to remain in the dorm for weekends. Their fellowship is really strong. 10 hours in every semester are spent with a so called helping module, the aim of which is to have the students engage themselves in voluntary social work. Several options were available for the students to choose from, e.g. they could have join the Csatárlánc project of the University of Miskolc, Institute of Pedagogy or go the a welfare center, but the students chose to go to the Vasgyár Elementary School mostly attended by disadvantaged Roma children. With the help of the students of the special college a Roma family day was organized in the school at the end of March. All together the Roma special college of Miskolc has six different modules: theoretical, cultural, spiritual, language, mentor and help modules. Beside the two persons already mentioned, also Anetta Ádám, junior lecturer at the University of Miskolc, Institute of Pedagogy, gives professional help to the college. She is responsible for all issues related to the studies of the students, she helps to find language teachers and mentors and also carries out all administrational tasks related to these.
104 State-supported students pay a monthly fee of 11 000 HUF that is covered by their scholarship. Others pay 18 000 HUF. Because of their disadvantageous status most of the students cannot rely on the financial help of their families. The college/dormitory can accept 20 persons. Therefore in May 2012 a new call for application will be published. Currently they plan the publication of a yearbook and also wish to visit the secondary schools which the current students graduated from. They believe that by doing so it will be easier to encourage secondary school students to consider studying at the university as a realistic option. The question of identity is of extreme importance within the program of the college. During the classes of the spiritual module the acceptance of one’s ethnic identity is always one of the key topics. The students visit other special colleges on a regular basis. These events help them to accept and strengthen their own ethnic identities. The students of the four colleges had an opportunity to meet each other two times so far (once at the beginning of the program in Budapest and once in Miskolc). During these gatherings they had lectures and discussions strengthening both their Hungarian and Gypsy identities. I asked Mónika Péter about her opinion on the success of the program. As Roma intellectuals will these students really do something for the Roma people, will they work for a better Roma-non-Roma relationship? “I’ve known people who, after entering university, got rid of their ‘Gypsyness’. I think the special college tries to have them remember their roots…to have them see the importance of supporting their families in the future. (…) If one of them for example is an industrial designer, the most important is that he should be good in his profession, so he can set an example. Other things, like how he will support his community, are his own choice. We will see. (…) The student who is studying to be a legal assistant has a better chance to do something for the Roma people. Or our political scientist. He is interested in politics, I can easily believe that we will see him in the public life in the future. (…) Our engineers will do every necessary thing to have the society accept them as experts, and through them accept Gypsies.” I also asked Mónika about the positive effects of having Roma and non- Roma students together in the program. “We had a lot of discussion on this topic with the students. When a non- Roma lives together with Roma people he/she gets to know them. As a consequence this non-Roma will be more trustworthy when talking about
105 Gypsies. People will be listen to him/her, believe him/her that there is a way to have a good relationship toward the Roma. In a way they are our messengers. (…) Two of our non-Roma students are cultural anthropologists. They are more open-minded than the average people. Another one is going to be a pastor. He is from a settlement in which he participates in a Roma missionary program.” Regarding identity, it seems that the College finds it important to build up a dual identity for its students.
Bibliography
Government Action Plan for 2008-2009 related to the Decade of the Roma Inclusion Program Strategic Plan http://www.szmm.gov.hu/main.php?folderID=1052&articleID=4821&ctag= articlelist&iid=1&accessible=0 MKM [Ministry of Culture and Education] Decree 32/1997 (XI.5.) on the Issuance of the Guidelines for the Pre-school Instruction of National and Ethnic Minorities and the School Education of National and Ethnic Minorities Nébliné B. K. - Bordás I. (2009): Miskolc Small Region Short-term Cultural Strategy 2009-2012 http://miskolckistersegkult.mindenkilapja.hu/html/18882599/render/kulturali s-strategia National Social Inclusion Strategy 2011-2020 http://www.mfa.gov.hu/NR/rdonlyres/972EC4A2-4018-4340-8AD8- 4E39911587ED/0/120504HU_Social_Inclusion_Strategy_background_OSC E_HDC_120509.pdf National Program of Preschool Education http://www.blpszk.hu/dload/ovodai_neveles_alapprogram.pdf 68/2007 Parliamentary Resolution on the Decade of Roma Inclusion Program Strategic Plan http://www.romadecade.org/files/downloads/Decade%20Documents/Hungar ian%20NAP_en.pdf Step by Step Program for kindergartens http://www.lepesrollepesre.eoldal.hu/
106 Virag Havasi32
COOPERATION, PARTICIPATION AND INTEREST REPRESENTATION OF THE ROMA IN MISKOLC
Introduction
Before the transition, just as in all other socialist countries, Hungary was characterized by a vertically centralized system, weak, oppressed civil society and lack of trust. These characteristics proved lasting, and up to the present day Hungary is struggling with a trust deficit, as well as high corruption levels. According to the Corruption Perception Index of the Transparency International, Hungary obtained the 54. rank among the countries in 201133. According to the World Values Surveys, in the year 1995, 22.5% of those surveyed thought they could trust people. This is comparable to the results obtained for the same indicators in other CEE countries, in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the CPI was lower whereas the trust index higher than in Hungary, while in Poland the results were exactly the opposite. In this macrosocial context the Roma in Hungary face even stronger discrimination. A 2008 EU survey found that 62% of the Roma of Miskolc and Budapest are affected by discrimination based on their ethnic origin. Most of the discrimination cases remain invisible: out of those affected by discriminative practices, 82% did not report the incident, partly because of scepticism with regards to its effect; 41% are unaware that discrimination based on origin/ethnicity (for instance in searching for employment) clashes with the law. (http://www.gallup.hu/Gallup/release/roma090422.htm) The experience of discrimination causes insecurity in those discriminated, which further complicates cooperation/ reporting. A question arises concerning to what extent there is cooperation among the Roma, within the Roma communities themselves. Szuhay pointed that Roma groups are separated along the lines of occupation, lifestyle, financial situation, system of klans and kinship or geography. These groups express their
32 PhD, assistant professor, University of Miskolc, Institute of Sociology; e-mail: [email protected] 33 CPI 2011 table, http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
107 differences and group identities with real and symbolic instruments- despite the frequent references to the big ’holding together’ and references to brotherhood. (Szuhay, P. 2002) The biggest divide is manifested between those who have adapted to the urban life organization and those who haven’t (because they’re noisy, dirty, or pursue illegal activities) since the general perception is that the behavior of the latter supports the generalized public opinion projected on the whole group. To what extent does poverty challenge or obstruct the self-organization and mobilization towards interest-representation of the Roma? While the theses of the ’culture of poverty’34 is popular and frequently applied, most scholars today reject the notion of an unchanging ’culture of poverty’. One group of scholars attribute destructive attitudes and behavior not to inherent moral character but to sustained racism and isolation (Small M.L. et al. 2010). In modern society, and particularly in the urban context the strongest characteristic and issue today is the lack of community. This has now become a standard argument or explanation point, starting with the influencial work of Tönnies és Simmel. The community (belonging to a community) is essential for the more fundamental feeling of happiness, establishment and sustenance of identity, and supports a more effective interest representation dynamic—because of the social capital it entails. In strong communities there are connections among people, they help and support each other, which contributes to successful interest representation, and helps achieve things. The community gives information, it helps its members in trouble – fulfilling the bonding function of social capital. Besides, a well-functioning community, especially a Gypsy one can draw the attention of external people and partner organisations, it has bigger absorption capacity, especially if it has been formalised in a way. We can refer to this phenomenon as the flag ship effect. In the eve of democracy, an anti-ghetto struggle took part in the city, an example of democratic mobilization— it was realized as a Roma initiative, with the support of intelligencia, in the context of wide circle negotiations, taking
34 The people in the culture of poverty have a strong feeling of marginality, of helplessness, of dependency, of not belonging. They are like aliens in their own country, convinced that the existing institutions do not serve their interests and needs. Along with this feeling of powerlessness is a widespread feeling of inferiority, of personal unworthiness. They learn how to survive, but not how to emerge. (Lewis,O. 1966)
108 advantage of the strong role of the media. The event was a turning point in the history of the Romani movement in Hungary, and provided a strong basis for the establishment and development of interest representation within the new democratic context—which despite its promising start remained unrealized. This paper first introduces the anti-ghetto struggle in Miskolc, which was one of most significant events in the history of the Romani movement in the country and definitely in Miskolc, in the last 20 years. The chapter then follows with the introduction of two other relevant human rights battles that have happened in Miskolc since then. The following chapters explore how the Roma of Miskolc found and are finding their place in the political system and civil society today. How they organize themselves and are organized, what external support they receive and what local resources they are able to mobilize in their organization; and to what extent they are able to cooperate and act together.
Interest Representation Battles of the Roma in Miskolc
Foreplay: the Miskolc ghetto battle
In 1988–89-Miskolc, the country’s then second largest, industrial city, became the stage of the first significant and widely publicized segregation conflict. The actors in the event were the local government at the time (the kaders of the declining Communist party), the local Roma, and the Roma supporters (the members of the growing democratic opposition). The council body had then decided the creation of a housing estate on a low- value, mercury contaminated plot in the flood-prone bank of the Sajó river on the edge of the city. From a televized statement of the police it became clear that it was the Roma who were the primary objects of the new housing design. Horváth Aladár, a local teacher began the mobilization of local Roma against the planned development, and also sought and found support in Budapest, in the eyes of Roma intellectuals and sociologists. They established the provisional Anti-ghetto committee (Gettóellenes Bizottság, GEB), started a petition signing and took advantage of media influence in the communication of their protest, first in the organization of a national, and later international press-conference. The events were also
109 followed by the Fekete Doboz media group35. In the meantime the city leadership, three sociologists and several local Roma sat down and negotiated in the course of weeks. The sociologists explained the multiple negative effects of such segregation (in the form of a ghetto); their primary role in the beginning was in ’translation’ between the city leadership and the Roma (although everyone spoke in Hungarian) –who, after several occasions, learnt each other’s ’language’. After a continued protest campaign and series of negotiations, the city council retracted the plan, and the GEB required the working out of an alternative housing plan. Instead of a settlement demolition, GEB advised for the development of a progressive housing exchange program so that the households who meet necessary conditions (regular income, ability to pay utility and maintenance costs) would receive a higher-grade comfort housing in the panel residential parts of the city; the freed up low-grade housing would then be distributed among those who until then lived in premises unsuitable for housing (cellars and cells). In the six month period between 1989-90, 116 families were able to get access to better housing. The implementation of the progressive housing exchange program was built on democratic methods; the Roma themselves came together on a regular basis in order to contemplate on who is to move where. GEB’s second recommendation was for the internal reconstruction of Roma settlements – the lifting of construction prohibitions, the clearing up of ownership rights, the construction of larger and better quality flats for the locals, and the improvement of the access to social provisions for these households. The event represented a great first taste of the democratic experience in a number of ways- offering lessons about the power of mobilized constituencies, protests, the negotiations, the consensus, the development of common decisions, and provided evidence for the power of free media.
The Educational Segregation Suit in Miskolc- 2005, 2007
A few years after the anti ghetto movement, Miskolc became the site of another major interest representation battle in 2005-7 with the school desegregation contestation, which was a critical event on the national arena as well. However,
35 http://www.pestylaszlo.com/ who has also recently made an interesting documentary which caused a heated debate among the Roma: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t0pMbJNXc4k&feature=related)
110 this second battle had different characteristics than the first one: the initiative itself came from outside, as the „Chance for the Socially Handicapped Children” (Esélyt a Hátrányos Helyzetű Gyerekeknek Alapítvány) Foundation from Budapest brought suit against the city. The participants in their struggle however could not mobilize the local Roma, on the contrary, the local Roma minority self government (RMSG) disapproved of the aims of the suit. According to them, the important point regarding the education of gypsy children is the quality of education and not the question of segregation. Gypsy children could feel well in segregated schools, as was the case in the sued school. The debate on educational segregation is still not over in the town, neither is it over on national level.
Counter-Demonstration to Jobbik- 2012
The Roma of Miskolc seem activating again, as in 2012 the RMSG organised a demonstration in respond to a Jobbik (a right wing extremist party) demonstration. The aim of it was to show that gypsy people can cooperate and fight together in a peaceful way. About 600 people – among them Roma from other parts of the country- participated in the demonstration. The RMSG president read a list of demands, among them the organising of so called „conversation circles” between gypsies and non-gypsies, which is being formulated now. We cannot see the long term effects of the demonstration, but it could be an important turning point in the participation of the Roma in the public life of Miskolc.
Roma Minority Self-Governments (RMSG)
In 1993 the Hungarian law on minorities introduced new international institutions. The ombudsman of national and ethnic minoroties investigates the enroachments on national and ethnic rights, and for their remedy, he initiates single or general measures. The minority self governments consist of elected representatives of the minorities, they have right for common decision-making with the local government. It means that the minority self government has to be asked before a decision affecting the life of gypsies. The typical activity of the Roma minority self governments throughout the country is organising cultural
111 events, but according to the laws and tenders they could be involved in several types of activites, like work creation, educational and social service-programs. In Miskolc the Roma have RMSG since 1994. On table 1 we can traverse the networks, resources and main activities of the first two and that of the present RMSG.
1. Table. Characterisctics of the Roma Minority Self Governments of Miskolc Relationship First two RMSG of Miskolc Present RMSG of Miskolc with: Local city Ad hoch, but intensive Ad hoch, rare government Local media Easy appearance in the local Just on online portal of media Minap Other minority Mutual help, visiting each others - self government programs Scope of County level Town level (and less) activity Financial Financial support from the state Decreasing financial support resources from the state Grant application - Solicitation of funds Solicitation of funds Main activities Housing (social construction - company) Community life and Roma sympathy month- preservation of culture (balls, cultural events, summer dance houses, summer camps, camp, pilgrimage to expositions, presentations, Máriapócs festivals) actions: collection and actions: trash collection distribution of donations inform the Roma on e.g. labour market projects through volunteer information mediators in segregated areas
The factors behind the change in the scope and intensity of activity of the current RMNG as compared to the earlier local Roma self-governments in the 90s, are multiple. On the one hand it is the structural change in the increasing complexity of grant writing required for successful applications (in the Hungarian funding system), which impected the strategies for funds raising. The country itself has a different political atmosphere now than it had two
112 decades ago, instead of democratic methods we can experience the reemergence of favoritism, corruption and the need of turning to one’s personal connection to arrange things. On the other hand, there is a generational gap and different understandings and attitudes to the political process of the current Roma activists and political representatives. The previous generation of RMSG leaders in Miskolc were some of the central participants in the Miskolc ghetto battle. The group of actors who took over the leadership/ political representation of the Roma in Miskolc in the last decade have a different style, and their activities have been shaped both by the changing political context and these different attitudes to the political process altogether.
Roma civil society in Miskolc
In Miskolc I could identify nine civil society organisations with gypsy membership. Four of them (Phralipe, Miskolci független cigány szervezetet, Társadalmi Felemelkedésünkért Független Cigány Szervezet, Roma Polgárjogi Alapítvány) were the fruits of the anti-ghetto struggles, three of them are not active today. The leaders of these organisations were the same who participated in the work of the RMSG and they gradually withraw themselves from acitivities, reflecting the mounting disappointments with the political game and the prospects for the betterment of the socio-economic status of the Roma. The key figure of the Roma Civil Right Foundation (Roma Polgárjogi Alapítvány) refocused and sustained its activity on the national level. The founders of the Human Political Civil Public Benefit Organisation (Humánpolitikai Közhasznú Cigány Civil Egyesület ) were trained in the Roma leadership training of the Autonomy Foundation (Autonómia Alapítvány). Besides their civic activity, in their private life the members of the association enrolled into night school. Their first projects were in connection with environment protection and they worked together with the Ecological Institute of Miskolc. Later they turned to work creation and healthy life-style questions- but this happened in another town, Emőd. The association broke off in 2007.36
36 „Demokráciáért” Független Cigány Szervezet functioned between 1999-2009, but I did not find relevant information on them.
113 The Romero Association (Romero B-A-Z. Megyei Cigány Értelmiségi Fiatalok Közhasznú Egyesülete) was founded in 2003- with the initiative of the present RMSG president. Roma intellectuals and university students joined the organisation. They run two sucessfull after school programs, but now this association is inactive, as its members live in different parts of the county and have new and different organisations and activities. The Tér Kép Association (Tér Kép Egyesület) was founded in 2005- first with non-gypsy members, but later a lot of gypsies became members and employees of the organisation. After succesful and active years (cultural, social activity, social work in the street, labour market project) the members of the association alienated from the system and personal oppositions also divided them. The association is inactive today. There is only one Roma civil society organisation which is still active, and that is the Romano Teatro Cultural Association (Romano Teatro Kulturális Egyesület), founded in 2007. They run a gypsy theater and cooperate with the RMSG. Since the change of the political system the number of civil organizations alongside with their employment is showing a growing tendency. However, the organizations often oppose each other throughout the ’battle’ for the resources. Numerous ’pretend civil businesses’ alongside with many forced civil organization are formed because the members are trying to gain personal wealth. In such environment it is not easy to survive for the organisations, their members are usually getting tired, and also it is hard to remain civil- in the noble sense of the word. In case of the gypsies the situation is more complicated: the unemployment rate is higher among them and those who do not have work on a regular basis, do not feel like working for the whole community, While those who are successfully integrated to the labor market, do not have time and incentive to work for other Roma.
Non-Roma for the Roma
Local authorities The representation of gypsies was realized through a so called spokesman on the conclaves of the local government’s assemblies and committee sessions. In the original legislation the spokesman became thet minority candidate who got the
114 most votes on the election of local representatives. Presently the president of RMSG participate with advisory right on these meetings. Between 1989-2002 Minority Committee functioned as an advisor body of the local government. The members of this body were representatives and experts- ex-members of the GEB. In the next cycles of self governments, the contact between the town hall and the Roma was the vice mayor, and presently there is a Roma rapporteur. The RMSG feels that they do not have enough opportunity for consultation with the leadership of the town in the lack of regular official meetings- though most of their initiatives would get support, if they reached one or another representative of the general assembly. On county level one person had the duty to deal with the tasks of minorities between 1991-2011- in the Institute of Pedagogy of BAZ county. Her main objectives were the preparation of potential Roma leaders for public life (through clubs, conferences, trainings) and talent nursing (with scholarships, summer camps, clubs for professionals, collecting and distributing good practices). The woman did well during these years and her example shows that one person can reach a lot in resolving a social problem. From the other hand this one person in a whole county with significant gypsy population seems exiguous.
Civil Society Organisations The Autonomy Foundation (Autonómia Alapítvány) has been functioning since the 1990s on country level. What was important from their activity for the Roma of Miskolc was the Roma leader training program- as we mentioned it in the previous section. The Bark Association (Bárka Egyesület) is a local association, functioning since 2001, especially in the territory of education and drug- prevention. The Dialogue Association (Dialóg Egyesület) – existing from 2002- concentrates on community development and capacity building projects on the Avas housing estate.
2010, 2011, 2012 Round Tables There were and there is an attempt to mobilize local gypsies and also to build relationship and cooperation between the Roma and non-Roma with series of round tables, discussions on different topics regarding the
115 integration of the Roma. The first two attempts ceased without results, but the present experiment which is organised by the Institute of Sociology and the Romano Teatro Cultural Association is still working and has promising prospects.
Civil Rights Defence Organisations The first rights defence organisation of Hungary was founded in 1994. The Rights Defence Office of National and Ethnic Minorities (Nemzeti és Etnikai Kisebbségi Jogvédő Iroda) offers legal help and conducts researches. Recently they have no cases from Miskolc, in spite of the fact that discrimination exists in the town – as the above mentioned survey proved it. The 2003. cxxv. law on equal treatment and support to equal chances contains the types of discrimination (direct or indirect negative discrimination, illegal segregation, harassment, reprisal), their emphasized territories (employment, social security and health care, education, housing, circulation of commodities, using services), 19 protected characteristics, among which one is the membership in a national minority. The Equal Treatment Authority proceeds as a classical administrative authority (civil service) in the cases of breach suspicion of equal rights. In the last three years there were only 7,5 and 2 cases from BAZ county and all of them ended without stating violation of law. The Association for Liberty Rights (Társaság a Szabadságjogokért) has had a roma program since 2010. They created so called TASZ-points in community spaces available for gypsy people in several villages and towns of the North-East region of Hungary, where the Roma can get legal advice through skype conference and in a few cases the association provides legal defence. Though there was some negotiation on establishing a TASZ point in Miskolc, but in lack of volunteers who could run the office it has not been realised.
116 Roma from Miskolc and Beyond in ’Big Politics’
Just after the transition gypsies did not want to establish their own ethnic-based political party, which was in accordance with their double identity. They felt gypsies and Hungarian citizens at the same time. The gypsy politicians joined the huge Hungarian parties, so did Horváth Aladár from Miskolc and became a member of parliament as a representative of the liberal party, SZDSZ. As political struggles divided the whole society more and more, the parties divided the gypsies as well. Vlach gypsies became the supporter of Fidesz, romungros became SZDSZ or MSZP voters. Besides the poor gypsies began to sell their votes, which has become a well-known, prohibited but tolerated practice. The first group which thought about the establishment of a Roma party in 1998 was the Lungo Drom, the winner of the Roma self-governance elections on the country level. In the end they did not establish a party, though some of their leaders became members of parliament as Fidesz representatives. The Forum of Hungarian Gypsy Organisations- Party (Magyarországi Cigányszervezetek Fóruma Roma Összefogás Párt) was the first Hungarian political party organised on an ethnic base. The Hungarian Social Democratic Party (Magyarországi Szociáldemokrata Párt) had mainly Roma candidates in the last elections. The failures of these parties however show that the Roma would not vote for a party just because it is a roma party, therefore the ethnic incentive is not the decisive voter incentive.
Lessons and Conclusions
There are traps, taboos and reticence on both sides. As experienced by many Roma, if a successful Roma attempts to leave his ’Gypsyness’ behind, being glad that at least he/she has been able to achieve a certain socio-economic status, the majority society labels this as a condenscending attitude to his/her own group or community. If, alternatively, he/she becomes active in the Roma issue then he/she is soon accused of and condemned for ’living out of the Gypsy’. While the phenomenon of ehtnobusiness is a real problem with practical implications, it is truly difficult to distinguish between those ’who really ’live
117 out of the Gypsy’’ in the narrow sense of this concept, but also contribute positively to their local community and those who simply ’lick off the money’. It is difficult to discern these differences, but at the same time it is fundamentally important to avoid sweeping generalizations and homogenizing discourses, particularly when it comes to the issues affecting Roma communities. Yet in the last years there have been a number of Roma actors who have come into public spotlight for doing exactly this – publicly claiming prevalent criminal tendencies among Roma, or the frequent lack of proper upbringing of Roma children. This has created a significant debate and anger within Roma communities (as in the famous case with the Borsodi vajda or as with Forgács István, another Roma public actor who openly voices out his frustration and disapproval with such characteristics of and practices in Roma communities). However, it is true from the other side as well, as it is rare to hear nuanced perspectives about Roma issues, or good Roma initiatives, flourishing Roma communities. The degrees to which the Roma participate in social life vary greatly. Total passivity is the least characteristic, and the casting of votes during electoral periods (which unfortunately frequently coincides with the selling of votes) represents the next degree. Being present and expressing views in forums is the next step in the continuum of participation and public engagement of the Roma. The active participation in civil society or political life could be further broken down into degrees, according to the strategies being followed, the applied methods, the outlined goals and self-assessments or perspectives for success. The possibility and need for improving the quality of participation exist along every degree in the continuum, however present processes for improvement are ineffective or don’t work at all.
118 Bibliography
Lewis, Oscar (1996 (1966)): The Culture of Poverty. In: Urban Life. Ed.: Gmelch, G-Zenner, W. Waveland Press. Small M.L.- Harding D.J.- Lamont M. (2010): Reconsidering culture and poverty. In: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 629 (1) pp 6–27. doi:10.1177/0002716210362077. http://ann.sagepub.com/content/629/1/6.full.pdf+html. Szuhay, P. (2002): Self-Definitions of Gypsy Ethnic Groups. In: The Gypsies/ The Roma in Hungarian Society. Ed.: Kállay, E. Teleki László Foundation, Budapest, pp 24-28. http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results. (2011.12.05) http://www.gallup.hu/Gallup/release/roma090422.htm (2012. 05. 01.) WVS Five Wave Aggregated File 1981-2005 http://www.wvsevsdb.com/wvs/WVSData.jsp (2010.11.11.)
119
POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS
120 Alexander Mušinka37 – Kvetoslava Matlovičová38 – Anna Židová39
DIFFERENTIATED EFFECTS BROUGHT BY LOCALLY IMPLEMENTED SOLUTIONS TO THE ROMA ISSUE IN MUNICIPALITIES PEČOVSKÁ NOVÁ VES, LIPANY AND OSTROVANY
Slovakia is one of the countries with the highest representation of the Roma minority in Europe. According to the results from the latest Population and Housing Census (Statistical Office, 2012), in 2011, 105 738 Roma lived in Slovakia and their share in the total number of population increased from 1.7 (2001) to 2.0% (2011). Objectivity of these data is often questioned because census monitors only declared ethnicity. Many Roma declare other ethnicity than Roma. To make these data objective, qualified estimates are used, according to which in 2010, the group of people considered as Roma by majority formed more than 350 000 members community (352 924 in Matlovičová et al. 2012), which is deployed throughout the whole Slovakia. The highest proportion is, however, in the east and southeast of the country where, according to the latest estimates, the largest number of Roma concentrations is situated (nearly 900-940) (Atlas 2010). The urgency of solving the problems of the Roma communities in Slovakia is determined not only by their ever-worsening conditions for life, but also escalating tension in relation to the majority population, fed by often very one- sided negative media coverage creating an image of desolation and impossibility to solve the situation at the national level. In this regard, it is necessary to note that the positive examples that have been proven and that could bring more optimism and mainly serve as an inspiration for possible procedures at local
37 PhD, researcher, University of Presov in Presov, Institute of Romani studies. Ul. 17. novembra 1, 081 16 Presov, e-mail: [email protected] 38 PhD, lecturer, University of Presov in Presov, Department of Geography and regional development, Ul. 17. novembra 1, 081 16 Presov, e-mail: kveta.matlovicova@)gmail.com 39 PhD-student, University of Presov in Presov, Department of Geography and Regional Development; Ul. 17. novembra 1, 081 16 Prešov, e-mail: zidovaanna@)gmail.com
121 government level are still not able to attract enough attention of broad public.40 Increasing pessimism stems from the statement that universal respectively complete systematic solution probably does not exist. In practice, in the relatively small area, we meet with the communities at very different social and cultural level. In other words, just a few kilometres from the neglected and derelict segregated Roma settlements with wooden shacks without elementary utilities, there are communities that are fully integrated and in which Roma live at least a comparable level as the surrounding majority. In such cases, we often ask the question: Why? Why are there such big differences in the same region and often in relatively small areas? With the great regret, we have to say that for this question we have no relevant answer. We suppose that one reason of this unawareness is the long-term absence of quality and systematic researches that would provide sufficient data necessary for an objective interpretation of the reality especially at the local level. This absence can be considered as the main reason why we are not able to answer the fundamental questions. In the last two decades, many projects and activities that had the ambition to partially fill this gap were made, but in most cases, the activities were either very general or highly specialized and often short-timed. Rarely, comprehensive studies of supra-national or all-state character, mapping Roma issues in depth, appeared. The first complex change in researches aimed at the Roma communities occurred in 2003, when for the first time in the post-revolutionary period, (at least) quantitative research was conducted on the whole territory of the Slovak Republic. It was Socio-graphic research of the Roma communities in Slovakia41, which resulted in the publication: Atlas of Roma communities in Slovakia in 2004 (Radičová, 2004). For the first time since 1989, this study provided at least some complex data of the quantitative nature that could be fully used for the
40 In this year, Alexander Mušinka published: The Things That Worked, Examples of Successful Activities on the Level of Local Administration Aimed at Improving the Situation of the Roma (in Slovak: Podarilo sa, which can be identified as a unique achievement in the Slovak conditions and which despite the effort of the author has not already got more media coverage (Mušinka, 2012). 41 Customer of this research was the Office of Slovak Government Plenipotentiary for Roma communities and its aim was to get as much information as possible for the needs of the state administration. Consortium of three organizations conducted this research: S.P.A.C.E - Centre for the analysis of social policy, IVO - Institute for Public Affairs and KCPRO - Regional Centre for Roma issues in Prešov
122 planning of state policies in relation to the Roma communities. Although from a methodological point of view, the data based on a qualified estimate can be regarded as soft data, this research was breakthrough in the Slovak conditions. The use of the obtained data is mightily limited for further analyses of the existing state. This Atlas, however, has served as the basis for a number of analytical studies focused on the description of the existing state (unfortunately with no satisfactory explanations of its reasons). The activities of UNDP in Slovakia (United Nations Development Programme) led by Daniel Škobla and Jaroslav Kling have specific place in this context. The most important research project of UNDP is Report on the Living Conditions of Roma Households in Slovakia in 2006, together with its actualised version from 2010. Currently in Slovakia, we can find enough books about Roma communities which describe Roma problems in general terms or in a broader context. Detailed monographs about the local Roma communities, which would provide enough in depth redesigned view of the history, development and transformation processes in the individual community, significantly absent. Several studies and scientific articles are the exception in this respect. Unfortunately, the only monograph in the (Czech) Slovak academic environment is the work of Canadian author David Z. Scheffel about the Roma community in the municipality Svinia (Scheffel, 2009). Another reason for the absence of such data is the specificity of the research in Roma communities, which often requires different methodological approaches than in the majority case. One of the possibilities is a methods combination of the involved observation, i.e. long stay directly in the community (often used method in cultural anthropology), with other social scientific research methods. In this culturally different environment, standard research methods seem to be inappropriate, due to low reliability and validity of the obtained results. The Roma community show a high level of internal as well as spatial heterogeneity. The problem is that no basic research entities such as existing forms, categories or characteristics of Roma communities, which would differentiate them for the purpose of subsequent research, have not been clearly defined, yet. An exception in this regard is the typology of Roma concentration
123 in terms of their spatial integration in the urban area of municipality42, where we distinguish integrated semi-integrated and segregated Roma communities (for example, Atlas of Roma communities in Slovakia distinguishes concentration inside the municipality, on the outskirts of the municipality and outside the municipality). This kind of typology, however, often seems to be insufficient for the needs of many other approaches in the research. For example, the rate of spatial segregation does not need to correlate with social segregation and social status of the community. At the same time, the social level of Roma communities often does not reflect the level of economic development of individual regions of Slovakia. This means that the east-west gradient of regional development is not reflected across Roma communities in Slovakia. Social weakest communities can also be found in the east and west of Slovakia and vice versa. The problem of using standard methods of quantitative research (various selection surveys) is that with decreasing of social level of community, reliability and validity of these methods is significantly decreasing. In some communities, it is often difficult to define the apparently obvious categories such as family, household, house, income, ethnicity, etc. Assisted data collection, respectively replacement of standardized forms of questioning for semi- structured can be a solution. But in this case, significant distortions may occur, not only due to cultural but also linguistic differences (i.e. an incorrect translation from/to Roma language and subsequently erroneous interpretation of the answers). In this case, distortions caused by research stimuli can also occur very often (for example, when respondent purposely adapt the answer accordingly to what the interviewer wants to hear, respectively what he/she considers to be appropriate and correct). In many cases, neither well-established set of questions nor training of interviewers, can replace the experience of the researcher obtained by a long-term contact with the local community. Quality and systematic studies are crucial to detect the causes of such big differences within the Roma community. To show the level of differences in results by using almost identical approach in practice, we chose three Roma communities with the presence of the culture of poverty, which we will describe
42 In this case, we abstract from categorization by size in terms of inhabitants number who live there
124 in more details (within the range that this type of study allows): Lipany, Ostrovany and Pečovská Nová Ves (map 1, 2). All three selected municipalities are located in the district of Sabinov (the Prešov self-governing region) in the upper river basin of Torysa. In terms of location, they are situated43 in an important railway (track Kysak-Muszyna) and road junction to Poland (first class road no. 68) and in the historically strategic royal road (via regia), which connected the central and eastern Slovakia. They are situated just a few kilometres from each other (see map) and the Roma communities have the character of segregated settlements on the outskirts of the municipality.
Map 1: Location of the district of Sabinov
Proceed by: K. Matlovičová
43 The municipality Ostrovany is located 2,7km away from the above mentioned north-south line connection
125 Map 2: Location of selected municipalities within the district of Sabinov
Proceed by: K. Matlovičová
Pečovská Nová Ves
According to the latest population and housing census in 2011 (Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 2012), together 2 546 inhabitants lived in Pečovská Nová Ves. From the total number of population, less than 18% (i.e. 453) registered for the Roma nationality. According to unofficial data, their number in the municipality is approximately 600 (24%; Atlas 2010 in Matlovičová et al. 2012). For the last 20 years, their number has doubled. More than half of them are under the age of 18. The highest level of education achieved in the Roma community is secondary education without graduation. From a spatial perspective, the local Roma community is segregated from the majority population, concentrated in two concentrations in the northern part of the urban area of the municipality along the creek Ľutinka (picture 1). The
126 character of the built-up area is very diverse - from shacks to brick houses. There are also two blocks of flats. One contains 12 flats (from 1990), and the second contains 11 flats of lower standard (from 2007).
Picture 1: Location of the Roma settlement in Pečovská Nová Ves
Based on: www.openstreetmap.org, proceed by: K. Matlovičová
The municipality is fully electrified, has its own water supply, sewerage and gas supply. There is a nursery and primary school, pediatrician, a general practitioner and dentist, pharmacy, 4 retail grocery shops, two shops of consumer goods and 5 bars and pubs. Although the attitude of the local government to solve problems in this area can definitely be described as very active and long-term (over 17 years), visible
127 results are not at the level that competent people would wish. The good news is that despite the little success, the mayor considers this approach as the only possible, arguing that inaction would the whole situation only worsen. The concept of the local government in relation to the local Roma community is based on two priorities: a) improve housing conditions and b) job creation. a) In order to improve the Roma standards of living, Pečovská Nová Ves has realised perhaps each of the possible forms of help. In 1990, in the municipality, two multi-storey apartment buildings were built. The following period showed that just the building followed by a passive approach the problem of housing in the local community did not solve. For 14 years, not only was the municipality in a large debt because of not paying for the rental, water and energy, but also the buildings were devastated to the extent that one of them was necessary to demolish for security reasons. After this experience, the municipality has changed the approach. In 2004 - 2007 with the help of grants from the Ministry of Construction and Regional Development of the Slovak Republic in the amount of more than 130 thousand €, the municipality built apartment building with 11 flats of lower standard. When people wanted to get a new flat in this apartment building, they had to work 20% of its construction. Three tenants disagreed with this condition, so the municipality found other candidates in the local community who after meeting the condition got a new flat. To avoid the problem of re-indebtedness, the municipality used the institute of special recipient of social benefits44 (IOP) in payments for rents. Families, where IOP was used, were no longer indebted. With the help of a local community worker, they began to teach how to manage money, which they received from the state, more effectively. The activity of community worker proved to be very useful not only in solving common problems in the Roma community, but also in improving the communication between government and the people from the community. Although it might seem that the municipality has found the way how to solve the issue of housing, the opposite is true. The construction of rental apartments in the mentioned way was evaluated as a good solution but only in the case that it would reduce the amount of red tape and obstacles from the
44 Law no. 599/2003 on assistance in material need - § 28 Special recipient
128 government and other institutions. One example of incomprehensible attitude of the companies involved in the construction was uncompromising attitude of the Eastern-Slovak waterworks and sewerage in question of measuring water supply, when they forced municipality to accept, in that way, wrong solution of installation only one single water meter for the whole apartment complex and their reluctance to accede to the individual measurement through water meters for each apartment unit separately. The result of the complex similar problems was that the municipality government rejected further rental housing construction for its inefficiency. High financial burden, demand for human capital as well as its time consuming, caused by the extent of necessary administration of the state, its agencies and public institutions (land settlement, documentation, utilities etc.), the municipality evaluated to be ineffective with regard to the achieved results. In the words of the mayor: "... I figured that if all this I " invest "in land settlement and help to Roma to build their own housing, this activity will be much cheaper, I will have much less troubles with it, and especially I will not burden the municipality for the next 30 years. " The above mentioned reasons and experience led to the strategy change in improving the quality of the Roma housing and redirecting the efforts to property rights settlement of land as well as technical training for individual housing construction (the slope sanitation, the soil reinforcement, construction of protective walls etc.). The advantage for the municipality is not only reduction of the administrative burden of the municipality, but mostly greater involvement of the Roma in the process of creation and recovery of housing according to their own ideas. This solution has also the potential to stimulate into greater responsibility for follow-up care and maintenance of their houses, and not least also provides the opportunity for clever Roma, who will serve as an excellent example for others. Roma have shown a great interest for such type of administrative and technical support that exceeds even the current possibilities of government and gives the hope for positive results. In the area of improving Roma housing in Pečovská Nová Ves, at the same time, the municipality realizes the process of legalization of existing dwellings (other than wooden shacks) built without a planning permission, which allows Roma to get housing allowance from the state. So far, local government has managed to legalize more than half of the brick houses in the municipality.
129 One of the extremely negatively perceived problems in the Roma settlements is their cleanness. In Pečovská Nová Ves, they found a very simple solution of this problem. In the past, uncontrolled and unregulated construction of houses in the municipality led to the deterioration of access for trucks. Current composition of the houses in the municipality does not allow vehicles for garbage collection to enter the municipality. Irregular waste disposal from capacity container situated on the outskirts of the settlement the situation did not solve and the problem with the accumulated waste was getting worse. In this situation, it was also very difficult to explain and recover money from the Roma by statutory fee for municipal waste exports. The municipality, therefore, deployed dozens of small litter bins for the municipal waste so that they are easily accessible from every house. In the small municipal services, three Roma are chosen whose job is every day on specially adapted carriage remove the waste from the settlement and the content dump into capacity container. Mayor describes the result: "I do not remember the time when the settlement was so clean." The local Roma got used to the fact that waste is exported regularly, waste containers are close and, therefore, they have no reason to throw it elsewhere. b) The second strategic goal of life improving of the Roma community in Pečovská Nová Ves is to increase their employment. This is a problem that cannot be solved for a long time and the situation is getting worse. The Roma lose work habits, work discipline is missing. Today, many Roma are unable to work full eight hours per day and in no way able to travel to work outside the settlement. About 40 years ago, the situation was completely different. In 1968, brickyard, which employed about 100 people, of whom more than half were Roma, was established. Until 1990, there was no unemployed Roma in the village. But at that time (the first period of Mečiar government) generous payment system of financial support to unemployed was introduced so the Roma started to leave their jobs. In 1995, the factory was finally closed. To maintain employment and because of the reason for people not losing their work habits, the municipality began to use different forms of employment. Municipal company, carpentry workshop, building production, restaurant, tailoring workshop were established, municipality applied for various grants etc.
130 Mayor notes: at the time, "... I started to be more businessman than the mayor," for this reason, the municipality finally decided to sell its company in 2000. The mayor does not give up his fight with the current discouraging welfare system. Currently, he offers the opportunity for the local Roma to engage in the municipality regeneration in small municipal services and activation activities. On average, the offer is used by 50 to 100 Roma. This kind of work is welcome but it does not solve the problem of the Roma employment complexly. Therefore, the municipality tries to raise funds to restore the production in the former brickyard, which would allow employing a larger number of the Roma who have already expressed their interest. From above mentioned activities, Pečovská Nová Ves organizes the number of other activities that cannot be described in detail because of the extent of the study. As this example shows, even if the achievement of positive results does not occur immediately, hope still remains. It can be concluded that the only way is a long-term intensive cooperation with marginalized groups and creating the real opportunities that could help to change the unfavourable social situation by their own effort.
Lipany
Approximately 7 kilometres northwest from Pečovská Nová Ves (not even 10 minutes by car), the town Lipany is located. It is the largest municipality from three described examples in this study. From among of selected municipalities in this study, Lipany is outermost (13 km) from the district town of Sabinov. With a population of 6 427 inhabitants (2011; Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 2010), Lipany is the second largest municipality in the district of Sabinov. With regard to the long-term unfavourable economic situation in the region, the number of unemployed (especially among graduates, single mothers and marginalized groups) and the number of dysfunctional or single-parent families is increasing. For this reason, under the Town Office, independent Commission for Social issues and the Roma community was established. The Roma community in Lipany has spatially compact character. With the exception of a few families who are integrated into the majority, the major part of the Roma community live in the part of the city termed as "behind the railway line" nearby the river Torysa, railway line and industrial area that is 1 km away from the city centre (picture 2). The total number of population is 630
131 inhabitants (Atlas 2010, in Matlovičová et al. 2012), where 52% (i.e. 327) of them are children under the age of 15. According to official statistics, in Lipany, just 592 Roma registered as the Roma nationality (Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 2012).
Picture 2: Location of the Roma settlement in Lipany
Based on: www.openstreetmap.org, proceed by: K. Matlovičová
Documented history of the Roma in Lipany goes back to period of the Slovak state, when it consisted of about 205 people. After their expatriating from the city centre, they built around 40 shacks in the part of town called Kamence. Until 1948, they used to produce adobe bricks and did casual works in agriculture (hoeing, harvesting, etc.). During the socialism, 4 blocks of flats were built for them (8 housing units were in each block of flat) in two locations
132 (Jarkova street and "behind the railway line") and shacks were demolished. The condition of these blocks of flats, after 1989, necessitated the construction of new buildings and additional movement, but this time only in one location. The situation did not improve as debts for rental and payments for services and energy continued to grow, flats were in a bad hygienic state and relationships with the majority population were continuously getting worse. The situation improved in the late 1990's, when the city established the Institute of special recipient (1998) and the Roma Community Centre (2002). The solution for non-payment of rental in Lipany was very similar as in Pečovská Nová Ves. In collaboration with the Central Office of Labour, Social affairs and Family, Lipany also took the advantage of the institute of special recipient of social benefits45 (IOP). With an agreement of regular deductions from housing allowance, the original amount of owed money for rental in excess of € 19 000 to € 3 000 has been reduced. The town uses IOP (the institute of special recipient of social benefits) every time the problem occurs again. IOP has achieved a significant reduction in the Roma indebtedness not just in rental but also for other charges (such as removal and disposal of domestic waste). These optimistic results helped local governments to further improvement of the Roma housing. Therefore, they bought necessary building material and with renter of flats of lower standard, organized self-help treatment of the house facade followed by construction work of the surrounding under the supervision of an expert. From 2005 to 2006, with the public support, the town implemented the construction of 24 flats of lower standard in the area "behind the railway line" and like in Pečovská Nová Ves, competent allowed the Roma to participate in this construction. Then according to the degree of involvement of renters during the construction, the town determined the amount of rental (from 20 to 33 € per month). Compared with Pečovská Nová Ves, in this community in Lipany, individual housing almost absent, which means that the local Roma rely on local government in the issue of the provision of housing. The establishment of the Roma community centre that concentrate mainly on leisure activities (especially for children who parents did not take care of them) or services related to employment advice is considered as very positive. Intensive work with the community helped the Centre to identify the main problems in the local Roma community. These included:
45 Law no. 599/2003 on assistance in material need - § 28 Special recipient
133 - The unpreparedness of the Roma to go to work because of strong family ties (they could not imagine a seclusion or life outside their community); - The absence of elementary skills to manage financial resources; - The failure to comply with work discipline; - The unawareness of the basic principles of labour market and social system (they thought that it is possible to simultaneously receive social support and salary, after unveiling the reality, they refused to work), etc. Mainly field social work has a great merit for the success which was achieved in Lipany. Field social work was mainly concentrated in a few problematic families with the lowest social skills which were perceived negatively even within the Roma community. We provide an example of the work with the family that lived in very humble circumstances. 17 people lived in one room with only one bed and stove. Father was an aggressive alcoholic and family suffered the most. The town allocated the family the flat of lower standard and started to work intensively with this family. From the social benefits which family received, gradually, IOP arranged furniture for this family. The rest of money was allocated to four weeks. Social investigation revealed the usury in the family and inappropriate use of money. Field social workers, therefore, began to assist the family regularly in purchasing food. They found out that the mother of the family does not know the value of money and, therefore, she was buying the most expensive goods. They taught her that buying basic or semi-finished products are cheaper than finished products (for example pudding, etc.). Thanks to field social workers, the mother gradually learned to cook, take care of the household and provide hygiene care for her children. The father of the family was still a big problem. Field social workers decided that the money was paid only to mother in cash, thus, gradually, they achieved that their father did not spend money for alcohol. With the help of IOP, not only did the family pay the whole debt for the rental but also the family have money for regular meals for children in school and kindergarten, and so their overall standard of living was improved. Children's school attendance improved, children have appropriate clothing, regularly cooked meal, clean apartment furnished not only with basic furniture. The best information was that the father of the family is no longer completely addicted to alcohol and became an exemplary father. Today, both parents are involved in the activation work and the cooperation with them is very good.
134 As it can be seen in this example of socially weaker families within the Roma community, we face many problems that arise from a lack of personal hygiene. This is particularly the incidence of various diseases (e.g. scabies) and parasites (e.g. lice, fleas). The situation in this regard improved after the opening of Hygienic Centre on 1st July 2005. There are separate showers for men and women, toilets and laundry with two baths, washing machines and one spin- dryer. The flat of administrator is also a part of this Centre who is from the local community. The use of the centre is charged only symbolically (€ 0.33 per washing and € 0.10 for showering). Thank to field social workers, who teach mothers the basics of personal hygiene and assist them in bathing their children, respectively in lice removing etc., it was achieved that the centre is currently used by about 20% of the families of the Roma community from "behind the railway line" area. During weekends, the centre is used mainly by children and young people attending secondary boarding schools outside the city, so they are getting to the level of their classmates in school. The work of field social workers is also indispensable in this case. Not only did field social workers teach the Roma personal hygiene, but they also taught the Roma women that it is more efficient to wash dirty clothes than threw them away or burn and in local second hand buy new one (it was the standard practice before). Regular buying of so called hygiene packet (including washing powder) for the families, which are the part of IOP, met with a very positive response. A very common problem in the Roma communities is shoplifting. Many of the lower standard flats are heated only by stoves on solid fuel, so especially in the winter months, problems with theft of wood or wood material often occur (Roma often heated their flats with waste, clothing, shoes and pieces of their own furniture). The town came with a clever solution. It started selling licenses for collection of waste wood from urban forests for € 5, while collection days are Friday and Saturday. This helped to reduce the thefts and the town found a solution for the use of wood waste from logging. The town coffer was filled. Already outlined problem of criminality and maintenance of the order in the Roma community from "behind the railway line" area was partly eliminated by the so-called Roma patrols. In the activation work, the town employed six Roma patrols, who closely cooperate with the state police. In addition, during various events, the town uses so called volunteer guardians of public order without any financial reward. They try to detect crime, cooperate with officers during the
135 social benefits receiving or help to protect crops of local farmers. The role of the local patrols with the assistance of local police is the control of local game rooms and rooms with gaming machines. When they detect the ineffective use of the social benefits at the expense of ensuring the family, the family is immediately integrated into IOP. Although in this case, it is not possible to withdraw social benefits completely (for example: parental allowance or pension are excluded from IOP), this will usually take remedial action. As in other communities, also in this community, a major problem is employment. Officially, the unemployment rate among the Roma in Lipany is almost 100%, most Roma are registered at Central office of labour in the long- term (over 48 months). Currently, the town provides for unemployed the opportunity to participate in small municipal services, which are used by 86 Roma from the local community. Representatives of the town see the solution of this unflattering situation in increasing the level of education, because most of Roma finished just primary education in a special school. The positive is that thanks to the work of field social workers, first three students from the local community went to boarding school in town Prešov which is the capital of the Prešov self-governing region. Representatives of the town put the biggest hope into pre-school preparation, which is attended approximately by 60 children. It also includes the establishment of the zero grade of primary school, which is directly in the local community centre under the methodological supervision of local elementary school. The advantage is that there are two Roma woman assistants from the community who can speak the Romany language and who gained the respect of the locals. With the help of the police and other participants, the town is uncompromising in the question of truancy solution (two parents have already been sentenced). It has a very positive warning impact on other troublesome families. Town Lipany has been realizing an active policy in relation to the local Roma community for many years. It has already tried a number of activities, many of which were successful. Definitely, no one of them is judged negatively. They are aware that inaction would bring only deterioration of the situation and further social decline in already greatly impoverished Roma community in their city. Therefore, they are determined to continue in these activities so first positive changes could become permanent.
136 Ostrovany
The smallest municipality, which we chose for an example, is Ostrovany (1803 inhabitants in 2011; Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic 2010). The municipality is connected to all utilities. It has private wastewater treatment plant, municipal office, grocery shop, pub, kindergarten, community centre, and agricultural cooperative company can be found here. The Roma community is the most numerous among the above characterized municipalities. According to estimate, 1 279 Roma live in this municipality (Atlas 2010, in Matlovičová et al. 2012) what is 71% of the total number of population. According to official statistics, although only 977 Roma registered for the Roma nationality, their share in the total number of population is still majority (in this case 54%). A specific feature of this municipality is its very negative media image as "anti-Roma" village, which is famous for cause called "wall"46. The reality is quite different from this form. The mayor thinks that the roots of gradually increasing tension can be found in history. Until 1950's, there was no Roma community in Ostrovany. According to a decision of the former regime, first Roma were moved there from neighbouring municipality Šarišské Michaľany when in the place where they originally had a settlement, pharmaceutical company Imuna began with the construction of its factory. In his view, people still did not acquiesce to this "injustice" and still live with the prejudices and sense of injustice of the decision of this time. In spite of the effort on a consistent and in relation to both sides balanced approach, the mayor like any other mayors considers the biggest barrier "... the social system, which is not extremely generous, but it is extremely de-motivating." Despite many positive changes, relationships between the majority and the local Roma community in this municipality are not very good compared to the other two communities. In Ostrovany, social distance is probably the greatest. From spatial term, the community is situated in the northern part of the urban area of the municipality (picture 3). In terms of representation of social
46 In October 2009, the municipality built a concrete wall that separates the local settlement from the nearby gardens of the majority population. The investment for 13-thousand € should have prevented stealing of agricultural products, but in no way limit the availability of members of the Roma community to the general civic institutions and community facilities. The construction brought a great media response and relationships worsening between the Roma community and other inhabitants of the municipality.
137 classes, this community is very heterogeneous (almost all social classes can be found there), what is obviously reflected in the variety of the local dwellings (brick houses, blocks of flats and shacks). Even in this municipality, representatives decided to use the options of legalization of illegal constructions. As part of the land, where these building were built, belonged to the Roman Catholic Church, who cannot sell the land, representatives agreed to exchange it for other land, owned by the municipality. These lands were then offered for sale to the local Roma. Price, which was set by experts and increased by administrative expenses of municipality, was half times lower than in other areas and, therefore, it reached a level that the Roma were able to pay. The motivation to buy land and start a rather difficult bureaucratic process of legalization was also the possibility to get public housing allowance. The municipality, of course, will benefit from it in the form of the promise of better care for houses by the Roma owners. The often recommended solution by media to demolish illegal buildings in the municipality, the municipality considers as movement of the problem to another place and not as solution. The high representation of the Roma in the municipality, together with the quite often presented fact of a low level of education and generally small range of job opportunities in the municipality and in the surroundings, shows a high percentage of unemployment in the community, which reaches almost 100%. The biggest obstacle in this case is the first mentioned reason. Most of the long- term unemployed Roma in Ostrovany did not complete primary education. The problem is that there is only a special primary school in the municipality, which is attended only by the Roma from the local community. The nearest primary school are about 3 km away in Šarisšké Michaľany, Medzany or 6 km away in Sabinov. The problem of the segregation of the Roma children (especially in Šarišské Michaľany), and limiting bus linkages to surrounding municipalities (children have to travel to school earlier, sometimes 2 hours before the start of classes because of crowded later buses), forced competent to consider a new project of primary school in Ostrovany. Secondary schools are currently attended by 8 students and 25 completed secondary education without graduation. A positive example for others can be one of Roma who finished secondary education with graduation and with the indenture, as well as one university graduate.
138
Picture 3: Location of the Roma settlement in Ostrovany
Based on: www.openstreetmap.org, proceed by: K. Matlovičová
Increasing the educational level of the Roma led municipality to increase activities in the area of field social work, which is long-term realized with the help of two field social workers and two assistants. Since 2008, a community centre that focuses on working with children in pre-school age (to 5 years) has been opened. It is pre-school education, focused on children preparation for successful attendance of primary school (children learn colours, fruits and vegetables, geometric shapes, they learn basic hygiene habits, etc.). Like in the other mentioned municipalities also in Ostrovany, centre focused its activities on legal advice and training for parents, different courses (e.g. sewing, which was also attended by man) etc. An interesting activity in the field of adult education is a savings and loan program, which is organized by civic association ETP47 in selected municipalities in Slovakia. A condition for receiving financial bonus for housing
47 Civic Association ETP Slovakia - Centre for Sustainable Development
139 improvement is attending a training course on family financial management and making a saving plan and then using the amount of saved money. When all conditions are fulfilled, participants can receive favourable loan for that purpose. A curiosity compared to other municipalities is that about 30% of people from socially disadvantaged groups from majority population in Ostrovany participated in this program. In spite of different media image of the municipality, the mayor considers this fact as an important step towards convergence of both communities.
Conclusion
Described examples of municipalities Lipany, Pečovská Nová Ves and Ostrovany are on many levels very similar. All three municipalities are located in the same district and are only a few kilometres away from each other. Despite some local differences, they have similar starting points and approaches to work with the Roma community, what is quite unique in Slovakia. What is in these three communities, in our view, very interesting is that despite its geographical proximity and very similar complex of realized activities, they are very different in the quality of life and social conditions. Probably the worst situation in relation to the majority population is in Ostrovany. The Roma are concentrated in segregated settlements on the outskirts of the village, which based on the level and type of housing is internally very heterogeneous - from brick family home to the very poor one-room shacks. Mutual coexistence of both communities is marked by unaccepted sense of injustice from more than 60 years ago, when there was displaced the local community of the Roma from the neighbouring municipality. Although the local government tries to convergent both communities by intensive activities, tension is further increased by the negative media coverage which mostly signed to creation of a negative image of the municipality. The situation is completely different in Pečovská Nová Ves, where the community compared to Ostrovany is more homogeneous. Almost all houses have utilities and wooden shacks occur minimally. Living with a local majority is much better than in Ostrovany and it is getting better thanks to the activities and work in the Roma community.
140 Probably the highest degree of homogeneity has the town Lipany. Most of the local Roma, with the exception of a few integrated Roma, live in one location - in the rental flats of lower standard. Lipany has been working with the Roma community for several years and have tried all available activities. Many of them were successful, many have not been completed yet, but many activities have brought positive results. Despite intensive work, the standard of living of the local Roma is low and coexistence with the surrounding majority is very difficult. All competent agree that stronger support from the state and its organizations is necessary. At least change of the current de-motivating system of social support, which has a devastating impact on shaping the way of life of marginalized groups in Slovakia, as well as providing continuous support of employment in these communities. The positive is that even small progress, the attitude of all above mentioned authorities in relation to other activities in the Roma communities is equally positive. They are sure that patience, equality of approach and further effort of the Roma integration into society is vital. In other words, they believe that if they did not work with the communities, this would most likely lead to their further social decline and uncontrolled growth of problems.
Bibliography
Filadelfiová J, Gerbery G., Škobla D.: Správa o životných podmienkach rómskych domácností na Slovensku. Bratislava, UNDP, 2006. 99 p., [online] accessible on: http://europeandcis.undp.org/news/show/75D51382- F203-1EE9-BE4C81A1E1DD2BBB, quoted 1th October 2012 Mušinka A., Kolesárová J. (2012): Situation of the Roma in Slovakia and their status in the contemporary Slovak society. In. Roma population on the peripheries of the Visegrad countries. Spatial Trends and Social challenges. Debrecen. 2012. pp. 104-118. ISBN 978-615-5212-07-9. Kolesárová J. (2012): Pro-poor tourism as a tool for poverty reduction in Roma communities in Slovakia. In. Roma population on the peripheries of the Visegrad countries. Spatial Trends and Social challenges. Debrecen. 2012. pp. 205 -225. ISBN 978-615-5212-07-9.
141 Matlovičová, K., Matlovič, R., Mušinka, A., Židová, A. (2012): The Roma population in Slovakia. Basic characteristics of the Roma population with emphasis on the spatial aspects of its differentiation, in Penczes, J., Radics, Z. (Eds.): Roma popuation on the peripheries of the Visegrad countries. Spatial trends and social challenges. Debrecen 2012, ISBN 978-615-5212- 07-9, pp. 77-104 Mušinka A. (2012a): Podarilo sa. Príklady úspešných aktivít na úrovni samospráv smerujúcich k zlepšeniu situácie Rómov, Vydavateľstvo Prešovskej univerity, ISBN 978-80-555-0531-2, 199 pp. Mušinka A. (2012b): The Things that Worked. Examples of successful activities on the level of local administration aimed at improving the situation of the Roma, University of Prešov in Prešov Institute of Roma Studies, ISBN 978- 80-555-0531-2, 199 pp. Mušinka A. (Ed.) (2012c): (Ne)legálne osady. Možnosti samospráv a mechanizmy vysporiadania pozemkov v prostredí rómskych osídlení, Prešovská univerzita, Ústav rómskych štúdií, ISBN 978-80-555-0532-9, 199 pp. Mušinka A., Kolesárová J. (2012): Situation of the Roma in Slovakia and their status in the contemporary Slovak society. Brief outline of the Roma situation and of associated problems, Debrecen, in press Radičová, I. (Ed.), 2004: Atlas rómskych komunít na Slovensku 2004. Bratislava: Nadácia S.P.A.C.E., Inštitút pre verejnú politiku a Krajské centrum pre rómske otázky, [online] accessible on: http://romovia.vlada.gov.sk/20535/atlas-romskych-komunit.php, quoted 1th October 2012 Scheffel D. Z. (2009): Svinia v čierno bielom. Slovenský Rómovia a ich susedia. Prešov, Centrum antropologických výskumov, 2009., ISBN 80-969483-7-7, 305 pp. Statistical Office (2012): Oficiálne stránky Slovenského štatistického úradu Slovenskej republiky, [online] accessible on: www.statistics.sk
142 Mgr. Jana Kolesárová48
EMPOWERMENT OF ROMA COMMUNITIES THROUGH MUNICIPAL ENTERPRISES IN THE CONTEXT OF SLOVAK REPUBLIC
Introduction
According to available data the poverty rates, within the Slovak Republic, are relatively low (13% in 2011) (World Bank, 2012). However, this figure masks huge regional disparities. The poverty rate of the Roma minority, which is concentrated in particular regions, is the highest of all ethnic groups in Slovakia. The fact that concentrations of poverty are typical of Roma communities was confirmed also by UNDP survey conducted in 2011. This survey showed that 87% of Roma households lived in poverty in 201149 (World Bank, 2012) and that it has existed a significant disproportion between poverty rate of Roma and non-Roma in Slovakia. As a result, Roma minority significantly increases regional and national average poverty rates. In general, the socioeconomic status of the Roma is low and it is often reproduced from generation to generation. The large portion of Roma lives in poverty just because they are Roma. Nowadays, the Roma are more often perceived as a social minority with marginalized status rather that the ethnic or cultural minority. Some sociologists (e.g. Radičová, 2001; pp. 440) also states that “ethnicity significantly correlates with poverty“ in Slovakia. This is mainly because of the position of Roma minority within social stratification, in which people are grouped into a set of hierarchical social categories. The significant part of the Roma minority is related to the underclass and there are highly restricted options for them to move to the higher class. It is important to note that, from the point of view of social stratification, the perception of whole Roma population as a homogenous, backward and poor one is not correct at all.
48 Mgr. Jana Kolesárová, Department of Geography and regional development,. Faculty of Humanities and Natural Sciences, University of Presov in Presov Ul. 17. novembra 1, 081 16 Presov, e-mail: jkolesarova@)yahoo.com 49 Calculation is based on a relative poverty line, which is set at 60 percent of the national median equivalised disposable income (after social transfers) and calculated for the 2011 UNDP/WB/EC survey.
143 Certain percentage of the Roma is educated entrepreneurs or workers earning good money. Even their proportion to the total number of minority is relatively small, they demonstrate that so called Roma issue is a problem of only certain part of this minority. Considering the inner differentiation of the Roma, it is primarily a problem of so called segregated Roma (Radičová 2001; s. 442). Also when we talk about ethnic nature of the poverty, it does not apply to the Roma minority as a whole, but only to the numerous group which lives in Roma settlements and urban ghettos. i.e to the Roma underclass. While integrated settlement and separated settlements are typical manifestations of relative poverty, characteristics of segregated settlements indicate an absolute poverty (Vláda SR, 2006). The basic characteristics of the Roma underclass are the high rate of unemployment, permanent unemployment, employability primarily in the secondary labour market, low education attainment levels and qualifications, lower living standard, bad housing conditions, and strong dependency on the social support. The underclass environment is, in relation to the majority population, seen as an anomic. Total resignation, lack of respect for authorities, low social control, relying on social support system, and lost of working habits are characteristics which accurately reflect the situation of the underclass Roma in Roma settlements (Vašečka, M., Džambazovič, 2000). Poverty of these socially isolated and backward communities exists as a result of multiple factors creating vicious circle (marginalization; social exclusion, which causes a social distance and misunderstanding on the both sides; poor education; limited working experience; unemployability, discrimination; bad stereotypes etc.). Social exclusion and discrimination of the Roma within our society is an important factor affecting the Roma access to the job opportunities, education and other public services. During the last years, it can be observed a tendency of building own schools, classes or even churches for Roma. Their success in the labour market is influenced by bad stereotypes and discrimination and in respect to their poor education and often almost no working experience, they have become unemployable and useless for labour market. For above these reasons Roma issue is addressed also as a problem of “ blocked opportunities for the development of the minority, which is associated with the non-preference of opportunities for development by the minority itself and at last but not least, its also about the feelings of discrimination from which this minority suffer” (Derevianikova, 2009, pp. 269). Slovak Roma families are
144 highly dependent on welfare payments and other central government transfers (e.g., pensions or child benefits). Their share on the amount of paid social benefits is almost 30 percent (Marcinčin, 2009) and their participation in the formal economy is very low and rather limited. Accordingly within Roma communities there is a huge amount free and unused manpower. The survey conducted by UNDP (2012) showed that the employment rate of the Roma men living in Slovakia was 20% and that of women was just 9% in 2011. The same survey showed that unemployment rate of the Roma men was 64% and of women 78 % 50. This asymmetrical participation (i.e., as a group, they receive more than they pay) is an important cause of constantly rising tension between ethnic majority and Roma minority and of social exclusion as social interactions between these groups are fading away (UNDP, 2002). However, we can not expect that the Roma who are trapped in the vicious circle of absolute poverty, conditioned mainly by permanent unemployment, will be able to break this circle by their current potential. The Roma, who have limited opportunities to employ themselves, will only hardly bring change into their life. “Human development is about expanding people’s choice” (UNDP, 2002). In order to ensure development and empowerment of these communities, it is necessary to provide them with opportunities and choice. One of the potential solutions to this problem, which primarily provide opportunities to the poor, is socially oriented economy and social enterprises. Even in Slovakia, we can find several practical examples, which confirm that such approach can bring positive change and that good results can be achieved. The concept of social enterprise was implemented in Slovak municipalities to certain extend. The primary aim of these initiatives was to develop business activities within municipality and to create job opportunities primarily for the poor and disadvantaged Roma. For the purpose of this paper, we analyzed several municipal firms established in Prešov self-governing region. This region was chosen since it is located in eastern part of Slovakia, where lives more than 60% of total number of Roma population in Slovak Republic. This region has also the second highest share (after the Košice self-governing region) of spatial distribution of Roma minority. It lives there 29,3% of the Slovak Roma (Matlovičová at. al. 2012) so
50 In comparison to the ethnic majority, unemployment rate of the majority population was 27% for men and 40% for female in 2011 (UNDP, 2012).
145 there is also high number of municipalities with a high percentage of Roma population. In general, rural municipalities in Prešov region are oversupplied with a labour force because there is lack of private enterprises which create a demand for labour force. Though, the more critical situation is in municipalities with numerous Roma communities, where the alarming unemployment rate is supported also by generally low employability of the Roma. In order to obtain exact information about surveyed municipal firms we conducted interviews with municipal majors. Besides the fact and figures concerning the municipality and established firm, we were also interested about mayor’s view on contribution of municipal firm to solving the Roma issue in their municipality. Such obtained data were transformed into best practices which demonstrate, that implementation of such a concept can really bring positive impacts not only in the field of employment, but in all other areas of social life of disadvantaged and/or marginalized Roma.
Municipal enterprise as a tool for the development and empowerment of Roma communities
The term municipal firm is not strictly defined; however, since it has a status of a social enterprise, it shares the same characteristics. Under the term social enterprise we understand “ a business with primarily social objectives whose surpluses are principally reinvested for that purpose in the business or in the community, rather than being driven by the need to maximise profit for shareholders and owners” (DTI, 2002). In formal dimension it is like any other independent commercial company, which exists to produce and/or sell products, to provide services or trainings and to make a profit. The main distinctive feature, however, is that the social entrepreneurship is based on linking the economic principles and social goals. It means that the social enterprise reinvests profits in order to create more jobs, develop working skills and competences, provide services for local community and meet the general local needs and interests. Since 2008, the term social enterprise is also rooted in legislations of SR, when the amendment to the law nr. 5/2004 Z.z about the unemployment services was made. According to this law, the social enterprise is any subject, which employs at least 30% of disadvantaged job seekers who are normally hard-to-employable in the regular labour market; at least 30% of its profit has to be reinvested in new jobs creation or in working conditions development; and it
146 has to be recorded in the register of social enterprises (NR SR, 2008). Consequently, the social enterprises, which directly creates a new job opportunities and prepares disadvantages groups for their future career, constitute also a legislative tool for supporting the employment of the hard-to- employable in SR. In practice, establishment of a municipal firm means that municipality, with a high rate of the hard-to-employable people, develop a strategy for the development of economic activities. After the identification of municipal needs, the detailed mapping and analysis of the local resources are carried out. This step is very important because each municipality and its people are diverse. Followingly, through cooperative planning the strategy of resources usability, which meets the needs of municipality and its citizens, is designed. The highest priority still remains the primary idea of the social enterprise, i.e the profit is made by citizens (previously unemployed) and in addition to the value of the work, the value of the product/ service is also created ( e.g constructing activities carried out for the local area). The other added value is that generated profit is not only used to keep their current jobs and to cover all necessary costs for the own development of the company, but also to create new job for other unemployed. (Smetanka, Ledecký, 2007). Through municipal social enterprises it is possible to create real and sustainable job positions for people, who are unable to get a job for various reasons. These reasons can be of health, social, or economic origin. They usually stems from low skills, discrimination, bad stereotypes against certain ethnic group, lack of labour mobility, disability, etc. It is important to stress that by employing such hardly employable work force, social enterprise is undertaking risks, which regular company is unable to take. To employ such workforce is economically demanding, since they are less efficient and make more mistakes. On the other hand, municipal enterprise is a suitable tool for elimination of mentioned deficiencies, since municipal enterprise workers gradually acquire lost working habits, and gain skills, qualifications, experiences, etc. Such a job position makes them employable again and raises their chances for inclusion into the job market. It is considered a great success if some workers employed in municipal enterprise leave and are employed in regular company. On the other hand, municipal company has limited job positions so if someone finds a job in
147 regular company, he vacates job position for another hardly employable people. (Smetanka, Ledecký, 2007). To establish a municipal firm is more suitable for smaller villages which, unlike the towns, have a great advantage of simple and transparent organisational structure (Mušinka, 2012). The relations between municipal authorities and citizens are closer. The municipal major knows better local needs and at last but not least, the context of municipality enables more intensive interaction and cooperation. Smetanka (2006) summarized the potential advantages of the municipal enterprises in comparison with the regular firm in the following table 1. In this table the emphasis is put on the dimensions of local development, creation of job opportunities and growth of employment.
Table 1: Advantages of the municipal enterprises: Factors Regular Municipal enterprise social enterprise The use of local resources M H Generation of the profit not for a profit but for a N H development of new job opportunities Local competitiveness (if good management is available) M M Linkage of activities with community development N/L H activities Feasibility of public works N/L H Knowledge of needs and opportunities, links within the N/L H social structure of citizen - employees Connection and cooperation with other municipalities and L/M M (municipal) firms in the region Transparency and influence of the citizens –governing N M/H authority Opportunity to use also other resources for supporting N/L M/H internal capacities (funds, grants) Feasible cheap but effective and quality management M M
Legend: scale of attributed levels : no (N), low (L), medium (M), high (H) Source: Smetanka, 2006
In other words we can conclude that municipal social enterprise support local development since it preferentially uses local resources. It generates the profit not for a profit but for a development of new job opportunities, which is in
148 strong contrast to the regular private enterprise. Municipal firm develops activities in accordance with local needs so it can respond to the local demand for services or goods, or it can provide other public works. Since the relation between municipal authorities and citizens are closer than for example between some foreign private enterprise and citizens, municipal enterprises can ensure greater transparency. What is more, municipality is well known unite in the region, which builds its own credibility since it was established. This enables more intensive interaction and cooperation with other municipalities and (municipal) firms in the region. Such cooperation is very important for sustainability. The last but not least, the municipal enterprises have opportunities to use also other foreign resources for supporting internal capacities (i.e funds, grants). Thus, even the most problematic first stage of the establishing, which is usually financially very demanding, can be handled by municipalities without high free capital.
Municipal enterprises in practice
The first Slovak municipal firm, with the specific objective to raise employability and employment rate of the Roma living in settlements and consequently to improve their critical socioeconomic situation, was established in Spišský Hrhov in 2000. Since 2006 this firm has a status of a social enterprise, it still operates and nowadays serves as good example for other municipalities. Spišský Hrhov is a municipality located in Levoča District. It has 1355 inhabitants, 300 of which are Roma. Local municipal firm was established as direct reaction to the high unemployment rate and critical situation of marginalized Roma community, which lived in poor settlements. As the local major Vladimír Ledecký described: “the reality was completely different in the municipality twelve years ago”. The Roma were living in separated community which consisted primarily of poor huts and unfinished houses unsuitable for living; they were not connected to sewerage system and other infrastructure supply services such as gas, water and electricity; many of houses were built illegally; there were 100% unemployment rate within Roma community, problems with debts, poor attendance of Roma children in school, etc. For all these reasons, there was also tension and unfriendly relations between Roma and
149 non-Roma. This bad reality, however, started to change when municipal firm was established The municipal firm employs both Roma and non-Roma, but as first are always employed people who are disadvantaged, hard-to-employable or in debts. 90% of employed workers is Roma, who, thanks to the created job positions, gain necessary skills and became again employable. Municipal firm managed to raise the number of job position from 3 in 2000 to 20 (18 of which are for Roma) in 2012. In average, every year there are created two or three new job positions. Besides permanent jobs, people are hired also for seasonal jobs and 60-70 Roma join municipal firm for so called activation works. Each employed Roma starts with a supervisor, who teaches him and leads him. However, even under supervision, approximately 50% of Roma workers are not able to acquire working habits and skills and to keep permanent job. Consequently they squander their opportunity and have to leave the firm during the trial period which last 2-3 months. On the contrary, it is perceived as a big success when good workers, who want to work, leave municipal firm and start to work in other private enterprises. Thanks to the municipal firm, employed workers became competitive in the labour market and are able to find regular job. The first entrepreneur activity of this municipal firm started with buying simple technologies for production of paving-stones and necessary hand tools (shovels, hoes, rakes, etc.). At that time firm was employing just three workers. Later on, firm expanded its activities on mining of firewood, its preparation and transportation and taking care about public municipal spaces, production of wooden products (also souvenirs) in wood workshop, storage and trading of wine etc. Nowadays, they also provide construction works (building of houses or fences) lending and installation of the scaffolds, lending of tools etc. Employed workers build pavements, canalisation and infrastructure network, buildings, reconstruct or revitalize other public spaces. Thanks to the temporary or permanent employment in municipal enterprise, people have earned some money and reconstructed or built own house, connected them to the infrastructure supply services, legalized houses and so on. Canalisation and water supply network for Roma houses were financed by EU funds; however Roma from each house had to hep with construction and installation works. Similar process was used at building of low standard flat buildings, and new flat owners had to participate at construction works.
150 All these steps significantly improved critical housing conditions of Roma minority and today it can be observed a big progress. Everyone is living in a house and 70% of households are connected to all infrastructure supply services, part of Roma is employed and has stable income. Great positive impact was observed also in other areas of social life. For example this firm has also solved problems with debts for taxes or other fees, because everyone has to work to pay it of. The “behaviour” of Roma minority has also significantly improved and ethnic majority overcame prejudices towards minority. Roma community in Spisšký Hrhov is relatively well integrated and there are no problems arising from mutual coexistence. On the contrary, the individuals from majority and minority form informal relationships. Sustainability of this firm has been ensured by wide range of activities, but also by its operation not only in the municipality but in the whole region. According to municipal recordings, the budget of municipality raised from 2,3 million Slovak crowns in 2001 to 2,5 million euro in 2011. All performed services are provided not only to the local citizens but also to other municipalities in the region. It is also important to note that all public works in municipality are done by municipal firm and no help from other external firm is utilized. Great advantage is seen not only in economic efficiency of municipal firm, but also in its fast reaction and provision of required services. In case some deficiencies of the water supply or sewage system appear, municipal firm can act faster than any other external company. The major, V. Ledecký thinks that the great progress has been achieved because the municipal firm has solved the numerous problems of Roma community in a complex way. The municipal development plan included initiatives in the all most important areas of social life, i.e. employment, education, housing and also health. Municipal firm with number of activities together with implemented projects have significantly contributed to the improved current situation in the municipality. As we already mentioned above, nowadays, this municipal firm in Spišský Hrhov serves as good example for other municipalities with a high percentage of Roma population. Till 2012 the concept of municipal firm was implemented in several municipalities in Presov self-governing region (e.g Jablonov, Torysa, Kurov, Šarišské Čierne, and others) with a primary vision to solve problems of marginalised communities. Based on our findings, new job positions created in
151 municipal firms were preparing workers for proper permanent jobs in various areas. Orientation of the firms and their activities were tailored to the local needs and resource. For example the municipal firm in Kurov (599 inhabitants, 22% Roma (2011) (SU SR, 2012; municipal recordings)), which provided four job positions, manufactured concrete building blocks, paving-stones, provided masonry, carpentry and concreter works. Other firm in Šarišské Čierne (310 inhabitants, 22% Roma (2011) (SU SR, 2012; municipal recordings)) offered six job positions. The workers were trained at mining and cutting of wood, tree planting, and they did solid waste collection for municipalities. In Torysa (1504 inhabitants, 10% Roma (2011) (SU SR, 2012; municipal recordings)) were created six job positions, on which the workers were trained at construction works and production of paving-stones. Main working activities included maintenance of municipal buildings and construction activities. Municipal firm in Sveržov (581 inhabitants, 12 % Roma (2011) (SU SR, 2012; municipal recordings)) also provided construction activities (mainly construction of new buildings), but also sale and service of computer equipments. Implementation of the concept of municipal firm in these municipalities has proved that such a concept can be successfully applied also in other environments (municipalities) with similar problems and positive changes can be achieved. All of these municipal firms fulfilled their purpose and either bigger or smaller desired progress was made. Thanks to the financial support of Social development fund, the establishment of several municipal enterprises was supported also this year (2012). Within the framework activity the creation of new jobs, including self- employment projects and innovative approaches for disadvantaged job seekers and members of marginalized groups, 95% funding was provided to five municipalities in Prešov self-governing region (FRS, 2012). These are Ulič, Chminianske Jakubovany, Žehra, Pečovská nová Ves, and Terňa. All of these projects started only in May this year (2012) but based on our survey, municipality majors hold very positive attitude towards these projects, since first results can be observed. As an example we can provide more information on municipal firm in Terňa. Terňa is municipality located in Prešov district and has 1172 (2011) inhabitants, 336 of which are Roma (SU SR, 2012; municipal recordings). 90 % of Roma live in concentration and the rest is dispersed within ethnic majority. In
152 the Roma settlement, they live in fifteen low standard rented flats (build in 2004) or in family houses. All housing units are connected to sewerage system, water and electricity. Current unemployment rate in municipality is 29%, however, that of Roma minority is much higher, 80% (municipal recordings). The vast majority of the Roma is treated by permanent unemployment and live in poor socioeconomic condition. For these reason the local major Henrich Kivader initiated the realisation of municipal firm. Even he wasn’t completely convinced that it might work, he knew that it is necessary to do something. Having good references from other municipalities, which established municipal firm, they also decided to go this way. As mentioned above, municipal firm in Terňa was established thanks to the funding provided by Social development fund (OP ZaSI - 2010/2.2/04), which provided 95% of financial resources and the rest (5%) was provided by the municipality. This firm created job opportunities primarily for people from marginalised Roma communities. Firm focuses on two types of activities. Flood project employs workers, who clean streams in the region, build dams, and prepare firewood for heating which is sold. The second group of jobs is focused on masonry works. At the moment they are constructing a hall in which they will manufacture paving-stones. Through all these jobs workers are trained and gain working skills under the supervision. This firm exists only six months but it has already employed and trained 45 Roma. At the moment it employs 8 Roma and 2 non-Roma workers. Another great result is that already four Roma men employed in municipal firm found permanent job in regular firm. As the major concluded, this project operates only few moths, but I can already now declare that it was good decision to initiate such a firm. “Since few people gained proper job, the financial situation of these families has improved and also the other Roma are more motivated to work”(Henrich Kivader). Employment of unemployed Roma people helps also to lower the social differences between the Roma and the majority society. The major thinks that it is really an effective way to develop good habits, skills and competences of the Roma, but also to raise motivation for better life. He, as well as other interviewed majors, would recommend this form of development of opportunities for disadvantaged groups to other majors and municipalities facing problems with marginalised Roma communities.
153 Summary
We can conclude that municipal social enterprises, established in municipalities with a high proportion of problematic Roma minority, can bring several positive effects at once. Municipal enterprises serve as a tool against high unemployment rate; create new job opportunities and employ disadvantaged citizens (support disadvantaged communities); develop working skills and habits; rise employability of hard-to-employ worker from marginalised communities; break or at least lower dependency on social welfare assistance; develop sector of services according to the local needs (develop infrastructure, rise quality of life); use local resources as soon as firms are tailored to local condition; and ensure sustainable development of municipality. The last but not least, they support regional development which contribute to the elimination of inter-regional disparities. Presented municipal enterprises provide direct evidence that “empowerment through jobs creates a change in human behaviour and in the social structure” (Maton & Rappaport, 1984 in Sadan, 2004). Provided opportunities have ability to raise responsibility, foster resilience and competitiveness of disadvantaged Roma on the labour market. Municipal enterprises as a tool for social integration and economic development of disadvantages groups (especially Roma communities) in Slovakia, have not been establishes significantly yet. Just small percentage of Slovak municipalities used this tool for solving the Roma issue in their municipality. Even thought this tool does not influence significantly the unemployment rate of this minority, positive outcomes have been reached by municipalities in which this municipal enterprise was established. Based on presented positive impacts, we think that it should be paid more attention to the municipal enterprises and they should occupy more important role in solving the Roma issue in Slovak republic. Since social entrepreneurship seeks to exploit and adapt into the social sphere the principles of entrepreneurship, competitiveness and profitability, it appears to be a sustainable strategy for the future social programmes. Moreover, in terms of Slovak Republic, social entrepreneurship appears as a suitable tool for linking of politics of unemployment, inclusion of problematic Roma communities, social help to disadvantaged groups but also of local development.
154 Bibliography
Derevjaníková, Š. (2009): Dôsledky sociálnej núdze na rómsku komunitu žijúcu v Košiciach. pp. 268 – 275. In Zborník príspevkov . Sociálna a ekonomická núdza – bezpečnosť jedinca a spoločnosti. Bratislava. [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible: www.library.umb.sk/getfile.php?id=530&language=1 DTI, (2002): Social enterprise. A strategy for success. London: Department of Trade and Industry. [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible:www.dti.gov.uk/socialenterprise/strategy.htm IZ (Inštitút nazamestnanosti). (2008): Úloha sociálnych podnikov v riešení nezamestnanosti http://www.iz.sk/sk/stanoviska/uloha-socialnych-podnikov- v-rieseni-nezamestnanosti-fes Marcinčin, A., Marcinčinová, Ľ. (2009): Straty z vylúčenia Rómov. Kľúčom k integrácii je rešpektovanie inakosti. In SNS ĽP (Slovenské národné stredisko pre ľudské práva). 2010. Výhody diverzity a implementácie nediskriminačných mechanizmov v oblasti zamestnanosti . Slovenské národné stredisko pre ľudské práva, Bratislava. 2010. ISBN 978 – 80 – 89016 – 51 – 8, 140 pp. Matlovičová, K., Matlovič, R., Mušinka, A., Židová, A. (2012) The Roma population in Slovakia. Basic characteristics of the Roma population with emphasis on the spatial aspects of its differentiation, in.Pénzes, J., Radics, Z., (2012) Roma population on the peripheries of the Visegrad countries. Spatial Trends and Social challenges. Debrecen. 2012. 239 pp. ISBN 978- 615-5212-07-9 Mušinka, A. (2012): Podarilo sa. Príklady úspešných aktivít na úrovni samospráv smerujúcich k zlepšeniu situácie Rómov. Prešov. Vydavateľstvo PU. 2012. 198 pp. ISBN 978-80-555-0531-2. Vláda SR. (2006): Správa o stave riešenia záležitostí rómskych komunít v jednotlivých regiónoch Slovenska. Bratislava-[online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible: http://hsr.rokovania.sk/9340/f/ Pálenik, V. (2008). APTP na Slovensku – výzvy a Vízie. Inštitút nezamestnanosti. [cited: 2012- 17- 9]. Accessible: http://www.iz.sk/download-files/sk/aptp-2008-sept-institut- zamestnanosti.pdf Radičová, I. (2001): Hic Sunt Romales. Bratislava. 2001. Nadácia S.P.A.C.E. a Fulbrightova komisia v SR. [online] [cited: 2012- 17- 9]. Accessible: http://archiv.vlada.gov.sk/old.uv/data/files/7194.pdf
155 Smetanka. M. (2006).Obecné firmy ako systémový nástroj rozvoja lokálnej zamestnanosti In Riešenie problémov bývania marginalizovaných skupín formou výstavby a správy obecných nájomných bytov nižšieho štandardu. Prešov. 2006. ISBN 80-969536-2-1 [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible: http://www.rvp.sk/doc/byvanie/riesenie.pdf Smetanka. M., Ledecký, V., (2007): Obecné firmy – rozvoj lokálnej zamestnanosti, podnikateľské aktivity a sociálne programy, Nadácia Milana Šimečku. Bratislava. 2007. ISBN 978 – 80 -89008 – 25 -4. Sadan, E. 2004. Empowerment and community planning: Theory and Practice. 2004. Tel Aviv. Translated from Hebrew by Richard Flantz. Ebook. [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible: http://www.mpow.org/elisheva_sadan_empowerment.pd. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). 2002. Avoiding dependency trap. Bratislava. 2002. [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible: http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/regional/europethecis/Avoiding_the_Depende ncy_Trap_EN.pdf SU SR, (2012): Počet obyvateľov SR k 31. 12. 2011. [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible:http://portal.statistics.sk/files/Sekcie/sek_600/Demografia/Obyva telstvo/tabulky/pocet_obyvatelov/2011/poc_obyv_2011_n.pdf SNS ĽP (Slovenské národné stredisko pre ľudské práva). 2010. Výhody diverzity a implementácie nediskriminačných mechanizmov v oblasti zamestnanosti . Slovenské národné stredisko pre ľudské práva, Bratislava. 2010. ISBN 978 – 80 – 89016 – 51 – 8, 140 pp. Vašečka, M., Džambazovič, R., (2000): Rómovia a chudoba. In. Národná správa o ľudskom rozvoji- Slovenská republika 2000. UNDP. Centrum pre hospodársky rozvoj. Bratislava. 2000. pp. 97 – 103. [online] [cited: 2012- 19- 9]. Accessible: http://www.cphr.sk/undp2000sl_06_cast3.pdf World Bank. (2012): Protecting the Poor and Promoting Employability An assessment of the social assistance system in the Slovak Republic. [online] [cited: 2012- 3- 10]. Accessible: http://www.employment.gov.sk/protecting-the-poor-and- promoting-employability-an-assessment.pdf NR SR. (2008): Zákon o službách zamestnanosti a o zmene a doplnení niektorých zákonov v znení zákona 2009. ISBN 978-80-89271-63-4. [online] [cited: 2012- 13- 9]. Accessible: http://www.upsvar.sk/buxus/docs/Zvakon_o_sluzbach_zamestnanosti.pdf
156 Emese K. Nagy51
USING COMPLEX INSTRUCTION PROGRAM IN HETEROGENEOUS CLASSROOMS
Introduction
There is no intellectual tendency or pedagogical school that discusses the universal requirement of the right to equal education. The equal accessibility of the offered instruments has been present in the pedagogical thinking and in the history of education since the appearance of the institutional education. The inequalities have been increasing both in the society and in the education since the change of regime in Hungary (1990). The structure of the society has been transformed radically since then because of the changes in the economy and politics. The effect of the social inequality is present in every sphere of the education. Students are not able to take advantage of the offered chances equally. Until society is hierarchically stratified, the education is not able to offer every child the possibilities which are necessary for their progress. Because of the social divergences and the hierarchical educational system, schools are forced to specialise in teaching the children coming from different layers of the society. In a layered society the social group at the bottom involves the schools which are attended by the children of this certain group. The question is how society is able to cope with this problem and what kind of possibilities it can offer. In Hungary the inequality in education is mainly connected with gipsy students. The problem is that the expectations and values of the gipsy families, the school, the teachers and the guiding politics often differ. Their presence at the school may cause open or hidden conflicts. The only way we can compensate the underprivileged students’ problem at school is radically reforming and transforming the education. Therefore we have to look for the teaching methods that are suitable for children coming from all levels of the society.
51
157 Looking for the ways of solving this problem raises the following questions: Is it possible to speak about equality in case of gypsy children? What can an institution do for catching up the children who lag behind? Does an elaborated, efficient method exist for the problem? The Complex Instruction Program is a suitable method for solving all the problems mentioned above.
The Complex Instruction Program
The classroom is a social system in which students’ perception of themselves and their classmates dictate relative status and participation. In classrooms children are constantly evaluated by both their peers and their teacher. Teachers and students form a social ranking (status order). Social theory suggests that when students work together on a group task, those perceived as high achievers dominate the group interaction. The high-status students are more influential in group decisions, low-status students barely participate. This is called a status problem. Status problems lead to unequal opportunities for learning. Since high-status students interact more in the group, they learn more from the tasks, while low- status students participate less, ie. they learn less. The Complex Instruction Program is an instructional approach that allows teachers to use cooperative group-work to teach at a high level in academically diverse classroom. The goal of this program is to provide academic access and success for all students in heterogeneous classrooms. The aim of applying the method is to increase the level of knowledge of the children and give success to them during the work.
The result of applying the Complex Instruction Program. Status treatment within the classroom
We examined the work of students having different status levels in the diverse classrooms. We presumed that the more the teacher decreases his or her direct role the more the students work together. Because of this action the collaboration among children increases and they can appreciate the competences of low status
158 students. On the other hand these interactive tasks provide low status students with the opportunity to develop their knowledge, skills and personal attitudes. As the aim was to organize heterogeneous groups, we suppose that the low and high status student is going to work together and we hope a very strong co- operative work among them. During the survey we looked for the answer to the following question: how low- and high-status students can work together, how they can divide the tasks among themselves and whether their status influences the achievement of students.
The influence of status position on the work of students
Before initiating the research we made difference between low (mainly gipsy) and high status students with the help of socio-meter measurement. It helped to determine the hierarchical order among students within the classrooms. During monitoring the group-work we noted the action and work of low and high status students, using the Individual observer sheet (II. appendix). In this work we paid attention to action of students connected with the tasks.
The influence of the status position on the frequency of speaking
Through examining the status position and the frequency of speaking, we looked for the answer to the following question: • Are there any differences between low and high status students in case of the frequency of speaking? We made a comparison between low and high status students. We wanted to know how they communicated connected with the tasks. We observed both the students who were taught by the Complex Instruction Program or were members of the control group, which was taught in a traditional (frontal) way. We got to the conclusion that there is a significant correlation between the status of the students and the frequency of their speaking: The average frequency of speaking of the low status students during 3 minutes is 2.36, while in the case of the high status students this figure is 3.8. The difference between them is 1.61-fold.
159 The students who are taught only by the Complex Instruction Program, have 2.86 speech-frequency while in case of the high status students this figure is 4.95. The difference between them is 1.73-fold. In the control group the frequency of speech of the low status students is 0.33 and the frequency of speech of high status students is 0.9. The difference is 2.72-fold. (Chart 1). Comparing the data we can realise that in any kind of comparisons the frequency of speech of low status students is lower than that of the high status students. This result shows that the high status students have more opportunities to speak than the low status students. We could assume that this higher speech frequency gives more opportunities to deal with the tasks and at the same time to learn. It is clear that group-work gives more opportunities to develop speech and communication skills for either low or high status students. These data indicate that traditional (frontal) class-work is better for the high status students than the low status ones. The high status students have more opportunities to act and communicate though the speech frequency of both groups is lower than in case of group-work. We could say that the Complex Instruction Program decreases the difference between the two groups because the speech frequency of the low status students is 8.67-fold (2.86/0.33) in the control group-work whereas this rate is 5.5-fold (4.95/0.9) in case of high status students, but because of the limited size of the control group we have to accept this result with doubt.
6 4,95 5 3,8 4 2,86 Low status 3 2,36 High status
Esetszám 2 0,9 1 0,33
0 Frontal classwork Complex All of the pupils Instruction Program
Chart 1: The frequency of speech of the students during different kinds of class-works
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Next we observed the following: • How is the non-task connected speaking connected with the two opposite statuses?
After analyzing the students’ observer sheets we did not find any difference between either the students working in group-work or the students working in the control (frontal) group. We had the same result when we compared the works of low and high status students working in the Complex Instruction Program. It is noticeable that in case of the low status students we can see a substantial difference between the students who work in group-work and who work in the control (frontal) class-work: while the average work-frequency of the low status students in the Complex Instruction Program is 0.02, the control low status students average work-frequency is 0.15. As we can see during the frontal class- work, this kind of action is 7.5-fold. It refers to the fact that in case of low status children this kind of class-work reduces the disorder and improves the discipline, the concentration on the task and acquiring of knowledge (Table 1.).
Table 1: The frequency of non-task related conversation in case of low status students Low status High status students students (frequency) (frequency) Group-work Non-significant 0.02 average difference Non-task related Control group 0.15 conversation average Difference 7.5-fold
The results of the measurement indicate that the teacher, by delegating authority as required by the Program, is able to support equal interaction within the group. Hence, the more he delegates authority, the better the students will co-operate. At the same time, if the teacher cannot delegate authority and
161 keeps it for himself, it is visible that both the high and the low status students will drive less conversations.
The impact of the students’ status on classroom activities
Analyzing the relationship of students’ status and classroom activities, we were looking for the answer to the following: • Does group-work based on the Program have an impact on the low status students’ classroom activities compared to traditional, frontal classroom?
We were examining the active participation during class and the rate of the students’ independent work and co-operation. We high and low status compared the students instructed by the Program and the control (frontal) group. Based on our measurements, low status students in group-work performed 1.73 activities in 3 minutes, whereas this number was 0.08 in the control group. The difference is 21.6-fold (1.73/0.08), which is a significant deviation and can be explained by the difference between the two educational methods, as well as the teacher’s conscious activity of focusing on co-operation that is an effective status treatment. (Chart 2.). On the other hand, the high status students’ average participation working according to the Program is 2.32, while the control group’s figure is 0.23. The difference is 9-fold. (2.32/0.23). Based on the results of the group-work classroom, the average rate of the low status students’ is 21.6-fold of the control group’s, while this number is 9 in case of high status students. This clearly shows that the benefit of the group- work in case of low status students is providing them with more opportunity to evolve than the traditional class-work. Comparing the two status groups, we can see that during the classes based on the Program, the average rate of activities of the low status students is 1.73, while that of the high status ones is 2.32, which gives a 0.59-fold difference (Chart 3.). On the contrary, the average rate of activities of the low status students in the control group is 0.08 in 3 minutes, while the high status students’ is 0.23, which gives a difference of 2.9 (Chart 4.).
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0, 08
Group-work (96%) 1,73 Frontal work (4%)
Chart 2: Frequency and percentage of low status student’s activities during classroom
Comparing the results, we can conclude that the activity rate of low status students is lower in all cases, than the high status students’. We can also conclude that both low and high status students have more opportunities to act during group-work. The figures in the control classes are remarkable, since they indicate that traditional classroom – similar to speaking activities – favours high status students more than low status ones, though both group’s activity rate is lower than during group-work.
Chart 3: Frequency and percentage of activities of high and low status students during group-work
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Chart 4: Frequency and percentage of activities of high and low status students during group-work during frontal class
The frequency of the low and high status student’s classroom activities makes us conclude that – although high status students participate more often during the class than the low status ones – group-work classes provides the students with more opportunities to act, acquire knowledge through experience and also decrease the difference between low and high status students.
Forms of organizing activities and learning
While exploring the relationship of the forms of organizing learning and the different forms of activities, we were searching for the answer to the following: • Are there any forms of activities that are more characteristic of certain forms of learning organization?
While exploring the relationship of characteristic activities and forms of organizing learning, we performed a comparison between the low and high status students participating in the class based on the Program and also the traditional frontal class. The Individual student observation sheet concentrates on the activities of “Waiting for an adult”, “Idle” and performing independent work. Based on our measurements, there is a significant difference between the work of students participating in group-work and in the control group. While the
164 activity of “Waiting for an adult” is 2.3% during group-work and being “Idle” is 1.1% during the observed 3 minutes period; in case of traditional classroom the former is 29.6% (0.33 times) and the latter is 3.7% (0.66 times). The measure of significance in case of “Waiting for an adult” is sig=0.11, while in case of “Idle” it is sig=0,000. There is an interesting – although not significant – similarity between low status students participating in group-work and in the control group on these two fields: low status students participating in group-work based on the Program do not perform the activity of “Waiting for an adult” or “Idle”, which we think is a result and advantage of group-work, assuming that children are actively working. Among the low status students of the control group, the frequency of the activity of “Waiting for an adult” is 0.175 and being “Idle” is 0.25 during the measured period. Since one of the main characteristics of frontal teaching is the leading role of the teacher; it is clear that the activity of “Waiting for an adult” during these classes is more frequent. This leads us to the conclusion and also to the answer to our original question that the activity of “Waiting for an adult” is a characteristic of traditional frontal classes (Table 3.). If we consider all of the students, the frequency of independent work was higher during the frontal control group (0.33), than in case of group-work (0.09), where the measure of significance is sig=0.000. There is a significant difference in case of low and high status students as well, during both group-work and frontal class: Considering solely the classes based on group-work, the independent work of low status students is 0.06 on an average, while this figure for high status students is 0.17, hence the difference is 2.16-fold. The frequency of independent work of low status students in the control group is 0.25 in 3 minutes, while the same for high status ones is 0.4, hence the difference is 1.6-fold. If we analyze the measured result in case of low status students, it is visible that the frequency of this activity is 0.06 during group-work, while during frontal class it is 0.25, hence the difference is 4.17-fold. In case of high status students, the frequency of this activity during group- work is 0.13, while during frontal class it is 0.4, ie. the difference is 3.05-fold (Table 4.)
165 Table 3: Frequency of “Waiting for an adult” and “Idle activities” among low status students
Low status Low status students students (frequency) (frequency) Group-work average 0 Waiting for an Control group 0.175 No significant adult average difference Difference Group-work average 0 Control group Idle 0.25 No significant average difference Difference
When we compare the results, it is visible that the frequency of independent work of low status students is lower than that of the high status students; however, even in their case the change (improvement) is larger.
Table 4: Frequency of independent work of low and high status students Low status Low status students students (frequency) (frequency) Group-work average 0.06 0.13 Control group Independent work 0.25 0.4 average Difference 4.17-fold 3.05-fold
Status increasing impact of the roles
The heterogeneity of the classes and the complexity of the tasks require a different way of organizing work. Instead of the leading role, the teacher fulfils the role of the organizer during group-work and delegates his authority and the
166 control of understanding the task to the students. By asking the student to monitor the others and make sure that they are dealing with the task, the teacher increases dependency within the group. The students’ factual knowledge and verbal and interpersonal relationship also improves during cooperation and common activities. Applying these roles makes it easier to keep the order in the classroom while the groups are working on a number of different exercises, while it also develops the skill of acquiring knowledge.
The “Facilitator”, a role of increasing status
In this part we examined the impact of the “Facilitator’s” role on participation of low status students (who perform this role). By participation, we mean all conversations, ie. providing and asking for support, conversations related to the role of the facilitator, conversations related and not related to the task (Appendix I.). We got the participation variable by calculating an average activity figure (the sum of number of activities divided by the number of aspects). Obviously, we only performed this examination in case of group-work based on the Program. • First, we compared the frequency of activities performed by low status “Facilitators” and other roles fulfilled by low status students. Based on our measurements, the frequency of participation of low status “Facilitators” is 1.13 in 3 minutes, while the same activity is 0.58 in case of non-facilitator, low status students. This means that if a low status student gets authority and performs the leader’s role, the frequency of his participation will become almost double, 1.9-fold. This result makes us assume (sig=0) that fulfilling the “Facilitator’s” role has a positive impact on the frequency of low status students’ participation (Chart 5). • We also investigated whether acting as a “Facilitator” results in performing more tasks than other roles. While analyzing the activities, we compared all students, both in case of low status as well as high status children during the class based on the Program. We were measuring the presence of this activity and not analyzing the quality of it. The results show that the average frequency of cooperation between the “Facilitator” and his peers is 3.81, while the non-facilitators’ is 3.84, which leads us to the conclusion that during group-work, students take equal part in problem-solving, completing the task and cooperating, which is one of the aims of group-work and treating status problems.
167 0,58
Facilitator (66%) Other role (34%) 1,13
Chart 5: Frequency and percentage of participation of the “Facilitator” and other roles fulfilled by low status students
• Next we compared the frequency of high and low status students giving support to their peers. The result of the measurements show (run with independent t-test, significence=0.035) that low status “Facilitators” provide their peers with support at an average of 0.21, while high status students do so at an average of 0.56, ie. 2.7-fold. Therefore, we can conclude that high status – possibly higher performing – students are asked for support more often and they are also keener on helping. (Chart 6). • We wanted to know whether the low status “Facilitator” asks for support more often than a high status student fulfilling this same role. We were not able to answer this question, as there was no difference in asking for support between the two status groups and there were almost no such activities: the low status “Facilitators” never asked for support, while the high status ones did so on one occasion. Although rotating the students’ roles means that the role of the “Facilitator” is fulfilled by every student equally frequently, irrespectively of their status and level of knowledge, we can assume that the role of the “Facilitator” entails a higher status and an attitude related to this status at the time of the fulfilment. The student wants to live up to the expectations in this role, which results in a higher performance.
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Chart 6: Frequency and percentage of giving support by the “Facilitator” during group-work
After having examined the impact of the “Facilitator’s” role on the performance of low and high status students fulfilling this role, we were curious to see the attitude of students fulfilling other roles. • Based on the above, first we were looking for the answer to what extent students fulfilling other roles ask for support. We compared the frequency of the “Facilitator” to the students fulfilling other roles, asking for support during class in our research. During the measurement we found significant correlation between two student groups’ activities (significance=0.02). In case of the “Facilitators”, the average of asking for support was 0.02 and the rate 2.4%, while among non-facilitators the frequency was 0.33 in 26.7%. This proves the assumption described in the previous point as well.
Conclusion
We conclude that the roles fulfilled during group-work have a great importance in changing activities, prestige, authority and students’ status. The role of the “Facilitator” is especially remarkable among the roles. The “Facilitator’s” leader role has a positive impact on the student’s own activities and the interaction within the group; moreover it is also beneficial in terms of low status students’ performance, although the coefficient does not reach statistical significance. Based on our research, the frequency of speech and activities provides us with information about how much the student is keen on fulfilling the student
169 role and completing their tasks. It is probable that the group members consider these manifestations as a sign of competence, meaning that the group members come to the conclusion that low status students who fulfil the role of the “Facilitator”, are suitable for completing the task successfully. When the student fulfils the teacher’s role (he becomes the “Facilitator”), it means that the teacher delegates authority to the student and the student acts as an instructing adult. Therefore, the role of the “Facilitator” is a tool for increasing the competencies of low status students bearing this role. It is probable that the students’ status has an impact on acquiring knowledge, since high status students communicate more, while low status students speak less. This way some of the students have more opportunities to acquire knowledge. We can conclude that the status determines the relationship to learning. We assume that when teachers expect lower status students to have higher competencies, these students will make more efforts in learning which has a positive impact on acquiring knowledge. The same can happen while fulfilling the role of the “Facilitator”, when the classmates relate higher competencies to the role of the “Facilitator”, which also stimulates higher performance. The results show that the teacher, by delegating authority according to the Complex Instruction Program, is able to support equal interaction among students within the group, hence the more he is withdrawn, the better the students will co-operate. At the same time, when the teacher is not able to delegate authority, meaning the teacher dominates, it is obvious that both low and high status students will communicate and work less during the class.
170 Appendix I.
Individual student observation sheet for group-work
Student: Class: Teacher: Role: Status: Observer:
1.minute 2.minute 3.minute Observation point 1.-30. 31.-60. 1.-30. 31.-60. 1.-30. 31.-60.
Speaking
Provide support Ask for support Acting as a “Facilitator” Converse related to the task Converse not related to the task
Behavior
Work independently Cooperate with peers Listen Wait for an adult
5 Appendix II.
Individual student observation sheet for frontal class
Student: Class: Teacher: Role: Status: Observer:
1.minute 2.minute 3.minute Observation point 1.-30. 31.-60. 1.-30. 31.-60. 1.-30. 31.-60.
Speaking
Provide support Ask for support Acting as a “Facilitator” Converse related to the task Converse not related to the task
Behavior
Work independently Cooperate with peers Listen Wait for an adult
6