The Creation of a Public Sphere Through a Network of Art Publics in Bogotá

The Creation of a Public Sphere through a Network of Art Publics in Bogotá

D I S S E R T A T I O N of the University of St.Gallen, School of Management, Economics, Law, Social Sciences and International Affairs to obtain the title of Doctor of Philosophy in Organizational Studies and Cultural Theory

Submitted by

Annatina Aerne

From

Ebnat-Kappel (St.Gallen)

Approved on the application of

Prof. Dr. Yvette Sánchez

and

Prof. Dr. Marianne Braig

Dissertation no. 4820

Difo-Druck GmbH, Bamberg 2019

The University of St.Gallen, School of Management, Economics, Law, Social Sciences and International Affairs hereby consents to the printing of the present dissertation, without hereby expressing any opinion on the views herein expressed.

St.Gallen, October 15, 2018

The President

Prof. Dr. Thomas Bieger

Acknowledgements This inquiry would not have started without Professor Yvette Sánchez’ encouragement to do a PhD project on Colombia. Her energy and her ability to see opportunities rather than obstacles, and her willingness to venture into new and unchartered territory are a great inspiration to me. Moreover, her generosity and her warmth provided the basis required to undertake this project: I would not have travelled to Colombia without her support. I was enormously privileged to work with Professor Marianne Braig and Pro- fessor Philip Leifeld. Professor Marianne Braig’s decisive input at the midway point of this project has guided my work to completion. Professor Philip Leifeld has been extraordinarily generous, as he repeatedly offered me his time and patiently responded my questions regarding social network analysis.

I was overwhelmed by the generosity of my interview partners and survey respondents. Throughout the project, the Colombian art professionals I met were extraordinarily helpful and went out of their way to provide me with information. Their open doors enabled me to gain insight into a new world, and their patience and willingness to talk to me made this inquiry a truly enriching experience. If I take away one thing from this thesis it is that the risk in Colombia is that you wish to stay. ¡El riesgo es, que te quieras quedar!

I could not have completed this project without my family and friends. I could count on the unconditional assistance of my parents, Marianne Jäggi Aerne and Peter Aerne and of my sister, Ursina Aerne. Their reliability in critical moments as well as their interest in the advances of this project were an important source of support and motivation. I am particularly indebted to my mother Marianne Jäggi Aerne. She read every page of this thesis, and most of them in more than one version. Her critical, yet sympathetic reading and our subsequent discussions were indispensable in seeing inconsistencies and in finding alternatives. I could always count on support from Rolf Aerne and Alice Aerne and I am grateful for their generosity. Sometimes higher forces are needed to complete a project. This venture overcame its obstacles also due to the prayers of my two grand- mothers, Mina Aerne and Lotti Jäggi who convinced the stars to align.

I thank Sonja Chiozza, Linda König, Lea Bühler, Céline Hofer, Claudia Ruckstuhl, Nhat Anh Truong, Rocío Robinson, Micaela Díaz-Rosaenz, Vanessa Boanada, Juan Fernando Palacios, Ashraf Montoya, Jason García, and Andreas Hugentobler for listening to my 3

A Network of Art Publics Acknowledgements doubts, but perhaps even more for our shared meals, drinks, salsa sessions and runs that relativized the importance of this project in a healthy way. I am especially grateful to Lea Bühler, Linda König, Céline Hofer, and Claudia Ruckstuhl who have each taken time to critically read through chapters, and correct and comment on them. I thank Jo Vederhus whose input on where else to look for data or how to do things more efficiently came in handy more than once.

To read one’s thoughts in precise and elegant language is a blissful experience, and I am truly grateful to Roland Kley for his assistance in finding the right words. Particularly the theory chapter profited from his sharp analysis and carefully proposed amendments. I am very grateful to Oliver Westerwinter. His introduction to network analysis laid the groundwork of my first modelling intents. Christoph Frei’s advice in the process of writing this thesis was of crucial importance, and his corrections of the introductory chapter smoothen the readers’ entry into this study. I am thankful for Enzo Nussio’s comments on the empirical part, the discussions with Patrick Emmenegger on the topic of cooperation, and Klaus Dingwerth on the concept of public sphere.

My Spanish has improved, but is still far from being sufficient for many of the emails I undertook to send, and particularly the questionnaire I needed to develop for this project. I thank Sandra Carrasco and Juan Fernando Palacios for making my Spanish versions sound better than my original drafts in my mother tongue of German. Many thanks to Maya Müller whose lay outing skills have greatly improved this text’s readability. Also, I thank the university’s methodological office for their support in conceptualizing my survey.

Translations of a different kind were those made from human into the programming language of R. The analysis of the data would have been much more difficult without Alexander Calderón, who has patiently helped me many times to convince the software to do as it was told. Moreover, his and Ed Schuh’s help in getting around in Bogotá was vital. To know that I could count on someone local in this huge city gave me a sense of security which greatly facilitated my field research. Bogotá would have been a very different experience without their company.

I thank the Swiss School of Latin American Studies, previously ProDoc on the Dynam- ics of Transcultural Management and Governance in Latin America, for financing three stays in Bogotá for field research, as well as my attendance at four conferences. I also 4

A Network of Art Publics Acknowledgements thank all of the members of the ProDoc, for taking the time to read my drafts and discuss them with me.

Many thanks to my colleagues at the Centro Latinoamericano–Suizo, Sarah Bühler, Ana Esquinas Rychen, Andrea Güpfert, and Alexander Griesser, as well as at the GOVPET project, Gina Di Maio, Lina Seitzl, and Daniel Unterweger, for taking an extra effort and reducing my work load during the final months of my dissertation. While I evidently had incredible support from many different sides, all faults in this thesis remain mine. “Me Vieron Cruzar” by Calle 13 highlights the importance of never giving up, and led the way for this project:

Los deseos me vieron nacer Los árboles me vieron crecer El océano me vio navegar Las estrellas me vieron cruzar Las estrellas me vieron llegar Las estrellas me vieron perder Las estrellas me vieron ganar

St.Gallen, December 2018 Annatina Aerne

To my sister and my parents

A Network of Art Publics

Abstract Many galleries and independent art spaces have been newly established in Bogotá between 2011 and 2015. This development contrasts with people’s general reluctance to participate in public life after decades of civil violence. One wonders how these art spaces encourage the revivification of a public sphere. The concept of public sphere, as developed by Jürgen Habermas, is adapted to the local context and to the purpose of this study. It is understood as the connection of small publics – physical spaces – in which people feel safe and are connected through shared experiences. The following research question guides the thesis: How does a public sphere come into existence?

The research question is broken down into three sub-questions. (1) What conditions lead to the establishment of art organizations and their publics? (2) Which actors convene publics? (3) What factors promote the cooperation among art organizations and the coalescence of their publics into a larger public sphere? The first two sub-questions are answered based on the analysis of 36 semi-structured expert interviews conducted in Bogotá in 2015 and 2016. The results highlight that the availability of resources to be spent on art, as well as governmental cultural policies that provide platforms, such as artBo have been important factors for the recent emergence of art organizations in Bo- gotá. The art boom has led to an increasing number of galleries and independent art spaces, but has not affected the museums. Particularly independent art spaces are important actors in convening publics. As they struggle to maintain their organizations they offer additional services that attract a wider public, such as film screenings. In order to answer the third sub-question, a survey gathered information on the cooperation and characteristics of 91 out of 129 (72%) of all the art organizations in Bogotá. This allowed the modeling of the cooperation patterns in the art circuit. The results of the exponential random graph models (ergm) show that more international organizations are more likely to be connected, and that profit-oriented art spaces are equally likely to foster the emergence of networks among art spaces. Moreover, contact to political offices concerned with cultural policy foster collaboration among art organizations. This challenges the idea of public sphere as a domestic process predominantly involving third sector actors. Art organizations’ connections reflect considerations about reputation, illustrating a dynamic that is widely discussed in the literature on creative industries, but has been neglected in the literature on public sphere.

A Network of Art Publics

Zusammenfassung Seit Kurzem lässt sich in Bogotá eine wachsende Anzahl von Neueröffnungen von Kunstorganisationen beobachten. Diese Zunahme von Kunstorganisationen bildet einen Gegensatz zum allgemeinen Gefühl der Unsicherheit, welches das Zusammenleben der lokalen Bevölkerung nach einem langen internen Konflikt prägt, und die Teilnahme am öffentlichen Leben reduziert. Es stellt sich die Frage, inwiefern diese Entwicklung auch einen Beitrag zur Wiederherstellung einer Öffentlichkeit leistet. Jürgen Habermas’ Be- griff wird in dieser Arbeit auf den lokalen Kontext angepasst: Öffentlichkeit wird als die Verbindung kleinerer Publika verstanden, physische Orte, an denen sich die Leute sicher fühlen, und eine gemeinsame Erfahrung teilen. Die Arbeit untersucht, wie Kunstorgani- sationen ihre spezifischen, kleineren Publika durch verschiedene Formen der Zusam- menarbeit verbinden und eine grössere Öffentlichkeit bilden. Zu diesen Kooperations- formen mit Publikumsbezug gehören Kunstführungen, die Besucher zwischen verschie- denen Kunstorganisationen zirkulieren, der Austausch von Ausstellungen, oder gemeinsame Anlässe, in welchen die Publika zusammengebracht werden. Die Forschungsfrage, auf die sich diese Arbeit stützt ist wie folgt: Wie entsteht eine Öffentlichkeit?

Die Frage wird in drei Unterfragen aufgeteilt. (1) Welche Bedingungen tragen dazu bei, dass sich Kunstorganisationen und deren Publika etablieren? (2) Welche Akteure ver- sammeln Publika? (3) Welche Charakteristiken der Kunstorganisationen und Interakti- onsdynamiken sind ausschlaggebend für deren Kooperationen, welche schliesslich zu einer Verbindung dieser Publika führen? Die ersten zwei Unterfragen werden anhand 36 semi-strukturierter Experteninterviews beantwortet, die zwischen 2015 und 2016 ge- führt wurden. Mittels dieser qualitativen Daten wurden die Bedingungen erfasst, unter welchen Kunstorganisationen florieren. Relevant für die Eröffnung der Kunstorganisa- tionen ist eine Nachfrage, und damit das Vorhandensein materieller Mittel, die für Kunst ausgegeben werden können. Ausserdem spielen eine aktive Kunstförderpolitik, welche beispielsweise eine Plattform wie artBo bereitstellt, eine wichtige Rolle im Aufbau der Kunstszene. In Bezug auf die Akteure, die Publika generieren, lässt sich feststellen, dass Galerien und autonome Künstlerorganisationen besonders von diesen verbesserten Be- dingungen profitieren, im Gegensatz zu den Museen. Insbesondere unabhängige Kunst- räume, im Bestreben ihre Zukunft zu sichern, bemühen sich sehr, Publikum zu generieren und offerieren oft auch alternative Angebote, wie zum Beispiel Filmabende. Zur Beantwortung der dritten Unterfrage wurden durch eine Umfrage die Kooperationen 8

A Network of Art Publics Zusammenfassung und Charakteristiken von 91 der 128 Kunstorganisationen (72%) in Bogotá erhoben. Die Information diente dazu, die Kooperationen der Organisationen anhand deren Eigen- schaften sowie Netzwerkdynamiken zu modellieren. Die Resultate der Exponential Ran- dom Graph Models (ergm) zeigen, dass internationale Organisationen, auch lokal zu einer stärkeren Vernetzung beitragen. Gewinnorientierte Kunstorganisationen sind gleichermassen in Kooperation involviert, wie nicht profit-orientierte Organisationen. Zudem kooperieren Kunstorganisationen, die in Kontakt mit lokalen öffentlichen Stel- len stehen, mehr. Dies stellt die Idee einer rein innerstaatlichen Öffentlichkeit, getragen von Akteuren des dritten Sektors in Frage. Ausserdem wichtig für die Vernetzung der Kunstorganisationen ist Reputation. Diese Dynamik wird in der Literatur zu kulturellen Industrien zwar breit diskutiert, wird aber in der Debatte über Öffentlichkeit vernach- lässigt.

A Network of Art Publics

Sinopsis Entre 2011 y 2015, se establecieron un considerable número de galerías y espacios independientes en Bogotá. Tal desarrollo marca un contraste con la duda de la gente de participar en la vida pública después de décadas de violencia civil, y se plantea la pregunta de cómo se logra reanimar una esfera pública. El concepto de la esfera pública, desarrollado por Jürgen Habermas, se adapta al contexto local bogotano y al objetivo de este estudio. La esfera pública se define como la conexión de diferentes públicos peque- ños y espacios físicos, en los que uno se siente seguro y que se conectan por experiencias compartidas. La pregunta de investigación de esta tesis reza así: ¿Cómo se genera una esfera pública?

Dicha pregunta se subdivide en tres más. (1) ¿Qué condiciones conducen a la creación de organizaciones de arte y sus públicos? (2) ¿Qué actores convocan públicos? (3) ¿Qué factores promueven la cooperación entre organizaciones de arte y la fusión de sus pú- blicos en una esfera pública más amplia? Contestamos a las dos primeras preguntas mediante el análisis de 36 entrevistas de expertos conducidas en Bogotá, en 2015 y en 2016. Los resultados muestran que dos factores han contribuido al resurgimiento de las organizaciones de arte: el aumento de los recursos disponibles para el arte, y la política cultural provee plataformas como artBo.

El “boom” de arte se ha manifestado en el número aumentado de galerías y espacios independientes, pero no ha fomentado los museos de igual manera. Los espacios independientes son actores especialmente decisivos en convenir públicos. Al tener que lu- char por mantener sus espacios e intentar atraer un público más amplio, ofrecen servicios adicionales, por ejemplo, muestras de películas.

Para contestar a la tercera sub-pregunta, recolectamos información sobre la cooperación y las características mediante una encuesta de 91 de 128 (72%) de todas las organizaciones de arte en Bogotá. Así pudimos modelar las dinámicas de cooperación en el circuito de arte. Los resultados de los modelos de gráficos aleatorios exponenciales (exponential random graph models) muestran que las organizaciones internacionales están involucradas en cooperaciones más frecuentemente, y que los espacios con ánimo de lucro manifiestan la misma probabilidad de cooperar. El contacto con agencias encarga- das de la política cultural aumenta asimismo la colaboración entre las organizaciones.

A Network of Art Publics Sinopsis

Los resultados ponen en duda la idea de una esfera pública concebida como un proceso del tercer sector puramente local. Además, la cooperación de las organizaciones de arte refleja consideraciones sobre la reputación y muestran una dinámica bien documentada en la literatura de industrias creativas, en cambio no tenido en cuenta en la literatura sobre la esfera pública.

A Network of Art Publics

Content

Acknowledgements ...... 3 Abstract ...... 7 Zusammenfassung ...... 8 Sinopsis...... 10 Acronyms ...... 15 Tables ...... 16 Figures ...... 17 Introduction ...... 18 1 The Public Sphere and the Role of Art ...... 24 Public Sphere and Bonds of Civility ...... 26 The Public Sphere and Its Dimensions ...... 28 The Social Dimension: Citizens and Publics ...... 28 The Spatial Dimension: Public as Shared Space ...... 29 The Affective Dimension: The Absence of Fear ...... 31 The Dynamics among Publics and Levels ...... 36 Competing Publics ...... 36 Coalescing Publics ...... 36 Networks Fostering Smaller Publics ...... 40 The Public Sphere and the State and the Economy ...... 41 Economic Equality ...... 42 Freedom of Expression ...... 43 Key Roles for the State and the Private Sector ...... 44 Art as a Relational Good ...... 45 The Network of Bogotá’s Art Publics: Operationalization of a Public Sphere ...... 48 2 Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation ...... 49 A Persistent Feeling of Insecurity and Isolation ...... 49 Internal Conflict in Colombia and Insecurity in Bogotá ...... 49 Past Violence as Embodied in Landmarks ...... 52 The State as a Perpetrator ...... 54 The Conflict in the Media ...... 55 Economic Inequality in Bogotá and Colombia ...... 57 Bogotá: A Rapidly Growing Center...... 58 Limited Labor Markets in Bogotá ...... 60 Colombia’s Economic Reforms and Emerging Middle Class...... 62 Spatial Divisions ...... 66 Limited Housing Market ...... 67 Disconnected and Dysfunctional Infrastructure ...... 70 Political Decentralization and Innovative Urban Policies ...... 70 Isolation and Division: Difficulties in Building a Public Sphere in Bogotá ...... 73 3 Colombian Contemporary Art in its Wider Context ...... 75 The Role of the State: Cultural Policy for Contemporary Art in Colombia ...... 75 Integration of Society and Representation of Minorities ...... 75 A Recent Development: Promotion of Creative Industries ...... 82 ‹Neutrality› in Art Sponsorship ...... 84 The Hierarchical Internationalization of the Art Scene ...... 86 The Global Art Market, 2000–2017: Rising Prices for Contemporary Art ...... 87

A Network of Art Publics Content

The Limited Internationalization through Art Fairs ...... 90 The Internationalization through Biennials ...... 93 Cultural Representation and Self-Determination ...... 94 4 Methods ...... 98 The Research Question, Research Design and Access to the Field ...... 98 Research Question ...... 98 Mixed Methods ...... 99 Access to the Field ...... 100 The Qualitative Part: Interviews ...... 100 The Sample of Organizations Interviewed ...... 101 Interview Guidelines ...... 103 Analysis of Interview Data ...... 104 The Quantitative Part: Survey Data and Network Analysis ...... 104 Sampling and Response Rate ...... 104 Analysis of the Survey Data ...... 106 5 A Panorama of the Art Sector in Bogotá ...... 107 Categories of Actors ...... 107 Developments in Bogotá’s Art Scene ...... 110 2005–2011: Reemergence ...... 110 2011–2015: The Art Boom ...... 111 2016: The Market Downturn ...... 119 The Target Audience of Colombian Contemporary Art ...... 121 Domestic Publics ...... 122 International Publics ...... 124 Reasons for Increased Domestic Interest in Art ...... 128 Institutional Developments: The Establishment of artBo ...... 128 Economic and Political Factors...... 130 Reasons for Increased International Attention ...... 131 Changed Conditions in Colombia ...... 132 ArtBo Assuring ‹Quality› ...... 132 ‹Return of the Lost Daughters and Sons› ...... 133 Art and Its Contribution to Improving Colombia’s Image ...... 133 The Art Market on the Hunt for Novelties ...... 136 New Formats in Bogotá’s Art Scene ...... 138 A Very Recent Secondary Art Market: Bogotá Auctions ...... 138 Disintermediation: Art Fairs Presenting Artists Directly ...... 139 Committees in Galleries ...... 139 6 Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá ...... 141 Initiatives to Form a Wider Public ...... 141 The Support of Artists ...... 141 Facilitating Access for a More General Public ...... 143 Publications by Art Organizations ...... 145 A Comparison ...... 146 Forms of Cooperation ...... 147 The Art Scene as Competitive rather than Cooperative ...... 147 Coalescence of Publics in Art Fairs and Biennials ...... 148 Interlinking Art Publics by Guided Tours ...... 149 Circulation of Artworks and Exhibitions Connecting Different Publics...... 152

A Network of Art Publics Content

Financial Support and Transactions ...... 154 Administrative Cooperation ...... 156 Tendencies in Cooperation ...... 157 7 The Public Sphere as a Network: Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties ...... 160 Organizations’ Motivations to Cooperate ...... 160 Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization ...... 161 Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion ...... 162 Alternative Explanations ...... 166 Operationalization ...... 167 The Dependent Variable: Adjacency Matrices ...... 167 Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization ...... 168 Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion ...... 169 Alternative Explanations ...... 171 A Descriptive Analysis of the Combined Networks 2011 – 2015 ...... 176 Exponential Random Graph Models ...... 180 The Dependency of Observations in a Network ...... 180 Simulation and Estimation ...... 183 Results from the Models of the Combined Networks 2011–2015 ...... 186 Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization ...... 191 Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion ...... 192 Results from the Comparison of the Four Different Forms of Cooperation ...... 192 Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization ...... 195 Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion ...... 195 Actors and Dynamics that Contribute to the Formation of a Public Sphere ...... 197 8 Conclusion: Building a Public Sphere ...... 200 The Role of the Economy and the State ...... 201 The Two-Level Game of Cooperation ...... 203 A Double-Edged Sword: Reputation and Homophily ...... 205 9 Annex ...... 207 Descriptive Data on Exogenous Variables ...... 207 A Visualization of Networks 2012–2014 ...... 211 Descriptive Data on Networks 2011–2015 ...... 214 Simplified Models on Combined Networks 2011–2015...... 217 The Visualization of Networks according to Forms of Cooperation ...... 218 Significance Plots for the ergm and the tergm on the Networks 2011 to 2015...... 222 Goodness of Fit Plots for All Four Forms of Cooperation ...... 223 Coefficients Table of ergms for All Forms of Cooperation ...... 227 The List of Interview Partners ...... 228 Code Book for the Interviews ...... 229 10 Literature ...... 235

A Network of Art Publics

Acronyms ARCO Arte Contemporáneo artBo arte Bogotá BAK Bundesamt für Kultur CEPAL Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe CLAN Centros Locales de Arte para Niños y Niñas ColCultura Instituto Colombiano de Cultura CONPES El Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social COP Pesos Colombianos DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística DAS Departamento Administrativo de Seguridad EFTA European Free Trade Agreement E.U. European Union ergm Exponential Random Graph Model FARC Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia Fontur Fondo Nacional de Turismo GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Taxes GDP Gross Domestic Product ICCO Instituto de Cultura Contemporánea de Brasil ICOM International Council of Museums Idartes Instituto Distrital de las Artes IDCT Instituto Distrital de Cultura y Turismo IDRD Instituto Distrital de Recreación y Deporte IFI Instituto de Fomento y Coordinación Industrial IMF International Monetary Fund M19 Movimiento 19 de Abril MAC Museo de Arte Contemporáneo MALBA Museo de Arte Latinoamericano Buenos Aires MAMBO Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá MAMM Museo de Arte Moderno de Medellín MCMC Markov Chain Monte Carlo MLE Maximum Likelihood Estimation NBI Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas NEA National Endowment of the Arts OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development PPP Purchasing Power Parity RUV Registro Único de Víctimas TEFAF The European Fine Art Fair tergm Temporal Exponential Random Graph Model UK United Kingdom U.N. United Nations UNAM Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México UNEP United Nations Environment Program U.S. United States of America USD U.S. Dollars

A Network of Art Publics

Tables Table 1: Research Steps...... 99 Table 2: Included Organizations According to Categories in 2015...... 106 Table 3: Categories of Art Organizations...... 109 Table 4: Comparison of Activities across Different Types of Organizations...... 146 Table 5: Conceptualization of Public Sphere: Forms of Cooperation Connecting Publics...... 159 Table 6: Source of the Hypothesized Antecedents for the Building of a Public Sphere...... 166 Table 7: Variables and Corresponding Theories for Cooperation...... 176 Table 8: Densities of the Combined and Dichotomized Networks 2011 to 2015...... 180 Table 9: Coefficients for the ergm 2015 and tergm 2011 – 2015...... 190 Table 10: Descriptive Statistics on the Variable Number of Committees...... 207 Table 11: Frequency Table for the Variable Number of Employees...... 207 Table 12: Frequency Table for the Variable International ...... 207 Table 13: Descriptive Statistics on the Variable Political Contact...... 208 Table 14: Descriptive Statistics on the Variable Number of Shared Artist Types ...... 208 Table 15: Frequency Table for the Variable Categories...... 208 Table 16: Frequency Table for the Variable Experience of Directors in Bogotá’s Art Circuit...... 209 Table 17: Frequency Table for the Variable Location...... 209 Table 18: Frequency Table for the Variable Profit Orientation...... 209 Table 19: Coefficients for the ergm Models for Each of the Four Forms of Cooperation in 2015...... 227

A Network of Art Publics

Figures Figure 1: Homicide Rates per 100,000 Inhabitants...... 51 Figure 2: Perception of Insecurity in Bogotá...... 52 Figure 3: Poverty Rates in Bogotá...... 59 Figure 4: Gini Coefficient in Bogotá...... 62 Figure 5: Emergence of a Middle Class in Bogotá...... 66 Figure 6: Number of Homicides per 100,000 Inhabitants in Bogotá per Year per Localidad...... 69 Figure 7: Global Contemporary Art Revenues at Auction, 2000–2017...... 87 Figure 8: Global Art Market Share per Country by Value...... 88 Figure 9: Proliferation of Bienniales per World Region...... 93 Figure 10: ‹Hacia un lugar común›. Juan Mejía, 2015...... 115 Figure 11: Locations of Art Organizations in Different Neighborhoods in Bogotá...... 119 Figure 12: Visual Arts Consumption in and Exports in Visual Arts from Colombia...... 121 Figure 13: Art Boom in Bogotá...... 137 Figure 14: GW-esp...... 174 Figure 15: 4-Cycle...... 174 Figure 16: Combined Art Network 2011 (64 organizations)...... 178 Figure 17: Combined Art Network 2015 (93 organizations)...... 179 Figure 18: Goodness of Fit Plot for the ergm on the Combined Network for 2015...... 187 Figure 19: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Temporal ergm for the Five Networks from 2011–2015...... 188 Figure 20: Significance of Coefficients for the Same Model on All Four Forms of Cooperation...... 194 Figure 21: Histogram of All Organizations and Their Year of Foundation...... 210 Figure 22: Combined Art Network 2012 (75 organizations). Cutoff = 1...... 211 Figure 23: Combined Art Network 2013 (80 organizations). Cutoff = 1...... 212 Figure 24: Combined Art Network 2014 (89 organizations). Cutoff = 1...... 213 Figure 25: Centralities of the Combined Networks 2011–2015...... 214 Figure 26: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2011...... 215 Figure 27: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2012...... 215 Figure 28: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2013...... 215 Figure 29: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2014...... 216 Figure 30: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2015...... 216 Figure 31: Comparison of Coefficients Across the Networks for the Years 2011–2015...... 217 Figure 32: Art Network ‹Joint Organization of an Event 2015›...... 218 Figure 33: Art Network ‹Joint Participation in an Event 2015›...... 219 Figure 34: Art Network ‹Circulating Visitors in 2015›...... 220 Figure 35: Art Network ‹Circulating Content in 2015›...... 221 Figure 36: Significance Plot for Models on Combined Network 2015 and Networks 2011–2015...... 222 Figure 37: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Joint Organization of an Event› in 2015...... 223 Figure 38: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Participation in a Joint Event› in 2015...... 224 Figure 39: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Circulating Visitors› in 2015...... 225 Figure 40: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Circulating Content› in 2015...... 226

A Network of Art Publics

Introduction When I first visited Bogotá, one of the most remarkable visual impressions were the colorful graffiti. Along the Calle 26, which I would travel daily, huge paintings decorated the outside walls of houses and the bridges of the bus stops. Street art in these dimensions was new to me, and I wanted to take photographs of these artworks. In Bo- gotá, however, one is advised not to show one’s valuables – such as a camera or a cell phone – in public space due to the risk of being robbed. I thus had to work out a strategy in order to be able to take pictures. On Sundays, all major routes in Bogotá close to traffic from 8 a.m. to 2 p.m. As pedestrians and cyclists take over at that time, the streets are densely populated, and, I thought, sufficiently safe for me to use my camera. On the following Sunday, I cycled along the Calle 26 and down the Séptima and back again, getting off my bike at every major graffito and taking pictures of the paintings that I had admired every day. It did feel safe – until someone stopped me abruptly during one of my photo sessions. A young man shouted at me to get on my bike immediately and to speed up: ¡ahora! Were I not to get out of sight quickly, he yelled while gesturing into the direction where I had come from, ‹they› would get my camera and whatever I had with me. Apparently, I had been watched during the previous five minutes without my even noticing. I did as I was told, and got back home safe and sound.

The experience of feeling unsafe in public space contrasted sharply with what I experienced inside the rooms and halls across galleries and museums. In comparison to my graffiti tour in public, looking at the artworks within gallery and museum walls felt easy and relaxed, and people would talk about the artworks rather than potential robberies of cameras. The main puzzle to me was to observe how people felt safe among strangers in these small art publics, while fear and distrust hindered interactions among citizens in the larger context outdoors. Exploring the galleries and museums, I also realized that Bogotá was enjoying the emergence of a vibrant art scene. Many galleries and independent art spaces had been founded recently; in fact, people talked about an ‹art boom›. I wondered whether or not this art boom actually contributed to establish the civil atmosphere I observed among visitors within galleries, also outside the galleries and museums – and, if it did contribute in such a way, how so? More generally speaking: how does the sense of security that prevails in a small public expand to a larger context? By conceptualizing a public sphere as the connection of small publics, I state the following research question for this thesis: 18

A Network of Art Publics Introduction

• How does a public sphere take form?

The research question is broken down into three sub-questions. (1) What conditions lead to the establishment of art organizations and their publics? (2) Which art organizations convene publics? (3) What factors promote the cooperation among art organizations and hence the coalescence of these publics into a larger public sphere? Based on the analysis of 36 semi-structured expert interviews in Bogotá in 2015 and 2016, specific conditions leading to the foundation of these art organizations are determined. Moreover, the organizations that are particularly active in convening publics are identified. Survey data on the cooperation and characteristics of 91 (72%) out of 128 art organizations in Bogotá allow for modeling of the cooperation patterns in the art circuit.

The question of how a public sphere emerges is not only relevant empirically, but also has not been addressed sufficiently by literature. The literature on public sphere has been concerned with theoretical rather than empirical investigation of this category. Moreo- ver, the existing empirical analyses on public sphere as well as related concepts such as social capital and civil society which also study large, society-wide social networks, hardly pay attention to the origin of these networks. All three strands of literature tend 1 to attribute positive effects0F to social capital, civil society, or the public sphere. Instead of exploring their emergence, however, scholars have mainly concentrated on differen- 2 tiating1F which kinds of social networks or civil societies are particularly helpful. Empir- ical scholarship, in spite of an alleged focus on building civil society in precarious contexts, seems to highlight what does not work, rather than analyzing the avenues that lead to the building of a social society (Leeuwen & Verkoren, 2012; Pouligny, 2005). Even

1 The three strands of literature all stress different kinds of benefits of these society-wide networks. With reference to social capital, Putnam holds that social capital positively influences the performance of public institutions across Italian regions (R. Putnam, 1993, p. 91f). Social capital furthermore is seen to be related to economic prosperity (R. Putnam, 1993, p. 160), or, on a more individual level, social capital enables economic transactions (Granovetter, 1985, p. 490). In the literature on civil society, the benefits of social ties for democracy are discussed (Booth & Richard, 1998; Foley, 1996; Gómez-Quintero, 2014; Leeuwen & Verkoren, 2012; Pouligny, 2005) as well as their capacity to provide services usually delivered by the state (Foley, 1996; Gómez-Quintero, 2014). 2 The three strands of literature largely concentrate on differentiating which forms of networks are helpful. With reference to social capital, authors have discussed different network structures that are particularly beneficial. Common differentiations are bridging versus bonding ties (Coffé & Geys, 2007; Leonard, 2004; R. D. Putnam, 2007, p. 143), and weak ties versus strong ties (Granovetter, 1973, p. 1361; Joonmo Son, 2011, p. 214; Lin, 2011, p. 82). Some authors focus on the benefits of loose connections with structural holes (Burt, 2000, p. 356) while others hold that positive effects occur primarily in closed networks (Coleman, 2011, p. 192). In the literature on civil society, relations among different collectives are discussed as being either cooperative or conflictive. Differ- ent actors in civil society may oppose one another, rather than coexist in peaceful relations (Foley, 1996; Pouligny, 2005). Booth et al. distinguish even three types of civil society (Booth & Richard, 1998): conflictive, cooperative and civil society as a counterweight to the state.

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Putnam’s analysis of the generation of social capital is quite circular: social networks embody past success in collaboration, which facilitates future cooperation – past networks generate future networks. Habermas, in his historical account, follows the emergence of a ‹public sphere› back to the 18th century (Habermas, 1962). Ikegami analyzes the establishment of civic ties in medieval times in Japan (Ikegami, 2005). The current state of the literature seems to suggest that if social capital, civil society, or a public sphere have not been present centuries back, it is difficult to develop them. The path- dependent or even circular accounts suggest that societies which got it right in the beginning are forever blessed, while those that did not are forever doomed.

Based on an empirical conceptualization, the present inquiry complements existing descriptions of the emergence of public spheres over centuries. More specifically, this thesis conceptualizes a public sphere as a network of different art publics. The connections between publics are derived from the literature on public spheres and were operationalized as different forms of cooperation among art organizations. The different forms of cooperation examined are: guided tours that circulate visitors from one art space to another; the exchange of exhibitions and artworks; and the union of different publics through common events. Conceptualizing a public sphere as a network of different publics allows for an empirical analysis of the factors that promote these connections – an analysis that goes beyond a mere description of the evolution of a public sphere.

The thesis is structured as follows. Chapter One introduces the notion of ‹public sphere› and depicts the mechanisms through which art organizations connect their publics to a larger public sphere. A public sphere is understood as the connection of small publics, meeting in physical spaces, where people feel safe and are connected through shared experiences. I thus highlight three dimensions of the public sphere: a social dimension, a spatial dimension, and an affective dimension. Public sphere is defined as the (1) interaction of people in a (2) space where they feel safe (3). In theory, the following forms of connections are relevant to connect publics: visitors moving between publics, content circulating among publics, and different publics being united in common events.

Chapter Two presents Bogotá as a city where a public sphere is missing, but also traces certain positive developments conducive to building art publics and a public sphere. A predominant sensation in Colombia’s capital is fear. Past events of violence still reverberate in the capital, even though levels of violence have decreased. The influx of large

A Network of Art Publics Introduction numbers of domestic migrants and internally displaced people has brought forth slums where the state is not present. Strict orders not to enter these areas divide and fragment the city and deepen the feeling of insecurity. On the positive side, Colombia in general and Bogotá in particular have seen the emergence of a middle class, with many people escaping from poverty.

Chapter Three looks into the national cultural policies and the international conditions that have been important factors for the emergence of an art scene in Bogotá. Bogotá’s art sector is situated both in the institutional context of Colombian cultural policies and in the international art market. Colombian cultural policies have been concerned with society’s reconciliation and regionalization. Since 2000, an additional discourse on creative industries has complemented these considerations. This more recent discourse highlights the economic potential of artistic production to generate growth and employment. Conceived in this way, art becomes amenable to export, which can satisfy an international demand. Across the globe, the first decade of the 21st century has seen a remarkable increase in the prices of contemporary art, which has made peripheral markets with lower prices highly interesting. Both of these developments – an increased orientation towards commercialization of cultural production in Colombia as well as increased international interest – may have promoted the emergence of an art scene in Bogotá.

Chapter Four features both the empirical strategy and research design of this project. The thesis relies on quantitative and qualitative data and follows an approach of mixed methods research. Over three rounds of interviews in 2015 and 2016, I conducted 36 semi-structured expert interviews in Bogotá – a process that allowed me to identify factors that are important for the emergence of an art scene and also to determine which actors are particularly engaged in convening publics. The interviews also permitted to recognize the forms of cooperation that are common among art organizations in Bogotá. To complement the qualitative data, I conducted a survey and collected data on the cooperation and characteristics of 91 (72%) of the 128 art organizations in Bogotá. This information allowed to model the instances of cooperation based on organizations’ characteristics and network dynamics.

Based on the findings of the semi-structured interviews with the 36 art professionals in

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Bogotá, the development and particularities of Bogotá’s art scene are described in Chap- ters Five and Six. Chapter Five traces the emergence of an art scene and analyzes the factors that have led to this development. Three periods of interest can be distinguished: prior to 2011; 2011 to 2015; and from 2016 onward. Between 2005 and 2011, a growing domestic interest in art boosted the emergence of an art scene. Beginning in 2011, international interest followed these domestic developments. Of crucial importance for both domestic and international demand was the establishment of the art fair artBo in 2004, a platform for both collectors and art organizations. Moreover, improved economic and security environments contributed to generate the confidence necessary to buy art and to visit art organizations. Since 2016, this trend seems to have levelled off.

Chapter Six analyzes how art organizations convoke a public, and how they cooperate and join their publics to a public sphere. Comparing the actual forms of cooperation with those derived theoretically, the following forms of cooperation that take place among Bogotá’s art organizations and contribute to the formation of a public sphere will be identified: guided tours that circulate visitors from one art space to another, exhibitions and artworks that circulate between art organizations, and different publics that are con- joined through common events. An interesting position is held by independent art spaces and foundations. These art organizations are not able to, or perhaps not willing to, sustain their operations solely from the sale of artworks or from fundraising. They therefore frequently engage in more popular cultural activities, such as film screenings, or sell additional services and products which attract an audience that is not necessarily interested in contemporary art. These organizations also seem to be more cooperative than others. As they lack resources, they need to work with other organizations in order to keep their projects going.

In Chapter Seven, I show which factors promote cooperation among art organizations and, hence, the formation of a public sphere between 2011 and 2015. Relying on the survey data, the chapter models the cooperation patterns based on the characteristics of the organizations, as well as network dynamics, with exponential random graph models. More international organizations are also better connected locally, whereas profit-oriented organizations are just as likely to be engaged in cooperation as not-for-profit organizations. Contacts to state authorities also help to establish cooperation among art organizations. The commonly held idea that the public sphere is predominantly a domestic medium sustained by third sector actors is thus challenged. Moreover, it is found 22

A Network of Art Publics Introduction that art organizations’ connections reflect considerations about reputation, a dynamic widely observed in literature on cultural industries.

Combining two levels of analysis – that of the context in which organizations are located as well as that of the art organizations themselves – allows for my research questions to be answered. The findings qualify the role of both, the economy and the state in building a public sphere as more active than commonly held by the literature. While economic resources (a rising local middle class in Bogotá as well as an increased international demand for Colombian art) are important for art organizations to flourish, they are themselves economic actors that convene and connect publics. Particularly independent art spaces are very engaged in building publics, as they cannot rely on art sales alone, nor count on regular state financing. They thus offer additional services and goods that are attractive to a wider audience. Profit-oriented art organizations are furthermore equally likely to cooperate as not-for-profit organizations as indicated by the models. The state contributes to build a public sphere both, by providing ideal conditions and fostering cooperation among art organizations. Cultural policies recently started to promote creative industries which have improved the conditions for art organizations. These cultural policies also seem to foster the cooperation among organizations.

Moreover, the idea that the building of a public sphere is a local process is challenged by the findings of this inquiry. Not only has an increased international demand for Co- lombian art been important for the foundation of new art organizations, organizations with more international contacts are also more likely to cooperate in Bogotá. It seems that international contacts are seen as a label of quality locally, and hence promote the integration of an art organization into the local art scene.

Last, the inquiry highlights the building of reputation as an important dynamic in cooperation in the cultural industry. Building reputation is a double-edged sword as it has an associational aspect (organizations connect to recognized organizations in order to gain recognition), but also an exclusive aspect (organizations do not connect to less recognized organizations).

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1 The Public Sphere and the Role of Art The concept of the ‹public sphere› goes back to Jürgen Habermas. In his acclaimed early work, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit (1962), Habermas gave a systematic account of the rise (and fall) of the bourgeois public sphere, and of the historical emergence of the social medium in which political debate among citizens began to take place. Although influenced by Habermas, I shall employ a concept of that public sphere that differs considerably from his perspective.

For Habermas, the concept of the public sphere (Öffentlichkeit) is of an empirical as well as a normative nature. On the one hand, he describes a public sphere in historical and sociological terms as a social medium whose evolution he observed as having taken place from the 17th to the 19th centuries in Europe. On the other hand, a public sphere embodies specific norms – such as the equal standing of all of its members. Habermas pays particular attention to the normative side since, at the time of his work’s writing, he saw himself as a late representative of the Frankfurt School, whose critical theory had an interest in the emancipatory potential the public sphere might harbour (Bohmann, 2005). Habermas’ normative orientation becomes even more visible in his later work, and especially in his discourse theory which holds that a rational consensus will come about in a discourse situation where participants are subject solely to the unforced force of the better argument (McCarthy, 1978, p. 292). Insofar as the situation precludes co- ercive pressures, the agreement resulting from argumentative reasoning does not merely reflect the participants’ specific interests, but reaches general validity (McCarthy, 1978, p. 294). Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit was published in 1962. The response it received was confined initially to the German academic world and reflected the ideologi- cal fault lines present at the time. Hohendahl (1979), for example, identified liberal and Marxist critiques. Only after 1989, when it was published in English, did the Anglo- Saxon academic community take note of and discuss Habermas’ book. In particular, Anglo-Saxon scholars criticized the exclusive nature of the Habermasian public sphere and argued for more openness to minorities (Eley, 1992; Fraser, 1992).

In this chapter, I introduce and explain the theoretical concept of a public sphere on which my analysis will rely. I shall start from Habermas’ general notion of the public sphere and summarize his account of its historical emergence in England, Germany, and

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France. Next, Habermas’ account will be complemented with Eiko Ikegami’s explanation of the emergence of aesthetic publics in Japan. Comparing the two authors and their approaches, I shall develop a concept of the public sphere specifically designed to help answer my research question. To anticipate that point: My concept of the public sphere will comprise a social, physical, and affective dimension. The three dimensions will enter into my conception as follows: A public sphere is (1) a multitude of audiences, (2) meeting in physical space, (3) whose members feel safe and are connected through direct interaction or shared experiences.

My account obviously differs from Habermas’. While the members of Habermas’ publics are related to each other by discourse founded on rational principles, the publics I analyze are associated through shared visual experiences. Additionally, my argument rests on the assumption that contemporary art has a particular potential to contribute to the formation of a public sphere, understood as a web of numerous audiences. The assumption draws its justification from the fact that more than one audience is needed to confirm an artwork’s status as such.

Similar concepts would have lent themselves for the present analysis and have also shaped the definition of a public sphere that diverges from Habermas’, as well as its operationalization. In particular, civil society and social capital share certain characteristics with public spheres. Social capital denominates social networks that generate pos- 3 itive effects.2F Social capital would have been an easier choice with respect to its operationalization, as this concept has already been broken down into network measures (Burt, 2000, p. 356; Coleman, 2011, p. 192; Granovetter, 1973, p. 136; Joonmo Son, 2011, p. 214; Lin, 2011, p. 82). However, analyses on social capital often take on an instrumentalist approach, as the benefits – job opportunities on an individual level, or GDP of an entire society – of these networks are highlighted. In contrast, this project departs from the assumption that networks are of value as such, even though it is not denied networks may also have such additional benefits. Moreover, social capital relates to social processes, leaving apart the spatial-physical aspect as well as the emotional dimension, both of which are relevant in the present context. Civil society would have been another alternative to frame this study theoretically. According to Cohen and

3 The benefits of networks may accrue on the individual level or on the group level (Borgatti, Jones, & Everett, 1998, p. 3), and may come in the form of public goods, such as trust and norms, or as private goods, such as through access to resources (Lin, 2011, p. 83). 25

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Arato, civil society denotes a tertiary realm apart from the state and the economy. This realm builds on associations, initiatives, and family (Cohen & Arato, 1995 [1992], p. ix), and overlaps substantially with the concept of a public sphere. Both concepts stress a peaceful realm apart from the state and the private sector. I chose the concept of the public sphere instead of civil society because it makes reference to a physical-spatial dimension, which is important in the context analyzed.

Before outlining my concept of the public sphere, two caveats are in place. My explica- tion seeks to make the concept of the ‹public sphere› fruitful for the purpose of the later analysis, namely to provide an answer to the question of whether the art scene in Bogotá may significantly contribute to the emergence and strengthening of a public sphere. Given that goal, my conceptualization of public spheres must leave out certain facets, concentrating on aspects relevant to the analysis. Finally, there is no corresponding expression for the term public sphere in Spanish. It may be debated whether a public sphere is a Eurocentric concept und, as such, perhaps not fully applicable to Latin American societies (Braig & Huffschmid, 2009, p. 12).

Public Sphere and Bonds of Civility For Habermas, a (bourgeois) public sphere denotes a realm different from the state and the economy. In his view, when citizens gathered in the Middle Ages, this merely served the potentate, giving him a public platform on which to display his power symbolically. Things began to change in the early modern period when markets and trade relations grew into a horizontal network of interrelations stretching beyond the hierarchical domain of aristocratic houses. Citizens integrated more and more into a social stratum of their own. According to Habermas, socio-cultural institutions played an important role in building and fostering public spheres. People gathered informally in salons and coffee houses in order to discuss literature (Habermas, 1990, p. 105). Concert halls, theatres, and art museums became accessible for individuals and groups not belonging to the aristocracy, and in this way offering them novel meeting-points. In these circles and discussions, the participants’ respective socio-economic status played no role. When an institutionalized nation-wide press emerged, the various small publics gradually developed into a comprehensive public sphere stretching across society at large (1990, p. 116). To the public sphere of modern democracy, Habermas ascribes important political functions – such as holding officials accountable. As the public sphere is not subject to

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art state control, it provides a stage on which citizens freely discuss politics and question the decisions of the authorities, challenging them to justify their conduct (1990, p. 22).

In her book, Bonds of Civility (2005), Eiko Ikegami offers an alternative model of the building of a public sphere. She describes how, in medieval Tokugawa, Japan (1603– 1867), a social web of cultural practices eventually developed into an egalitarian network of social ties reaching across Japanese society and, in this way, preparing the pre- 4 conditions for the emergence of modern democracy.3F One of Ikegami’s examples is linked-verse poetry, the serial production of spoken poetry by separate participants, each of whom responded to a line received by his predecessor, thus preparing it for the next poet. Linked-verse poetry was a collective cultural practice, and its participants were an integral part of a small community. These literary circles were composed of citizens from different social backgrounds, and not everybody was familiar with every attendee. According to Ikegami, citizens learned to relate to each other in a cultured way, by following formal rules that gradually came into being (Ikegami, 2005, p. 77). These were the bonds of civility. They established a certain way of conduct and allowed those circles to evolve into larger collectives. Civility provided a shared basis for entering into contact and enabled strangers to interact (Ikegami, 2005, p. 78). Such ‹enclave publics› became central to social life in Japan. Travelling poets and publications connected the enclave publics, expanding them into larger networks. The formation of these networks relied on trade routes and communication channels, such as commercial publishing (Ikegami, 2005, p. 10). Authorities accepted these circles (Ikegami, 2005, p. 39) as long as they refrained from open criticism.

While in Europe the Habermasian public sphere developed in clear opposition to aristocratic and monarchical rule, Ikegami’s account on the relation between citizens and public sphere is very nuanced: the enclave publics depended on the state’s infrastructure to stay in touch with one another, but also challenged the feudal power. This means that Ikegami presents a somewhat different model of political modernization and the emergence of a public sphere. Still, Habermas’ and Ikegami’s accounts share important sim- ilarities, as they both include important social, physical, and affective aspects.

4 Insofar as the two authors cited are concerned with the consequences of public sphere, such as modernity, my analysis departs from theirs. I do not intend to deduce or attribute to public sphere either a modernizing or democ- ratizing effect. I hold that a public sphere is of value to citizens as such, as it makes living together more agreeable. 27

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The Public Sphere and Its Dimensions Habermas and Ikegami allow to develop three general dimensions that public spheres and the bonds of civility have in common. Public sphere and civility focus on citizens gathering (social dimension) in specific places (physical-spatial dimension) and expecting as well as contributing to a certain atmosphere of safety (affective dimension). Of course, the concept of the public sphere may comprise further characteristics. One may consider discourse or conflict to be central to the concept. Also, one may wish to distinguish between private and public, regarding issues as public if they are potentially of interest to all members of society (Gipsrud, Moe, Molander, & Murdock, 2011, p. xxii). However, in my research, I am not looking at the contents of public opinion and the dynamics of public discourse. My interest is in how cultural practices (linked to contemporary art) may be conducive to the emergence of a spatial network of audiences grounded in a certain ambience – a network with the potential to foster community building in the civil war-torn Colombian capital of Bogotá.

The Social Dimension: Citizens and Publics The public sphere and bonds of civility are part of a social process of citizens’ eventual integration into democratic society. The citizens’ gatherings in numerous separate publics may give them the air of loose and disorganized groups. Yet, importantly, these publics had a capacity to build bridges to other publics and to maintain continuity in time despite their fluctuating memberships. Therefore, citizens attending a particular coffee house or a linked-verse session knew they could visit the same place again and have similar conversations on their next visit also. Moreover, since local publics formed part of a wider public sphere, citizens were aware of the existence of similar publics in other locations offering similar exchanges and experiences. In this way, Tokugawa civility allowed citizens to interact with strangers and connected citizens from different localities, eventually building an integrated sphere throughout Japan. In short: These publics were able to extend into the future and in territorial space. Eley describes how 5 these publics4F helped to form a cultural and political sense of belonging – culminating, for example, in the construction of general hospitals by means of private subscriptions (Eley, 1992, p. 302). This process of social integration is central in both the accounts of

5 Although I do not share George Eley’s view that a public sphere is necessarily centered on voluntary associations (I analyze public as well as private art organizations, rather than associations), I agree with Eley that a defining feature of public spheres is that they contribute to a sense of belonging. 28

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Habermas and Ikegami.

The Spatial Dimension: Public as Shared Space Normally, a public sphere is discussed with respect to its deliberative function in modern society while its spatial aspect tends to be neglected. It may seem evident or even banal that citizens share a common space when gathering in public. Nevertheless, the fact that the public sphere presupposes physical space deserves special consideration.

Both civility and public sphere originated in specific locations. For Habermas, coffee houses and cultural institutions were important shared spaces. Ikegami considers aesthetic circles to be central. By the first decade of the 18th century, London had 3,000 coffee houses, each with its regulars (Calhoun, 1992, p. 12). With regard to the public sphere in Mexico City, Ampara Sevilla emphasizes the importance of ‹salones de baile›, as they allowed for people to overcome the anonymity that the city’s sheer size imposes on its inhabitants (Sevilla, 1996). Usually, the Anglo-Saxon literature on public sphere pays insufficient attention to this spatial dimension. As Ari Adut remarks,

“(…) the public sphere is essentially some sort of a space for the dominant approach: it is where communications happen. But this space is a black box; attention is devoted not to it, but, idealistically and normatively to the civic or civil communications, that are supposed to be undertaken in an egalitarian fashion by a collectivity in it.” (Adut, 2012, p. 242) As presented above, coffee houses, literary circles, and similar spaces provide focal points for citizens to meet and to enter into discussion. Additionally, people have a men- tal conception of their shared spaces. In that sense, such places have an intersubjective quality (Latané & Liu, 1996, p. 27). Shared space also allows for the development of non-verbal understandings about appropriate conduct in a particular place. Latané and Liu give an example: Even outsiders immediately understand that their Bermuda shorts are wrong in an opera house even if nobody tells them (Latané & Liu, 1996, p. 30). David Pécaut, a French sociologist studying Colombia, claims that the apprehension of space cannot be separated from social experiences, from the memory of those social 6 relations, and from everyday itineraries and work relations (Pécaut, 2001, p. 233).5F

6 The intersubjective dimension of spatiality and its political potential are also well described by Rancière’s concept of the ‹distribution of the sensible›. The concept suggests that the structure of physical space has normative implications. The word ‹sensible› may be understood as ‹perceptible› or as ‹reasonable›, and the concept seems to aim at exactly that: a distribution of physical things that can be experienced and which is also socially accepted. Rancière defines the ‹distribution of the sensible› as the form of physical things (Rancière, 2014, p. 263) and 29

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In the context of Bogotá, it is of particular importance how we come to conceive of certain spaces as secure while not feeling safe in others. Erving Goffman’s (1971) Re- lations in Public explains how we send and read signals in public space in order to feel safe, and how we secure such space for others. While walls, ceilings, and floors separate the inside from the world outside, keeping potential threats at bay, public space lacks 7 similar boundaries (Goffman, 1971, p. 265).6F Interactions among citizens in public are described as providing visual signs that create safety. We all engage in signalling in order to reassure others and to safeguard our own security in public. Goffman describes the interactions in pedestrian traffic as a step-wise signalling of adherence to rules: “[A]s two parties approach each other, each provides progressive evidence to the other, a small step at a time, that each is adhering to a proper course, the one he has been indicating.” (Goffman, 1971, p. 18)

A signal of non-adherence to seemingly minor rules governing public life – be it an uncommon style of clothing or an unpredictable movement in otherwise well-choreo- graphed traffic – is read as a potential willingness to break other, and more vital rules, and is therefore interpreted as a latent danger (Goffman, 1971, p. 97). In this way, we closely observe our surroundings and check for potential deviations. At the same time, we try to signal our willingness to keep within the unwritten rules so as not to be a source of alarm to others. Goffman shows how visual signs and physical interactions contribute to our feeling safe in public.

By focusing on the deliberative aspect, the Anglo-Saxon literature on public sphere reflects the fact that, in the U.S. and in Europe, public places tend to be safe, and cafés and cultural organizations offered safe indoor meeting places, as well. Mische and White, for instance, categorically describe publics as providing a minimum of safety in

defines the ethical order as an aesthetic one (Rancière, 2014, p. 269ff). Two aspects of the concept are particularly noteworthy here: Neither the norms in society nor the inclusion of marginalized citizens into the political order depend on formal political institutions. Norms in society are not defined by an institutionalized order, but by a distribution of what can be sensed and experienced. The ‹distribution of the sensible› delimits the common and the private in society, and determines the positions of each individual in the sphere of the common (Rancière, 2004, p. 12). It defines who has access to the common parts, in what forms, and at what times (Rancière, 2004, p. 12). Another feature of Rancière’s concept is that the process in which marginalized citizens arrive at being re- garded as equal political subjects does not rely on formal political processes, but on sensitive experiences. In contrast to other authors, Rancière understands politics as the processes by which previously excluded individuals claim access to the distribution of the sensible by manifesting their equality with those that currently participate. People excluded from the distribution of the sensible create statements or actions that are understood as emanating from equal human beings and that do not match their current status as excluded (Rancière, 2003 (1995), p. 45). 7 In this respect, it is interesting that both Ikegami and Habermas situate the origin of their public spheres in indoor locations. 30

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art uncertain situations:

“Publics can be defined as interstitial social spaces characterized by short-term copresences, as well as by intersections, between multiple network domains. They function by reducing the uncertainty and problematic nature of such spaces by posting minimally recognizable identities, maximally decontextualized from the complex array of relations and strong sets that each actor brings to the occur- rence.” (Mische & White, 1998, p. 705) In Latin America, the situation is different. This separation is also reflected in the literature which gives spatial considerations more attention. Colombian authors attribute a transformative function to public space and highlight its importance in making citizens feel more ‹at home›. Burbano examined how suitably designed public arrangements contribute to reducing violence (Burbano, 2014, p. 188). In Medellín, efforts to rehabil- itate and restore public areas were undertaken in order to strengthen the state’s rule after authorities had wrestled control from armed non-state actors in the 1990s (Celli & Angeli, 2011, p. 31).

Recalling the initial account of Habermas’ cafés and Ikegami’s cultural circles, a public sphere might be characterized as a web of interconnected spaces offering citizens a shared signification and inviting characteristic practices and patterns of conduct. A café is not only a focal point where citizens meet, but is also a space about which people have come to share certain understandings – one takes a seat, reads the newspaper, and may engage in conversation.

Now, one can see how sharing a physical environment may serve as the basis for the emergence and persistence of community. This spatial perspective contrasts with Ha- bermas’ deliberative public sphere, which ultimately rests on the idea of a rational discourse conducted by participants on a footing of procedural equality.

The Affective Dimension: The Absence of Fear When discussing public sphere, most of the existing literature considers citizens’ equal access irrespective of their socio-economic background as constitutive of the ideal of a public sphere. This section begins by giving a brief account of this ideal. The section then proceeds to sketch an alternative conception of public sphere, starting from Ikegami’s term ‹civility› and relying on the Habermasian suspension of explicit friend- foe relations as a weaker form of the suspension of roles. This understanding will result in a notion of the public sphere whose essential characteristic is an affective mode rather 31

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art than a set of normative conditions. To recall, the previous section analyzed how places invite certain patterns of conduct and foster particular sentiments, and hence it focused on the materialization of certain norms in behavior. This section, however, looks at the content of these patterns of conduct and sentiments.

Habermas as well as Ikegami describe how, in literary publics, status indicators were bracketed. Members from different social classes met in French salons, German Trin- kgesellschaften, or British coffee houses, eventually forming a public sphere (Habermas, 1962, p. 46ff). Common to all three types of meeting places was the fact that they did not presuppose an equality of social status among their members. To the contrary, status was disregarded in these enclaves (Habermas, 1962, p. 49). Power, wealth, and holding high office were irrelevant; these inequalities were not allowed, ideally, to determine the deliberations in these publics (Habermas, 1962, p. 49). The idea that power and status must be checked is even more strongly developed in Habermas’ later work on rational discourse.

Status was also precluded in Japanese aesthetic circles that produced linked-verse (Ikegami, 2005, p. 87). Differences in status and wealth were bracketed by observing an ‹aesthetic egalitarianism›. Linked-verse sessions were held in a ‹mu’en› space, a space of suspended societal hierarchies. One of the mechanisms Ikegami describes as facilitating the suspension of societal roles functioned as follows. Linked-verse sessions were accompanied by symbols of spirituality, placing the participants in a world between reality and ghosts (Ikegami, 2005, p. 88). The connection with the sacred allowed people to suspend their secular feudal ties and form more horizontal relations with other participants (Ikegami, 2005, p. 93). ‹Mu’en› spaces offered a kind of publicness at the inter- section of spheres of this world and the other. Importantly, these aesthetic enclaves were sufficiently independent from religious institutions so as not to be subordinated to religious authorities, and they remained relatively open, egalitarian, and temporary (Ikegami, 2005, p. 94).

Ikegami also mentions the participation of marginalized people. Their presence gave these aesthetic circles a certain air of lightness (Ikegami, 2005, p. 94). The circles were open to all individuals, including those whose occupations required them to deal with ritual pollution during funerals, the execution of criminals, and the production of leath- ers. They were open also to performing artists such as dancers and musicians, as well as

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art to shamans, magicians, gamblers, courtesans, and beggars. These groups were subject to general discrimination, but their functions allowed them to transgress the boundaries of any social group or class. Moreover, they were exempt from the rigors of the medieval status hierarchy (Ikegami, 2005, p. 98). Ikegami argues that including these outsiders into the linked-poetry sessions helped to suspend the social hierarchies that existed among participants (Ikegami, 2005, p. 96).

The assumption that hierarchies were suspended in the public sphere has attracted much criticism for its idealism (Eley, 1992, p. 326; Fraser, 1992). Feminism condemned the discriminatory exclusiveness of a public sphere and the lack of access for minorities. Nancy Fraser argued that the public sphere as conceptualized by Habermas left out women as well as other groups (Fraser, 1992, p. 113f). In her view, the dominance of the bourgeois public sphere prompted other groups to found their own competing counter-publics, such as peasant publics, women’s publics, and working class publics (Fraser, 1992, p. 116). For Fraser, the crucial question becomes how these ‹weak› deliberative publics relate to ‹strong› decision-making publics such as national assemblies (Fraser, 1992, p. 134ff). Geoff Eley echoes Fraser’s assessment: The most consistent absence in the formation of publics in the late 18th century concerned women, outlasting the exclusion based on class (Eley, 1992, p. 308). Thus, modern politics was based on dicho- tomic gender relations, and the public sphere replicated the subordination of women (Eley, 1992, p. 310).

It is hard to imagine a complete suspension of status even in Western Europe’s relatively egalitarian and politically stable context. It is even more difficult to imagine such suspension in Colombia, given the economic inequality among its citizens, the stark contrasts between rural and urban areas, and the struggle to overcome a long internal conflict. Ikegami outlines yet another sort of normativity in her analysis of ‹bonds of civility›. Civility, according to Ikegami, is a way of interacting so as to maintain social relationships in situations that oscillate between the intimate and the hostile (Ikegami, 2005, p. 28). Various cultural activities that depended upon the observance of rules contributed to the emergence of a mode of civil behavior. Among these cultural practices was linked- verse poetry: A person would start with a verse, and the next person would complement it according to certain rules. From such practices, forms of civility developed (Ikegami, 2005, p. 76). Civility means to behave in a certain way and, hence, to follow certain norms. The observance of rules of civil conduct provides a foil for interaction with 33

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art strangers and assures a minimum of security. Given this perspective, publics can be seen as interstitial spaces that reduce uncertainty (Ikegami, 2000; Mische & White, 1998; White, 1995).

In Habermas’ public sphere, the peaceful gathering of citizens is not an aspect mentioned prominently. However, the idea of citizens convening in concert halls and museums seems to imply such norm-following, even though it is not explicitly discussed. Calhoun, for instance, writes that the mutual willingness to accept certain determinate roles and simultaneously to suspend them was based on the trust that, within the public, friend-foe relations were impossible (Calhoun, 1992, p. 12). John Keane characterizes the concept of a public sphere as a particular type of spatial relationship between two or more people, among whom controversies are discussed and carried out non-violently (Keane, 1995, p. 8). For the purposes of the present study, this weaker assumption will do: In a public sphere, citizens engage in encounters with others irrespective of their social status, without fear of physical attack, relying on basic norms of civil behavior.

This is the conception of a public sphere from which I shall proceed. It emphasizes a sentiment – the absence of a specific fear − rather than the norm of non-violence. Still, the norm of non-violence and the affective mode of feeling secure are closely related. Feeling safe rests on the expectation that one will not be attacked, and thus presupposes that people generally adhere to the norm of non-violence. While the notion of an affective mode is weaker than that of a normative condition, it more adequately describes the process involved. Not feeling safe, people will be reluctant to interact: They will hesitate to join in a public space. This means that feeling secure is essential to the creation of a public sphere.

As has become clear, I emphasize the affective state inherent in a public sphere, and I attribute only secondary importance to the norm of non-violence. With this theoretical modification, I seek to adapt the concept of a public sphere to the context of Colombia. Since the socio-economic differences are vast, it is not surprising that the condition of equal access is hardly discussed in the Latin American literature; to insist on such equality would seem utopian from the start. Yet, the idea of citizens living together peacefully occupies a prominent place in Latin American literature. The key concept is ‹convivencia›. As Antanas Mockus, former mayor of Bogotá, explains:

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“Convivencia es un concepto surgido o adaptado en Hispanoamérica para resu- mir el ideal de una vida en común entre grupos cultural-, social- o políticamente muy diversos; una vida en común viable; un vivir juntos estable, posiblemente 8 permanente, deseable por sí mismo y no solo por sus efectos.”7F (Mockus, 2002, p. 19)

9 Convivencia 8F refers to an ideal condition of society, and is rooted in individuals’ behavior and their following formal or informal policies. Initiatives promoting convivencia concentrate on individual citizens and their attitudes, encourage tolerance, and punish 10 violent behavior through schooling and police forces.9F Further occasions suitable to foster convivencia include cultural initiatives such as festivals, concerts, and other ven- 11 12 ues that provide occasions10F for peaceful meetings.11F

The assumption that citizens refrain from physical violence in the public sphere does not rule out disagreements among different publics. Criticizing Habermas, Eley describes the public sphere as consisting of various competing publics (Eley, 1992, pp. 306, 325ff). The public sphere may thus be understood as an arena in which different and opposing publics maneuver for space, and from which certain publics are excluded (Eley, 1992, p. 326). Such competition follows economic, cultural, and political divides in society. In Eley’s view, the persistence of such divisions renders the assumption of a suspension of status rather demanding. I do not question that different publics may compete; however, I would reserve the term ‹public sphere› for an arena whose constituent publics are safe and do not expect to be prey to violence.

Having discussed the social, spatial, and affective dimensions of a public sphere, it is important to bear in mind that they do not, and do not claim to, demarcate three clear- cut areas. Rather, they identify three highly interdependent features together constituting a public sphere. There is no public space shared among citizens if citizens stay at home

8 My translation into English would read as follows: Convivencia is a concept that emerged or was adapted in Latin America in order to describe the ideal of shared life of culturally, socially, and politically very different groups; a viable life in common; a stable, possibly permanent living together, desirable for itself and not only for its effects. 9 The reason why this analysis is based on the concept of a public sphere rather than Convivencia is that the latter seems to allude to the co-presence of different people while a public sphere refers to something surpassing the presence of anyone. 10 For literature analyzing how the police may contribute to establish Convivencia, see Celli & Angeli (2011), and Rojas and Méndez (2008). Parales criticizes this top-down view on establishing Convivencia (2004, p. 204). 11 While these policies emphasize the experience of convivir, such living together can also be promoted through literature. Ottmar Ette emphasizes the potential of literature in promoting convivencia though various mechanisms. Among others, literature offers the readers a perspective other than their own and sensitizes them for the ‹other› (Ette, 2011, p. 555). Moreover, the act of narrating may be an important act of convivencia, as it brings together the past, the present, as well as the future, and unites a narrator with a public. 12 See for instance Ferrari (2015) and Riaño (2011, p. 215). 35

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art and do not go out because they do not feel secure; a feeling of safety is ineffective if it does not lead to social interactions; and social interactions can only take place in a space.

The Dynamics among Publics and Levels While Habermas as well as Ikegami both look at national public sphere, the internet and globalization have shifted the attention further, highlighting the importance to include different levels of public interactions. John Keane in his analysis distinguishes three levels of public spheres: micro-publics are rooted in local communities, meso-publics are based on national territories, and macro-publics span beyond nations (Keane, 1995, p. 9ff). This section describes the mechanisms that may contribute to expanding the dynamics of a small public into a larger public sphere, and how larger networks may result in smaller publics.

Competing Publics The emergence of different publics may build a basis for the creation of a public sphere. A public, albeit accessible to everyone in theory, may fail to be open to all and thereby induce the foundation of new, alternative publics. Nancy Fraser and Geoff Eley both describe the formation of such counter publics (Eley, 1992, p. 306; Fraser, 1992, p. 116). Fraser mentions nationalist publics, peasant publics, women’s publics, and working- class publics as rivalling a bourgeois public sphere (Fraser, 1992, p. 116). She writes that the relations between bourgeois publics and other publics were highly conflictual: counter publics contested the exclusionary norms of the bourgeois publics, developing novel styles of political behavior and new norms of public speech. Eley describes how a competitive dynamic contributed to the proliferation of many publics instead of a single, overarching public sphere (Eley, 1992, p. 306). Publics also became available to non-bourgeois, subaltern groups, among them the radical intelligentsia of Jacobinism and its successors, as well as social groups from the peasantry or the working class (Eley, 1992, p. 304).

Coalescing Publics Understanding a public sphere as a web of interrelated publics, the question arises as to

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art how such publics coalesce. Goode distinguishes two kinds of ties: ‹Imagined› or medi- 13 14 ated ties link citizens through shared newspaper or television 12F consumption;13F or second, direct interaction when people engaged personally in discussions, and citizens are involved in an immediate manner (Goode, 2005, p. 96f). Against this background, Ikegami’s and Habermas’ account of (A) mediated connections across publics is presented. Apart from broadcasted content from a third party, representatives of one public may join another public and report back to their original audience (B), thereby connecting two publics. Ikegami’s analysis of Japanese travelers illustrates an additional way of connecting publics, namely through the itineraries of its members. Finally, Ann Mische and Philippa Pattinson’s depiction of uniting publics (C) through direct interaction in joint events is offered as a third form of integrating smaller publics into a larger one.

(A) One of the processes by which the public of a coffee house or of a specific aesthetic circle is extended into a larger public sphere is by reading the same print products across the various circles or coffee houses. As already mentioned, Habermas analyzes how print products created a public sphere by tracing the process of joint readership from the reading of letters (Habermas, 1962, p. 63) to the circulation of newspapers (Habermas, 1962, p. 73ff). Habermas highlights the importance of letters in creating bourgeois sub- jectivity in the 18th century (Habermas, 1962, p. 63). Even though they were of an intimate nature, these letters were not only exchanged and copied, but sometimes even in- tended for publication in the press − as the examples of Goethe, Gellert, and others show. Readers met in order to publicly discuss literature (Habermas, 1962, p. 65). Libraries, book clubs, reading circles, and literary stages emerged, and reading novels became popular among bourgeois citizens. These citizens had previously met in coffee houses

13 For an analysis of the different actors in the televised public sphere of Argentina in the 1980s see Rodolfo Gómez (2018). 14 Habermas considers the disappearance of critical, bidirectional discussions in small publics and their replace- ment by the unreflected consumption of mass media to be a highly problematic development, as it hollows out the core of public discourse. This observation stands, however, in tension with Habermas’ idealization of the extension of critical debates in salons to audiences of mass printing, which entails the transition towards exactly such a mediation process, replacing two-way dialogue with a one-way broadcasting (Goode, 2005, p. 96). Apart from being inconsistent, Habermas’ idealization of connecting large numbers of citizens on a national scale in direct interaction is a difficult if not impossible endeavor. I agree with Goode on the need to differentiate between a situation in which two people discuss something with each other, and a scenario in which a dominant actor publishes content to a mass audience. However, the two modes may not be mutually exclusive, and not independent, either. In particular, citizens’ awareness that their particular small public is part of a larger reading or broadcasting audience may generate expectations that behavioral codes established through interaction in this smaller public also hold in other publics that are part of that larger reading or broadcasting audience. This will be discussed later. 37

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15 and salons, and were addressed by the press and its professional literary14F critique. There are parallels between Habermas’ analysis and Benedict Anderson’s concept of ‹imagined communities› (Anderson, 1991). For Anderson, the fact that individuals were aware of their reading the same print products importantly facilitated the imagination of large communities and provided the basis for national identification. People felt connected to their fellow citizens, conscious that they shared the same books and newspapers (Anderson, 1991, p. 44). Ikegami’s account also resembles that of Habermas and An- derson, and only deviates insofar as that the content was not disseminated through mass printing, but by hand-made copies and through diffusion by couriers. In Japan’s linked- verse competition, poetry circles were interconnected in a similar manner (Ikegami, 2005, p. 178ff). Literary agents received the first line of a poem from a recognized poet and passed it on to amateurs. These amateur poets then drafted responding lines which were returned to the master for evaluation by the agent. Apart from the publication of the best poems, prizes were awarded for the best entries. Resultant books were circulated and read by other writers. Such linked-verse competitions were highly popular in late 17th century Japan. The couriers connected the cultural centers with the provinces and rural villages. So, there existed three interconnected layers of poetry networks uniting linked-verse poets: circles at the local level in villages, professional poets with circles in the major cities of the provinces, and professional poets enjoying national reputation with circles in Kyoto, Osaka, and Edo (Ikegami, 2005, p. 181).

(B) Apart from the circulation of content, Ikegami also describes how aesthetic circles were connected through travelers (Ikegami, 2005, p. 172). Bards, once they were established in a particular circle, could travel across Japan by relying on the hospitality of poets in other provinces. Ikegami describes the practice of the female poet, Igarashi Hamamo, who toured Japan extensively from 1806–1810. Hamamo organized women- only poetry circles, and later edited and published compilations of linked-verse poetry. Although one of the few women among linked-verse poets, she was only one of many poets who travelled safely around the provinces of Japan, counting on the generosity of members of local poetry networks. The fact that poets travelled from one circle to the

15 Cristina Peñamarín analyzes the difference between fictional stories and news stories in creating shared imagi- naries (Peñamarín, 2014, p. 106). Whereas fictional stories take a specific point of view, news stories are supposedly not reporting from a particular position. Even so, the latter usually do depart from one point of view, thereby contributing to a shared imaginary, or a public sphere among different publics (Peñamarín, 2014, p. 120). 38

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art next without major difficulties testifies to their expectation that the rules they experienced in their circle would also be observed in other publics.

(C) A third, complementary account of how publics may become more comprehensive is provided by Ann Mische and Philippa Pattison. They seek to explain the emergence of a civic arena in a fractured, contentious, and multi-sectoral political field. Their case has as its background the impeachment process undertaken against the Collor government in Brazil in 1992 (Mische & Pattison, 2000, p. 163). Mische and Pattison identify two mechanisms by which particular partisan factions were able to forge a wider platform: actors representing different issues attended the same gathering, and groups refrained from pushing irreconcilably opposing concerns (Mische & Pattison, 2000, p. 168). The authors stress the role of direct interaction and the importance of explicitly establishing a common normative basis. They analyzed 27 gatherings relevant to the construction of a civic coalition against the Collor government, starting in November of 1991 and ending in September of 1992. The events were categorized as either of a general character or of a more sectoral nature. The authors found a trend running from primarily sectoral event clusters to more general civic events (Mische & Pattison, 2000, p. 184).

Mische and Pattison highlight a key point, namely that the mechanisms conjoining different publics establish the same normative basis throughout all the publics that were previously separate. In their account, this is quite obvious, as they highlight that groups refrained from pushing controversial issues in order to institute a common base. The exclusive aspect may not be as evident in the process of reading the same print products and travelling from one aesthetic circle to another. However, a similar homogenization takes place in the process described by Ikegami. Members of different publics project their own local experience onto other publics, expecting those others to observe the same normative guidelines even if the publics are only virtually connected to each other. Again, the mechanism relies on the notion of granting, and taking for granted, a similar kind of experience in different locations.

Merging different publics into one public sphere aggravates the problem of exclusion. Any public may exclude certain people, be it due to its location or the norms or interactions in that public. But conjoining different publics into one overarching sphere bears the problem that the same norms are valid in many places, systematically marginalizing

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art certain groups. Mische and Pattison describe how different groups build a platform to advocate a certain issue that is supported by all, in the meantime subduing other issues (Mische & Pattison, 2000, p. 186). Habermas limits his historical conception of public 16 sphere to the male bourgeois citizenry.15F In the Colombian context, the problem of exclusion in a public realm is especially relevant. Some authors argue that the violence roots in in the exclusion of relevant actors from participation. In consequence of a lack of participation through non-violent means, actors have no option other than to advocate their interests violently (González, 2004, p. 12).

Nancy Fraser’s revision of the Habermasian concept suggests that a public sphere may consist of multiple publics that overlap and interact (Fraser, 1990, p. 65). Fraser’s adap- 17 tation attends to the exclusionary nature of an overarching, homogenous public sphere.16F While my analysis examines cooperative patterns across different publics, and takes into account Fraser’s criticism insofar as that aim is concerned, it is also based on the assumption that relations among different publics are desirable. Conjoining different publics may inevitably be related to a higher degree of exclusion, as the same norms and affective states prevail in a large sphere, rather than in one small public. I intend to address this issue by reducing the normative demands of a ‹public sphere› to a sensation or affective state allowing citizens to feel secure.

Networks Fostering Smaller Publics Having discussed the fusion of smaller publics into a larger public sphere, it is important to ask whether and how the reverse process takes place – how large networks encompass and sustain smaller and localized publics. The question is relevant, given the rise of the internet and the availability of other cheap communication channels.

Geoff Eley, commenting on Habermas’ conception of a public sphere, remarks that international exchange among European elites stimulated the creation of a public sphere in societies where they had not yet existed (Eley, 1992, p. 305). The rise of a public sphere was thus not only a bottom-up process, but also the result of elites learning about coffee houses and literary circles in other societies. Connected internationally, these

16 See Fraser (1990) and Benhabib (1991). 17 Multiple publics may accommodate different needs and avoid the assumption of a seemingly homogenous public which discriminates against certain groups. Since these public spheres are not politically autonomous, but operate under a single political framework, the concept of a public sphere even in its form of multiple publics remains problematic (Fraser, 1990, p. 76). 40

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art elites organized literary societies, subscription networks, the press, sharpshooter clubs, and the popular reading rooms that carried these practices into the countryside. While the process discussed is similar to that described by Habermas, Eley mentions a crucial difference: It was stimulated from the outside rather than being the spontaneous out- growth of local social efforts, and it was “consciously expansive rather than narrowly restrictive, oriented toward proselytizing among the people rather than closing the ranks against them” (Eley, 1992, p. 306).

Even more relevant today, the internet and public broadcasting facilitate the creation of extensive networks for a large part of society at low cost (Keane, 1995, p. 15). As Keane makes clear, these networks do not depend on the same kind of physical participation as do public spheres at the local level (Keane, 1995, p. 15). The question itself suggests how these large, cheap networks may translate into local public spheres, present in a physical space. Given the virtual origin of these networks, it remains to be asked whether and to what extent citizens who are active in these networks may project a particular sensation to other locations.

In Colombia, the translation of larger virtual public spheres into localized physical public spheres is marred by a grave security issue. Jesús Martín-Barbero describes television as the only safe public space where Colombians could follow the presidential elections in 1992 (Martín-Barbero, 1992, p. 3). His analysis reveals a serious limitation of a virtual public sphere: virtual publics do not necessarily create a life-sphere in which citizens can attend to their daily business safely – even if virtual discussions may also bring citizens together.

The Public Sphere and the State and the Economy The public sphere is often described as a third realm apart from the state and the economy. It appears plausible that the state and the economy must provide certain preconditions for a public sphere to come into existence: vast economic disparities hinder citizens from participating equally in the platforms, places, and activities on offer; and dictator- ships or authoritarian states would not allow citizens to meet and engage in open discussions. There is also the question of the identities of the key agents necessary to promoting and maintaining a public sphere. Sometimes it is argued that the leading role should be with civil society organizations, as they are neither profit-oriented nor state-related.

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This section traces the prerequisites identified in the literature as necessary for the formation of a public sphere, and will argue that state-related (public) organizations as well as profit-oriented (private) organizations contribute just as much to building publics and a public sphere as civil-society associations do.

Economic Equality In Habermas’ account, economic inequality is reduced when the feudalistic economy is succeeded by more horizontal trade networks (Habermas, 1990, p. 71ff). Habermas shows how the rise of capitalist markets created a horizontal fabric of mutual dependence that differed from the hierarchy of a feudal system (Habermas, 1990, p. 71). Mer- chants increasingly understood themselves as autonomous. Emancipated from state directives and controls, they were not obliged to obey anyone except the rationality of the market. People gained economic independence, which allowed them to voice their interests against the aristocracy (Habermas, 1990, p. 21). Citizens were also capable of aligning and generalizing their interests, and pressing their issues collectively until the power of the state was mediated, and society was organized by democratic self-determination (Habermas, 1990, p. 21). The rise of such an autonomy, based on the possession of goods and participation in trade, must be seen against the background of suppressive aristocratic governments (Habermas, 1962, p. 61). However, the description of the rising economic importance of merchants in comparison to aristocratic households also presupposes economic equality among citizens. This process is also summarized by Eley, who holds that the public sphere was

“the manifest consequence of a much deeper and long-term process of societal transformation that Habermas locates between the late Middle Ages and the eighteenth century as a trade-driven transition from feudalism to capitalism in which the capital accumulation resulting from long-distance commerce plays the key role and for which the mercantilist policies of the later seventeenth and eighteenth century were the midwife.”(Eley, 1992, p. 291) Calhoun holds that too great an inequality among citizens makes it impossible to ‹bracket› or in other words, to ignore, the status differentials among members of the public sphere (Calhoun, 1992, p. 21). Fraser also writes that a minimum of economic equality is indispensable for the functioning of a public sphere (Fraser, 1992, p. 121). Departing from the illusionary assumption of suspending social status (as described by Habermas), Fraser maintains that a minimum of economic equality, so-called participatory parity, is needed to grant everybody access to the public sphere (Fraser, 1992, p. 42

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131).

Freedom of Expression Habermas’ analysis of the rise of a public sphere is set in the historical era of state- building. The monarchies were constitutionalized upon the demands of a newly formed bourgeois public sphere (Calhoun, 1992, p. 30). The relationship between the state and the public sphere seems to be antagonistic: the state is pushed back so as to carve out room for citizens’ associations. The only task Habermas attributes to the state is that of ensuring the safety of its people through military means, and granting access to foreign markets and trade (Habermas, 1990, p. 74).

Eley criticizes Habermas’ implication that the state must be weak if a public sphere is to emerge. Habermas’ association of a more interventionist state with a degenerating public sphere under advanced capitalism seems to justify the assumption that the state must be feeble for a public sphere to flourish (Eley, 1992, p. 320). Similarly, the central 18 role of communicative rationality17F reflects on Habermas’ reluctance to give the state an important role in establishing a public sphere. Eley criticizes this account, as soci- ocultural, political, and economic freedoms depend on a state’s restraint and willingness to grant the public a protected space (Eley, 1992, p. 321). Fraser also holds that the economic participatory parity required for a well-functioning public sphere calls for a redistribution of resources and thus necessarily depends on the state (Fraser, 1992, p. 131).

Ikegami’s account of the involvement of Japan’s Tokugawa state in the creation of civility is quite sophisticated. On the one hand, she characterizes the relationship between aesthetic networks and the state as conflictive because these associations challenged the state’s political authority (Ikegami, 2005, p. 128). She describes how the Tokugawa state segmented control according to regions and occupations in order to better oversee these associations (Ikegami, 2005, p. 129). According to her,

“The state’s tireless attempts to avoid the political damage resulting from the influence of commercial enterprise on communicative spheres impacted Tokugawa cultural developments because the shoguns sought to regulate people’s communicative activities.” (Ikegami, 2005, p. 243)

18 Communicative rationality refers to the unforced power of the better argument. The better argument always wins, independently of a person’s socio-economic background, gender, or standing. 43

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On the other hand, Ikegami notes that the network-like connection of different publics throughout Japan depended on the rise of an integrated state and a nationwide market economy (Ikegami, 2005, p. 27).

Key Roles for the State and the Private Sector Apart from meeting certain conditions, the economy and the state can also be seen as taking an important role of their own in generating and maintaining a public sphere. I regard state and profit-oriented actors as active contributors to a public sphere, in line with a number of authors who criticize the passive role attributed to them by Habermas. Moreover, the conceptualization presented here sees the relationship between public and private organizations as one of cooperation rather than rivalry or overlapping, as for instance in the critique by Negt and Kluge (1988, p. 71).

Shops and commercial activities are vital for the building of a public sphere because they provide a reason for people to go out of their private spaces. As Habermas made clear, cafés and cultural institutions play a crucial role as meeting points. Keith Baker wonders about this peculiarity of Habermas’ public sphere, though, as it is being located in predominantly profit-oriented spaces (Baker, 1992, p. 187). Jerôme Monnet analyzes the contribution of private organizations to the establishment of a public sphere in the urban contexts of Toulouse, Mexico City, and Los Angeles (Monnet, 1996). According to his results, the most popular public places and streets in a French city are the most commercial ones, with shops lining the boulevards (Monnet, 1996, p. 12). Commercial barrios in Los Angeles where the presence of shops attracts a wide public are perceived to be safe, while neighborhoods with low commercial activity – and hence low pedestrian traffic – are considered dangerous (Monnet, 1996, p. 19). Ampara Sevilla also highlights the importance of commercial dancing salons in Mexico City, as they provide meeting platforms in an environment that does not feature many safe public spaces (Sevilla, 1996, p. 34).

State institutions also contribute to building a public sphere by arranging for meeting spaces such as museums or theaters. These places are not commercially viable and, in absence of state subsidies, could only be accessed by few members of society. Moreo- ver, while commercial organizations have an interest in charming a buying public, they may not be equally interested in linking up with other publics promoted by the state.

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The establishment of networks between the different publics, through public broadcasting or printed press, is therefore often seen as a task to be taken up by state authorities (Keane, 1995, p. 4).

Art as a Relational Good Art relates to the previous discussion in two ways. First, artworks and art spaces provide specific physical experiences. They structure space in a certain way, provide room where people meet, and introduce certain norms to it. Second, artworks have to be affirmed as artworks rather than mere sensory experiences, and therefore build and connect publics. This section explores how artworks generate physical experience, and then discusses their characteristic as a relational good.

Rancière’s concept of the ‹distribution of the sensible› suggests that the structure of physical space has normative implications. The concept intimates that artworks and spaces have a normative potential to the extent that they restructure space. According to Rancière:

“Art is not, in the first instance, political because of the messages and sentiments it conveys concerning the state of the world. Neither is it political because of the manner in which it might choose to represent society’s structures, or social groups, their conflicts or identities. It is political because of the very distance it takes with respect to these functions, because of the type of space and time that it institutes, and the manner in which it frames the time and peoples this space.” (Rancière, 2009, p. 23) The ‹distribution of the sensible› in Colombia could be characterized as an incessant fear and alertness, as violence has deeply affected public space in Colombia. A different physical space with a different structure might implement another set of norms and might ideally result in a more trustful, peaceful space. Art spaces have clear spatial de- lineations that may establish a sense of security and a code of common behavior. Thus, art spaces create small publics that comply with the three dimensions established previously – within a limited spatial expansion over an extended period of time. To expand this sense of community across different spaces is more demanding. Still, I shall argue that art, and art spaces, feature specific characteristics which render them particularly suited to connecting people and building public sphere. The key idea is thereby that art only achieves its status as such through an agreement of a community, or rather the consensus of an art world consisting of art institutions. In other words: Artworks are

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art relational goods in the sense that they need to generate a public whose approval assures their status as artworks. The viewing of an artwork by different audiences connect these publics to create public sphere in Habermas’ sense.

Artworks generate community. The supporting arguments come from two sides. From the perspective of a viewer, artworks are aesthetic experiences that are judged. Arendt, reading Kant, holds that we can only judge in community (Arendt, 1982). From the perspective of the artwork, it is a relational good that obtains its status as such only if it is considered worthy of attention by a group of people, and a set of institutions.

Arendt, following Kant, holds that judging refers to the evaluation of a sensory experience (Arendt, 1982, p. 10; Kant, 1920 [1790], p. 2). Judgment cannot be understood as the subsumption of the particular under the general in a logical act. It rather consists of a process of evaluation where there is no right or wrong. This evaluation happens spon- taneously upon the experience of an object, and can therefore neither be described by rules nor be directed willingly (Arendt, 1982, p. 10; Kant, 1920 [1790], p. 2). Judging is important in a political sense, because we do not judge alone. We are aware of others and their potential evaluations when we judge (Arendt, 1982, p. 67), and we hope to elicit agreement in our judgment in order to validate our opinions, and thereby connect to a community. Arendt, based on Kant’s Critique of Judgment, suggests that such com- 19 munities also form the foundation of political societies (Arendt, 1982, p. 42).18F This directedness towards others when judging is counterintuitive insofar as judgments of sensory experiences are subjective. According to Arendt, the mechanisms that align our subjective judgments with the community are threefold. A sensus communis allows to anticipate the judgments of our peers, and the communication of our judgment permits to compare our judgments to theirs. Enlarged mentality as a third mechanism leads us to imagine how others see the world.

Theory also suggests that the success or acceptance of an artwork depends on organiza-

19 Kant separates the political from an aesthetic community, while Arendt holds that political community and judgment are brought to convergence: we adapt our evaluations so as to fit into our community and we select our company based on shared judgments. According to Arendt, we use our imagination to take into account the thoughts of other individuals. We need to enlarge our thinking in order to arrive at a judgment that escapes the idiosyncrasy of our own position (Arendt, 1982, p. 42). In Zerilli’s view, Arendt’s concept of judgment allows us to see and to take into account things that are beyond our daily lives, which we have not yet incorporated into our understanding of the world (Zerilli, 2014, p. 52). 46

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art tions and networks which assure their status. Any art experience is ambiguous, and questions centering on the quality of an art piece cannot be settled by measure or verification. They are open for discussion. That artworks need a set of organizations in order to become artworks is an extension of the argument that art’s status as such depends on a community’s consensus. Various authors describe how a whole network of organizations is needed in order to assure the status of objects as artworks (Bourdieu, 1994; Bystryn, 1972; Currid, 2007; Danto, 1964; Zuidervaart, 2011). Intermediary organizations and institutions, such as museums and galleries, take on an important role in the process of coming to a consensus on what counts as art, as they reduce the selection. Their decision as to what to exhibit reduces the number of artworks from a multitude to a few. Arthur Danto described how pieces of art only gain their status as art by being acknowledged and accepted as such by the art world. Danto suggested that the difference between the Brillo box built by Warhol, which is considered art, and a Brillo box that is just an ordinary soap container depends on the judgment of an art world (Danto, 1964, p. 581). People, museums, and connoisseurs determine what requirements artworks must fulfill (Danto, 1964, p. 584).

While the previous sections have stressed the importance of cultural organizations in a public sphere, two caveats need to be addressed. Criticism has repeatedly pointed out the exclusionary nature of public sphere, and this criticism is even more relevant in the context of art publics. Art institutions are highly exclusionary with respect to their visi- 20 tors.19F Bourdieu analyzed the attendance of art museums and found that the majority of visitors had a higher education. Art consumption distinguishes certain social classes from others (Bourdieu, 2013 [1994], p. 248). This observation has been confirmed more recently for the commercial art sector (Schultheis & Garutti, 2014, p. 65), and also holds for Colombia where socio-economic status and lack of education are the main con- straints inhibiting the attendance of artistic performances (Quintero & Martos, 2012, p. 16). Furthermore, art markets operate on an international level. Therefore, the relevant art publics are expected to be of a transnational rather than a local nature. Art visitors in different countries see the same artworks exhibited in art institutions around the world and are addressed by publications that operate across national boundaries.

20 Moreover, art institutions are also exclusionary in their representations. Ferguson describes a tension between the permanence of a selection presented in an art institution and the contingency of such an aesthetic judgment (Ferguson, 1999, p. 44). 47

A Network of Art Publics The Public Sphere and the Role of Art

These criticisms notwithstanding, art publics may contribute to a local public sphere. Assuming that public spheres are always exclusionary and cannot accommodate everyone, I however do not assume that this art public sphere is the only one. It is one public sphere among many.

The Network of Bogotá’s Art Publics: Operationalization of a Public Sphere The previous discussion has very briefly laid out the concept of public sphere. In the following section, my discussion focuses on how a public sphere in Bogotá is created through the connection of contemporary art publics. The public sphere is operationalized as the connections among art publics. This project analyses only contemporary art and does not look at other types of publics, because of its aforementioned expansionary dynamics that lend themselves to connect different publics.

The expansion of publics into a larger public sphere is operationalized by cooperation between art organizations’ publics that lead to a connection among their publics. The instances of cooperation taken into consideration reflect the previous discussion on mediated and direct interaction, as well as travelers connecting publics, and are conceptualized to capture connections among publics. In particular, I analyze how organizations circulate content (mediated connection), circulate visitors between Bogotá’s art organizations (travelers), and how they join different art publics in common events (direct interaction). The circulation of content among different art publics builds a shared imaginary among Bogotá’s citizens as described by Habermas or Anderson, while the circulation of visitors and joint publics present occasions for more direct interactions. The four explored forms of cooperation are:

1. Participation in the same event in Bogotá 2. Organization of a joint event in Bogotá 3. Guided tours, circulating visitors between art organizations 4. Exchanges of expositions between art organizations

The public sphere is thus conceptualized as the cooperation of different types of organizations operating in the private and in the public sector. The observational units or nodes of the network are the art organizations and art institutions (museums, foundations, galleries and independent art spaces) in Bogotá.

A Network of Art Publics

2 Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation This chapter discusses two dynamics, isolation and division, that prevent the creation of a public sphere in Bogotá. Isolation refers to the predominant sensation in Bogotá, a feeling of insecurity, which hinders social interaction in public space. This affective state was also theorized as one of the three dimensions of public sphere in the past chapter. Bogotá’s society is furthermore divided due to stark economic inequality, although a middle class is slowly forming. In the previous chapter, economic equality permitting people to interact on an equal footing was described as a precondition for the establishment of a public sphere. This economic disparity is reinforced by a physical division as socio-economic classes tend to live segregated from one another. This spatial division limits the common space of encounter for people from different areas, and also refers back to the spatial-physical dimension of public sphere discussed in the previous chapter.

A Persistent Feeling of Insecurity and Isolation Colombia has seen internal violence for many decades. While Bogotá has not been at the center of the conflict recently, fear and insecurity are a predominant sensation in the city. This section briefly presents a historic account of the conflict, and explores what factors contribute to these lingering fears causing isolation.

Internal Conflict in Colombia and Insecurity in Bogotá In Colombia, internal violence has known many forms and actors, and there have been no clear fault lines along which the conflict has evolved. This makes it difficult to characterize the violence accurately, let alone to identify its origins and causes unambigu- ously. Some authors argue that the unequal distribution of land dating back to the era of colonial rule marginalized peasants and produced tensions (González, 2004, p. 11). Of- ten, the onset of the conflict is located in the 1930s, when the liberal party tried to launch land reforms, and tensions between the conservative party and the liberals erupted into outright battles. Violence between adherents of the two parties ensued in the 1930s, but was geographically contained. Due to strong local elites, the state had only a limited presence in rural areas and could not prevent clashes.

In 1948, the violence spread across the whole country when the charismatic liberal presidential candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán was murdered (Ocampo, Borda, & Luna, 1962, p. 38). In the so-called Bogotazo, Gaitán’s supporters took revenge for his death, killing

49 A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation conservatives and destroying infrastructure and buildings in Bogotá. Conservatives throughout the country retaliated in the period of La Violencia during the late 1940s and early 1950s, causing a heart-rending loss of life. While this unrest seemed like a political confrontation, the sides were not so clear-cut, as local grievances equally fueled the conflict. During the violence, citizens began to form self-defense groups.

In 1958, liberals and conservatives concluded a power-sharing agreement, the Frente Nacional. Over the following sixteen years, the two parties shared government. While this helped to stabilize the country, other parties felt excluded. Urbanization and uneven industrialization added to a widespread alienation. Armed groups and guerrilla movements gained strength during this time. Gradually, these groups moved into richer areas and engaged in kidnappings. In response, paramilitaries formed. From the 1970s onwards, Colombian drug production increased markedly, with the cartels of Medellín and Cali challenging the authority of the state.

In 2016, the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Co- lombia (FARC) concluded a peace agreement. The treaty covered rural land reform, political participation, the elimination of illicit drug production, justice for victims, a surrender of weapons, and reintegration, as well as steps to securing an effective implementation of the reform (Theidon, 2016, p. 52). In a referendum held on the 1st of Octo- ber in 2016, a majority of the Colombian citizens (50.2%) rejected the treaty (BBC, 2016). Lacking the approval of the Colombian people, the treaty was modified and approved by the Colombian congress on the 30th of November, 2016.

Although Bogotá has not been at the center of this long-standing conflict in recent years, Colombia’s capital has also suffered grievously. In Bogotá, one of the most notable effects of the ongoing conflict is a pervading feeling of insecurity. Citizens avoid taking out their mobile phones in public for fear of being robbed. In public transport, people generally carry their backpacks in front of them in order to keep sight of all of their belongings. Foreigners are strictly advised to call taxis beforehand, rather than to take a taxi in the street. Requesting a cab through a Web-App allows riders to trace it and limits the risk of being kidnapped or robbed. Zeidermann writes that anxieties are still current although the atmosphere of today, with outdoor cafés and restaurants opening, seems more relaxed (Zeidermann, 2016, p. vii).

“It was as if Bogotá was still in the grip of a violent and dangerous past. […] 50

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

friends and strangers alike urged me to see the city as a threat-ridden place and proposed strategies for negotiating it.” According to the Colombian Statistics Department’s most recent poll from 2015, in Bo- gotá, 82.7% of the population do not feel secure in the street, 79.9% feel unsafe in public transport, and 52.5% feel at risk in market places (2017). On the one hand, these fears reflect high rates of violence. While homicide rates in Bogotá have decreased over the years and are lower than the national average, they are still high compared to the regional average and even more so by international comparison.

Homicide Rates per 100,000 Inhabitants 80

40 Colombia 30 Bogotá

10 Number of Homicides 100.000 per Homicides of Number 0

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Figure 1: Homicide Rates per 100,000 Inhabitants. Source: Colombia Reports, 2017; World Bank, 2017 On the other hand, however, the feeling of insecurity seems to run counter to the existing risks. It is puzzling to see that while Bogotá is relatively safe in terms of national comparison, residents in the capital feel less secure than average in comparison to other Colombian cities. Galvis finds it surprising that the perception of insecurity increased in Bogotá between 2006 and 2010, while crimes such as robbery decreased (Galvis, 2013, p. 227). The discrepancy between fear and risk is also noted in a study by Restrepo and Moreno covering a population of the Universidad de los Andes (Restrepo & Moreno, 2007, p. 178).

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

Perception of Insecurity in Bogotá 85.0

80.0

75.0

70.0

65.0 Bogotá D.C. - Soacha 60.0 insecure Average Colombian Cities 55.0

50.0

45.0 Percentage of the Population that feels feels that Population of Percentage the 40.0 2011/12 2011/12 2012/13 2013/14 2014/15

Figure 2: Perception of Insecurity in Bogotá. Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (DANE), 2017 In sum, the feeling of insecurity remains high despite declining homicide rates in the 21 capital and the country. It seems that, while the risk of violence declines,20F the fear does not. How is this to be explained? The following subsections highlight three possible mechanisms generating these fears. Bogotá remembers episodes of extreme violence from the recent past, when the capital was the epicenter of violence. The threat of a repetition of such violence remains present because at least one party to the conflict, the Colombian state, is situated in the capital, and media reports convey the violence taking place elsewhere to the capital.

Past Violence as Embodied in Landmarks According to Pécaut, the apprehension of space is always linked to past social experiences (Pécaut, 2001, p. 233). Bogotá has witnessed instances of extreme violence, and the memories of these experiences still linger on. Key elements of Bogotá’s infrastructure constantly remind its citizens of how fragile their capital’s social fabric is.

One of the more recent episodes of urban violence may serve as an illustration of this

21 One might argue that the type of violence plays a role, as there are certain forms of violence, such as terrorism, that instill more fear than others. According to Eric Lair, such terror may instill a constant fear in society (Lair, 2003, p. 95). Terror can be characterized as uncertain and surprising violence (Lair, 2003, p. 95). In contrast to the violence seen in a classic war, attacks of terror cannot be foreseen because they lack a temporal evolution and the fronts are not clearly delimited spatially. Terror establishes a form of fear that paralyzes society and causes social fragmentation. However, the height of terroristic events in Bogotá was during the 1980s, along with the peak in narcotrafficking, even though there have also been terroristic incidents recently. 52

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation point. On the 6th and 7th of November in 1985, the Movimiento 19 de Abril (M19) occupied the Palace of Justice. The M19, a leftist guerrilla, had been founded by a previous member of the FARC after irregularities in the elections on the 19th of April in 1970. In November of 1985, the M19 took control of the building in only an hour, holding nearly 350 people hostage, among them the Supreme Court Justice, legal counselors, and service staff (Zeidermann, 2016). The Colombian armed forces retook the palace the next day, killing all but two of the M19 rebels. Additionally, 75 hostages were dead and the palace was in ruins. A special tribunal investigated the incident, but some of the details still remain unknown (Zeidermann, 2016, p. 53). The Palacio de Justicia has been re- built. However, the whole area surrounding is heavily secured by police and military personnel. Pedestrians are asked to identify themselves, and cars are not permitted. The Palacio de Justicia and the stringent security measures surrounding it cannot but im- press on any visitor the brutality of Colombia’s recent past.

Another instance of great violence still evoking profound anxiety especially is the Bo- gotazo. On Friday, the 9th of April in 1948, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán was murdered by Juan Roa Sierra, a mentally unstable twenty-five-year-old (Oelze, 2016, p. 109). Gaitán was extremely popular with the working classes. He had risen from a rather modest family background, and managed to become a lawyer and then a leader of the liberal party. Gaitán had championed the working-class’ interests and was their hope for the next presidential election in 1950. The assassination of Gaitán led to a riot in Bogotá that lasted for two days. Gaitán had been shot at when he was leaving his office (Oelze, 2016, p. 109). The assassin was lynched in the street, and Gaitán was brought to the hospital. Crowds gathered in front of the hospital. When they heard that Gaitán had died, they marched to the Plaza de Bolívar to demand an explanation from the conservative president. The president did not make an appearance in response, and the crowds became agitated. When the Presidential Guard opened fire on the crowd, chaos ensued, and the people broke into stores to arm themselves with weapons, hammers, and picks. Neither the Presidential Guard nor the military nor the police took immediate action to stop the rioters. The unrest escalated as people prepared Molotov cocktails and took over the national radio. Gaitán’s death left little political hope for the workers to be represented, and they vented their frustration by burning the capital’s sites of state authority: the Capitol, the Presidential Palace, the Palace of Justice, the Ministry of Governance, the Ministry of Education, the departmental government, and the office of the Inspector

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

General of Colombia, whose role was to defend the rights of the people and to intervene in cases of unlawful conduct by public officials. The riot continued all through Saturday, and only on Sunday morning did the streets become safe again so that the military was able to restore order. The many victims were brought to the Central Cemetery, where they were laid out for identification before being buried (Marroquín, 2011, p. 20).

The Bogotazo has left traces visible through today. Partially destroyed railroad tracks from 70 years ago still remind passersby of the violence of that time. More noticeably, slums have taken over inner-city areas which the riots left in shambles. In the aftermath of the Bogotazo, street vendors and other tiny businesses belonging to the informal economy were concentrated in devastated areas such as Santa Inés and San Victorino (located in the historical center between the two localidades of Los Mártires and La Candelaria). Despite various urban renewal projects, the population here differs from the inhabitants of the upper part of the historical old town. The Calle Décima, an important street of the historical center, serves as a kind of border. Established businesses and governmental agencies are based above the Calle Décima while the informal economy is located below (Higuera, 2011, p. 140). This is another instance illustrating how the violence of the Colombian conflict left deep scars on the city.

The State as a Perpetrator The Colombian state is a party to the conflict and has been involved in human rights 22 violations, such as extrajudicial killings.21F As the same state is present in all of Colom- bia’s territory, perpetrations committed by its security forces also spread distrust and fear to areas not immediately affected by such state violence. Furthermore, as a party to the conflict, state institutions situated in Bogotá are an attractive aim for its opponents.

Particularly blatant cases of the Colombian state violating human rights were the so- called falsos positivos (Human Rights Watch, 2015). The Colombian army abducted young men, dressed them as guerrilla fighters, and killed them in order to present better results in its fight against the FARC. Although there had been previous extrajudicial killings, the number of victims soared under the government of President Álvaro Uribe (2002–2010). In 2007, 324 cases were reported, and in 2008 there were 170 (Pachón,

22 Extrajudicial killing refers to an arbitrary and deliberate killing of a human being, on instruction, with the involvement, or with the acceptance of the government, without there having been a judiciary’s decision on a death penalty. 54

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

2009, p. 335). The policies of Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática during Uribe’s first term of office and the Política de Consolidación during his second term put great emphasis on the recuperation and control of territory by state authority and the reduction of drug trafficking activities. When protests from families of these victims first emerged, the government denied its responsibility and blamed the families for mak- 23 ing false accusations.22F Such incidents undermine people’s trust in their government, and invert the state’s presence from a source of protection to one of insecurity.

The Conflict in the Media The communication about the conflict may also perpetuate the fear. Zeidermann describes a billboard campaign in Bogotá in 2015 which constantly reminded people that they were threatened by various risks. One type of advertisement showed individuals carrying explosives, encouraging the public to call a hotline if they saw something sus- picious (Zeidermann, 2016, p. 98). The aim of these posters was to enhance security, but it suggested that bombs and bomb explosions were ordinary occurrences in Bogotá, which was not the case.

While some risks may actually persist in Bogotá, sometimes the media is tempted to give events a heightened presence even if, in fact, they take place elsewhere. Various authors argue that the Colombian press has repeatedly preferred an overly sensationalist approach to writing about the internal conflict (Jaramillo, 2008, p. 107; Taussig, 1989, p. 14; Vélez & Londoño, 2003, p. 77). Dramatization and exaggeration serve a demand for simplistic reports on events. At the same time, they alter the public perception of the conflict. It is to such journalism that authors attribute a ‹banalizing› effect (Vélez & Londoño, 2003, p. 78) that was originally described by the French sociologist Daniel Pécaut (Pécaut, 2001). It decontextualizes the place (desterritorialización) where the violence occurs, it portrays the event in question as being part of a stream of timeless violence without beginning and end (destemporalización), and it diminishes the individ-

23 The increase of extrajudicial killings is sometimes also related to the involvement of the U.S. in Colombian efforts to fight drug trafficking. In 1999, the Colombian government under President Andrés Pastrana developed Plan Colombia, a strategy to combat drug cultivation, and sought financial support for its implementation from different countries. The Clinton administration in 2001 provided financing as well as technical equipment (Council on Foreign Relations, 2000). Although the funds also supported the improvement of governing capacity and human rights, the priorities were the expansion of counter-narcotics operations and the interdiction of drug trafficking (Council on Foreign Relations, 2000). The Bush administration continued the efforts undertaken under Plan Co- lombia under the Andean Counterdrug Initiative (U.S. Department of State, 2003). 55

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation uals’ capacity to act in these situations, as they come to perceive themselves as power- less, being at the mercy of faceless armed forces (desubjetivación) (Vélez & Londoño, 2003, p. 78). Such journalism, demarcating neither place, time, nor causes and effects clearly, may alarm citizens even if they are not directly affected by the violence being reported.

Moreover, the Colombian press has sometimes been alleged to keep quiet about events (Jaramillo, 2008, p. 112; Morris, 2006). Such silence is counterproductive. Events become vaguely known by rumors anyway, and without reliable information about the facts, citizens get even more alarmed. Some authors see such silence as a result of simple convenience (Morris, 2006) while others point to the media’s proximity to the government and official parties (Rodríguez, 2012, p. 189). As journalists prefer ‹official› authorities as reliable sources, the information obtained may be biased when the state is also a party to a conflict, as has been the case in Colombia. An analysis of the reporting on the extrajudicial killings by government forces in 2007, by Rodríguez, finds that Co- lombia’s major newspaper, El Tiempo, picked up the topic only in 2008 − remarkably late, given that there had been a grave human rights violation. The author thinks that it was exactly the biased source selection that led to the delay in reporting (Rodríguez, 2012, p. 197). The Colombian media have thus not always provided timely and accurate information, also contributing to a skewed perception of the conflict.

Summarizing this section, three mechanisms contribute to a feeling of insecurity in Bo- gotá. Remembrance of past events and the presence of events in other parts of the country keep fears alive. These fears are heightened by the state being a party to the conflict, whose actions have at times not been constitutional. The media both through representing events as a timeless stream of violence and by not reporting sufficiently at other times, contribute to citizens’ sensation of powerlessness and fear. These fears hinder citizens to go out and enjoy public life and they recede into isolation. It is no mere co- incidence that scholars portraying the life conditions in Bogotá refer to Hobbes’s ‹state of nature› (Salazar, 2001, p. 265ff; Taussig, 1989, p. 13). Boris Salazar, for instance, writes that “those [who] interpret the Hobbesian state of all against all as a possibility in 24 the past, are mistaken, as it is a situation that could come about any moment”23F (Salazar,

24 My translation. The original reads: “Los que interpretan el Estado hobbesiano de guerra de todos contra todos como una posibilidad situada en el pasado se equivocan. El estado de guerra de todos contra todos hace parte del presente porque no es más que la consecuencia lógica de una situación estratégica que puede concretarse en 56

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

2001, p. 12). In his account of a war of all against all, Hobbes assumes that, without a state enforcing the law, human beings cannot be sure of not being attacked. Doubting others’ motives and intentions, it is then rational to strike before being struck oneself even though one would prefer not to attack, as production, exchange, and trade will suffer as a result. Although all would be better off if everyone could be trusted to exercise restraint in using force, it is individually rational not to trust anyone and to strike first (Hobbes, [1651] 2012, p. 192):

“Whatsoever therefor is consequent of a time of Warre, where every man is En- emy to every man; the same is consequent to the time, wherein men live without other security, than what their own strength, and their own invention shall fur- nish them withall. In such condition, there is no place for Industry; because the fruit thereof is uncertain: and consequently no Culture of the Earth; no Naviga- tion, nor use of the commodities that may be imported by Sea; […] and which is worst of all; continuall feare, and danger of violent death; And the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” This is a bleak view. Citizens in Bogotá, of course, do not engage in pre-emptive strikes. But the perceived “continuall feare, and danger” is not so much of an exaggeration and results in the evasion of interaction and empty public spaces, in order to minimize the risks. Pécaut characterizes such alienation as follows: In conditions of fear and terror, it is in the interest of each citizen to adapt individually to the situation and its dangers, and to avoid participation in any collective (Pécaut, 2001, p. 240).

Economic Inequality in Bogotá and Colombia In the previous chapter, a minimum of economic equality was discussed as an important precondition for the formation of a public sphere in order to assure that people of different backgrounds may interact on an equal level. Bogotá features lower poverty rates and a higher per capita income compared to Colombian average which renders it an attractive destination for internally displaced people and internal migrants. Accordingly, the city has expanded significantly during the past decade. The capital has found it difficult to integrate these new arrivals and the labor market is limited for the poor from rural areas. The resulting economic inequality is marked, also by comparison with other Co- lombian cities. Economic reforms have opened up and privatized the Colombian economy, but the results of these reforms have been mixed. In the short run, lower social

cualquier momento.” 57

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation classes seem to have been affected to the negative by these reforms and economic inequality has increased. Nonetheless, a Colombian middle class has been forming over the past years. Thus, while Bogotá is far away from establishing economic equality even approximately, this recent development looks promising, also with respect to the establishment of a public sphere.

Bogotá: A Rapidly Growing Center Bogotá has seen large-scale immigration, both due to the arrival of refugees from violence but also because people seek economic opportunities in the capital. Bogotá is Co- lombia’s most important economic area even though it is landlocked and therefore relatively inaccessible (Acosta, 2010, p. 49). Bogotá’s share in national GDP is around 25%.

Bogotá is an attractive destination both because of a higher average income as well as lower poverty rates. Colombia is a country with marked regional inequality in income, with Bogotá having higher than average per capita income rates. A large part of the national income inequality can be attributed to regional economic differences rather than to differences in education, gender, and age (Mejía, 2011, p. 59). Bogotá contributes to national inequality both because of its higher than average per capita income and its large population (Mejía, 2011, p. 65).

The capital also features the lowest poverty rates throughout Colombia, and these poverty rates are furthermore declining. Comparing the census data of 1973, 1985, 1993, and 2005, Galvis and Roca conclude that differences in poverty rates across Colombia are highly persistent over time (Galvis & Roca, 2010, p. 11).

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

Monetary Poverty Rates in Bogotá 50.0

45.0

40.0

35.0 Villages and Rural Areas 30.0 National 25.0 13 Cities and Metropolitan Areas

% of Population of % 20.0 Bogotá

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25 26 Figure 3: Poverty24F Rates in Bogotá25F . Source: Departamento Nacional de Estadística (DANE), 2017 The persisting regional inequality has its roots in a lack of intergenerational inequality in poor regions (Galvis & Roca, 2014, p. 276). Rich regions provide better opportunities for poor families. Bogotá is not only the Colombian city with the lowest poverty rates, but it also has the highest measure of intergenerational mobility, due to better quality of schools, teachers, and school infrastructures (Galvis & Roca, 2014, p. 282). Given the pronounced economic differences regarding poverty rates in different cities and the capital’s educational and economic opportunities, it comes as no surprise that Bogotá is uniquely attractive for large numbers of people from poorer areas who are hoping for a better life not only for themselves, but also for their children.

Economic opportunities are only one reason why Colombians migrate to Bogotá. Co- lombians also flee from the violence in the countryside and Colombia has to cope with a high number of internally forced migrants. The conflict has uprooted three to four million people, many of whom have fled to the capital. While Bogotá grew at a rather slow rate up until 1930 (Utria, 2011, p. 32), the violence during the 1940s and 1950s transformed the city into a refuge for people from all regions of the country. Since the

25 These are absolute poverty measures. To be in poverty is defined as having an income below a certain threshold needed to buy basic goods. In 2017, the poverty line was at COP $250,620 per person monthly which amounts to about USD $89. 26 The thirteen cities included are: Barranquilla, Bogotá, Bucaramanga, Cali, Cartagena, Cúcuta, Ibagué, Maniza- les, Medellín, Montería, Pasto, Pereira, and Villavicencio.

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

1950s, Bogotá has expanded rapidly. In the middle of the 20th century, it counted 700,000 inhabitants. Today, its population is estimated to be at eight million, of which about one million are internally forced migrants (Zeidermann, 2016, p. 137).

Thus, two types of reasons motivate migration to Bogotá, which are not easily distinguished. One the one hand, Bogotá is an economic center Colombians move to in order to find a better live. On the other hand, people move because their homes have been affected by the conflict.

Limited Labor Markets in Bogotá Colombia’s labor market is characterized by relatively high unemployment rates (at around 10%) and a large share of informally employed workers (around 50%). Large- scale migration and displacement aggravate these labor market conditions in Colombia in general, but in Bogotá as a destination for many internal migrants and internally displaced people in particular. Internal migrants and internally displaced people have a hard time integrating into the local labor market, and the influx of people also negatively affects the situation of the local population.

Forced migrants tend to be more difficult to integrate, than economic migrants, because they are not accustomed to city life. In contrast to economic migrants, internally displaced people do not primarily follow economic opportunities, but seek refuge (Aysa- Lastra, 2011, p. 281). Their decision of where to go is secondary to the decision to leave home. While the decision about their destination may consider economic opportunities, their decision to leave their homes does not (Aysa-Lastra, 2011, p. 281; Calderón & Ibáñez, 2009, pp. 2-3). Forced migrants with their differing skills and needs usually find it more difficult to accommodate themselves in an urban environment (Calderón & Ibáñez, 2009, p. 4; Zeidermann, 2016, p. 116). Aysa-Lastra investigated the integration 27 of internally displaced people in Soacha26F and compared their labor market situation with the situation of voluntary migrants and the local population (Aysa-Lastra, 2011). Unsurprisingly, forced migrants registered the lowest levels of employment of all three

27 Soacha is a municipality in the metropolitan area of Bogotá and was selected as one of three areas to conduct pilot surveys in the preparation of the 2005 Colombian National Population Census (Aysa-Lastra, 2011, p. 286). The municipality was selected for the pilot census because it had experienced high population growth since 1993, when the population census had last been taken. Soacha has had to cope with a large wave of voluntary and forced migrants. The study compared both groups to non-migrants (Aysa-Lastra, 2011, p. 286). Forced migrants had been compelled to leave their places of residence due to the armed conflict (confrontations, personal attacks, family threats, and/or general insecurity). Non-migrants were residents that had been living in Soacha before 1998 and had never been coerced to leave their home. 60

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation groups. The differences were particularly striking for women. Among forced migrants, only 40% of female household heads were employed, while the corresponding percentage for non-migrant and voluntary migrant groups amounted to 53% and 57% respectively (Aysa-Lastra, 2011, p. 288). Forced migrants were more likely to work in occupations associated with the informal sector than non-migrants or voluntary migrants (Aysa-Lastra, 2011, p. 292). Moreover, the probability of forced migrants finding employment in the formal economy decreased over time – for men even more rapidly than for women (Aysa-Lastra, 2011, p. 296).

As has been shown, internally displaced people face enormous challenges when they seek to enter urban labor markets. Yet, job opportunities and wages also deteriorate for the local population – the result of labor supply shocks caused by forced migration (Calderón & Ibáñez, 2009, p. 1). Calderón and Ibáñez estimated the effects of the inflow of forced migrants on wages, labor force participation, employment, unemployment, and type of occupation (formal versus informal), focusing on Colombia’s thirteen largest metropolitan areas (2009, p. 12). One of their general findings was that a larger number of refugees led to lower wages, also for the locals. This generates tensions between newly arriving and urban residents. Flores describes the manifold difficulties migrants from rural areas have to address as they struggle to make a living in the urban dynamics of Barranquilla, a Colombian city at the Atlantic coast with a population of around 1.2 million inhabitants (Flores, 2006). The new arrivals not only find it hard to survive in an urban environment that has little use for their farming skills, but they also meet with the animosity of the local citizens, who worry that the migrants will claim a part of their 28 already scare resources (Flores, 2006, p. 354).27F

It becomes clear that the huge numbers of refugees, attracted by economic prospects both real and imaginary, face enormous challenges in their new environments, also because labor markets are limited. This leads to enormous economic discrepancies in Bo- gotá. In fact, Bogotá is the most unequal of all of Colombia’s major cities (Galvis, 2013,

28 However, there are also contrasting arguments. The disruption of social ties may actually foster a greater sense of community and solidarity. Hopfensitz et al. use a controlled laboratory experiment to measure how inhabitants of areas with especially high out- and inflow contribute in public good games, as compared to areas that have been relatively unaffected (Hopfensitz & Miquel-Florensa, 2014, p. 18). Public good games refer to experimental settings in which participants pool their contributions, and all the contributions are multiplied by a certain factor and shared equally among all participants, including those that did not contribute. Members of communities of high in- and out-flow actually tended to contribute more. 61

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

29 p. 209). The Gini coefficient28F measuring income inequality is at around 0.53 in Bogotá (Galvis, 2013, p. 209).

Gini Coefficient in Bogotá 0.560

0.540

National 0.520

Bogotá 0.500 13 Cities and Metropolitan Areas Gini Gini Coefficient 0.480 Villages and Rural Areas

0.460

0.440 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Figure 4: Gini Coefficient in Bogotá. Source: Departamento Nacional de Estadística (DANE), 2017 As can be seen in the figure above, the largest discrepancies emerge on the national level, when comparing rural and urban regions. Urban regions tend to be more unequal, and Bogotá is the most unequal compared to the average Colombian cities.

Colombia’s Economic Reforms and Emerging Middle Class In the 1980s and 1990s, many Latin American countries underwent extensive trade liberalizations and numerous privatization initiatives (Browitt, 2001). These reforms had been promoted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), among other actors. The program was called ‹Washington Consensus› and suggested ten steps for more growth. In Colombia, it was especially the government of Gaviria (1990–1994) that launched such reforms. It reduced import taxes, and opened up the market (Browitt, 2001, p. 1068). These reforms are of interest in the present context, because they seem to have increased inequality in the short-term. While such reforms are undertaken in the

29 A Gini-coefficient is calculated from the Lorenz-Curve. A Lorenz-Curve depicts the share of national income (the y-axis showing the percentage of GDP) that is owned by a certain percentage of the population (x-axis). A perfectly equal society would be represented by a straight 45 degree line through the intersect of the x- and y-axis. The Gini-coefficient is the ratio of the area between the Lorenz-curve and this 45 degree line, and the total area under the 45 degree line. A perfectly equal society features a Gini-coefficient close to 0, a totally unequal society a Gini-Coefficient of 1. European countries feature Gini-coefficients between 25% and 40%. 62

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation expectation to generate growth and economic well-being, it is inherently difficult to assess causal impacts of such economic reforms, as one never knows what would have happened if the reforms had not taken place. Nonetheless, this section briefly lines out the privatization and liberalization reforms undertaken in the 1990s.

In 1990 and 1991, Colombia drastically reduced tariffs on various industries. The aim was to expose domestic producers to international competition, thereby promoting efficiency and growth in the domestic market as well as to reduce consumer prices (Attanasio, Goldberg, & Pavcnik, 2004, p. 332). Wages decreased most drastically in the sectors where tariff cuts had been largest (Attanasio et al., 2004, p. 333). As these were sectors of low-skilled and labor-intensive production (manufacturing, textiles and apparel, as well as wood production), trade liberalization disproportionately affected low-income workers. In contrast, wages for college-educated workers rose due to a shift towards technological development, which can be seen as a consequence of trade liberalization (Attanasio et al., 2004, p. 348). Moreover, trade liberalization increased the size of Colombia’s informal sector (Attanasio et al., 2004, p. 359). Enterprises reacted to intensified competition and outsourced some of their work to cheaper micro-enterprises rather than paying social security for their own employees.

More recently, Colombia has also joined a number of free trade agreements. The agreement with the U.S. was signed in 2006 (entering into force in 2012), with Canada and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) in 2008 (entering into force in 2011), and with the E.U. in 2012. The trade agreement with the U.S. is especially important since the U.S. is by far Colombia’s largest export and import destination. The liberalization provoked protests from various agricultural groups (Forero & Urrea, 2013). In the short term, the central region of Bogotá benefits more from the opening of the economy than do the peripheral regions (Haddad, Bonet, Hewings, & Perobelli, 2008, p. 3). In the long-term scheme of things, however, peripheral regions profit as well, the assumption being that workers will relocate. Moreover, it is estimated that tradable products profit more from the opening and that, consequentially, the economy shifts towards agricul- ture, mining, and manufacturing, and away from services. Enterprises located in Bogotá, specifically larger ones, and those operating in the oil and gas sectors are also more likely to benefit from foreign direct investment (Garavito, Iregui, & Ramírez, 2012, p. 23).

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

Thus, the liberalization in the 1990s affected predominantly lower wage segments negatively, and recent trade liberalizations are expected to benefit Bogotá, rather than other regions. Both suggests that trade liberalization at least in the short term exacerbate regional and income inequality in Colombia.

The second pillar of the reform program undertaken in the 1990s concerns the privatization of public services such as water and electricity. Such privatization may give rise to concerns with respect to equal service provision to all members of society. Services provided by profit-seeking enterprises may no longer reach all groups and areas of society equally, and privatizations may lead to layoffs. Both may increase inequality between rich and poor people, and exacerbate social division.

30 In Colombia, privatization consisted mainly29F in private investors being permitted into sectors such as electricity provision, natural gas, water, sanitation, and telecommunica- tions in the 1990s (Pombo & Ramírez, 2003). The implications the state’s partial with- drawal had on the provision of electricity, gas, and oil was not examined in the study cited. However, these reform measures led to important efficiency gains in the electricity sector (Pombo & Ramírez, 2003, pp. 38, 54). Water services and sanitation had been decentralized with the 1992 constitutional reform, transferring responsibilities to municipal governments. Some municipalities decided to privatize the service, whereas others continued to provide the service themselves. A comparison across different municipalities shows positive effects of privatization throughout. The availability and quality of water and sanitation had improved, and the lower classes of society had benefited as well in the municipalities where sanitation and water provision had been privatized (Barrera-Osorio & Olivera, 2007, p. 21). The municipality of Bogotá, too, adopted some privatization initiatives. The public company responsible for municipal street-cleaning and garbage collection was closed down in 1993, and the electricity company was partially privatized in 1997. The private sector was also allowed to provide secondary schooling and health care in Bogotá (Gilbert, 2014, p. 6). Gilbert holds that, compared to what has been seen in other Latin American cities, these transformations were limited

30 The state also reduced its involvement in the manufacturing sector by selling shares that had been held by the state’s Instituto de Fomento y Coordinación Industrial (IFI). The privatization led to the loss of 4,800 jobs, affect- ing predominantly blue-collar workers (Pombo & Ramírez, 2003, p. 32). 64

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

31 in Bogotá (Gilbert, 2014, p. 7). These studies have not found negative impacts30F of privatization policies in service provisions for poorer segments of society.

Liberalization does seem to have exacerbated economic inequality in the short term, whereas privatization appears to have been less problematic. Economic policies of liberalization often aim at generating prosperity in the long-term. It would be important to see if these negative short-term effects have been compensated by positive long-term developments. While it is inherently difficult to assess such long-term effects, as the counterfactual of not undertaking a reform is not available, it is interesting to briefly trace the economic developments following these reforms. During the decade after the reforms, Colombia saw an average annual GDP growth rate of 2.6% between 1990 and 2002 (Clavijo, 2003, p. 13). This is comparable to what was registered in other Latin American countries. However, growth was lower than during the period of import-sub- stitution policies from 1950–1989, when growth rates averaged around 5.1%. Different economists diverge in their assessment of the same measurable effects of the opening of the economy. Advocates of the opening argue that foreign direct investment is a driver for Colombian economic growth (Clavijo, 2003, p. 18f). While the opening was hence the right step, foreign investment did not reach Colombia to its fullest extent due the political violence. Other authors observe a ‹deindustrialization› as a consequence of the reform (Ortiz, Uribe, & Vivas, 2009, p. 21). Manufacturing industries in Colombia were not able to meet the foreign competition, and the industrial sector in Colombia decreased subsequently. In such contexts, authors often speak about the so-called ‹Dutch disease›. In oil-exporting economies, the export of commodities leads to the influx of foreign currencies. Accordingly, the exchange rate of the local currency tends to appreciate with a rise of resource prices. This makes other exports more expensive and less competitive, leading to a ‹deindustrialization›.

Despite the disputed effect of the economic reforms, Colombia saw the growth of a 32 middle class in the first decade of the 2000s. Between 2002 and 2011, the middle class31F increased from being 16% to 27% of the total population, and the poverty rate dropped

31 A separate study analyzed the peoples’ attitudes regarding privatization across Latin America in general (Checchi, Florio, & Carrera, 2005). Researchers found that privatization generates more discontent if it involves services such as water and electricity (Checchi et al., 2005), as was the case in Colombia. However, it is not possible to deduce from the study whether Colombians’ had actually been discontent, and whether their discontent had been based on actual privatization effects. 32 Middle class is defined in absolute terms, as the percentage of households with daily incomes per person between $10 and $50 US dollars at purchasing parity (Angulo, Gaviria, & Morales, 2014, p. 174). 65

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation from 50% to 34% (Angulo et al., 2014, p. 174 f). The median and average incomes grew in all social classes, but more so for the poor and vulnerable (Angulo et al., 2014, p. 182). This development is of long-term consequence as people from the middle class are less likely to fall into poverty, compared to the likelihood of poor people to become extremely poor (Angulo et al., 2014, p. 176). The Colombian middle class grew at an average of 4.5% per year, with 6.9% in 2007 and the lowest in 2009 being 1.7%. In comparison to Latin American and Caribbean middle classes that grew at a rate of 3.5%, Colombia’s middle class has grown substantially (Angulo et al., 2014, p. 176).

Social Classes in Bogotá (Absolute Poverty)

40 Upper Class 30 Middle Class Vulnerable

% of Population of % 20 Poor

0 2002 2003 2004 2005 2008 2009 2010 2011

33 Figure 5: Emergence of a Middle Class in Bogotá32F . Source: Angulo et al., 2014, p. 200 It seems that while liberalization in the 1990s increased inequality in the short run, Co- lombia, and Bogotá in particular, have seen a growing middle class and the number of people living in poverty has decreased.

Spatial Divisions A further characteristic of Colombia’s capital is that the different social classes are spatially segregated, which complicates the establishment of common areas where people of different backgrounds may meet. Bogotá is composed of localidades, each compris- ing around 2,350 neighborhoods (Bacares, 2013, p. 3). Different socio-economic classes

33 The categories were defined as follows (Angulo et al., 2014, p. 175): (1) Poor: households with an income per capita below the poverty line (USD $4.06 PPP) (2) Vulnerable: households with an income per capita between the poverty line and USD $10 PPP (3) Middle Class: households with an income per capita between USD $10 and USD $50 PPP (4) Upper Class: households with an income per capita larger than USD $50 PPP 66

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation tend to live separated in different localidades. This is also a consequence of the large influx of internally displaced people and migrants which cannot find adequate housing options and settle in the city’s peripheral slums where state presence is limited. These areas do often neither count with utilities nor with a public infrastructure. Moreover, public transportation does not reach these areas, which reinforces spatial divisions across the city. Political decentralization in the 1990s has given the local administration the means to address these challenges. Subsequently, different innovative urban policies have tried to revive public space, with limited success. Connecting this back to the physical-spatial aspect of public sphere discussed in Chapter One raises at least three concerns. First, in these poorer areas there may not be any public spaces where people feel safe to meet and interact. Second, the disconnection means that interaction between people from different areas (and given the layout of the city, social classes) is effectively prevented. And third, the existence of neighborhoods where the state is not present, may reinforce the fears discussed in the previous sub-section in this chapter.

Limited Housing Market The influx of forced and voluntary migrants to Bogotá created a huge demand for cheap housing that was not met by the market. A case study on Bogotá estimated that the demand for housing of the lowest two income classes in Bogotá grew at 40,000 units per year in 2003, while only 11,000 units were put on the market (Rueda-García, 2013, p. 25). New residents tend to settle in the outer (southern) zones of the city. This situation has given rise to informal settlements that provide the newly arrived with only precarious living conditions. Such conditions are characteristic of three city districts: Ciudad Bolívar, Usme, and Bosa (Rueda-García, 2013, p. 8).

These communities are not ideal to live in, to say the least. Zeidermann describes the situation of a couple that lived in Nueva Esperanza, one of the precarious neighborhoods between the two localidades of San Cristóbal and Usme (Zeidermann, 2016, p. 83). When they settled into the area, there were no public utilities whatsoever. Water was illegally siphoned through tubes from a storage tank on a nearby hilltop. Waste water was dumped into the stream running down the hillside, and people living there were often sick due to the deplorable sanitary conditions. Moreover, there was a grave lack of security. According to the couple’s account, state authorities were entirely absent from the area. As a result, paramilitary groups were present, there was rampant street crime, and an open drug market had established itself. 67

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

While those that live in these areas suffer the most, the slums also affect other areas of the city. As state presence and order are limited in these areas, they also challenge the very structure of the capital itself. As a foreigner visiting the city, one is strongly advised to avoid these areas entirely, because of the lack of security. Zeidermann vividly describes how the visitor is made familiar with the lines that separate safe from unsafe quarters (Zeidermann, 2016, p. vii):

“(…) the friendly night watchman, Manuel, sat me down with a map to orient me within the city. First, he explained how the street names worked, with the calles running east to west and the carreras north to south. He then shifted to where I should and shouldn’t go. He drew a boundary around the ‘safe zone’, a narrow corridor that excluded most of the city, running north from the central Plaza de Bolívar, and hugging the mountains. ‘What happens,’ I asked, ‘if one lives or works in the areas that are unsafe?’ ‘Don’t worry,’ he responded reassuringly, ‘you won’t ever have to go there’.” [emphasis in the original] The fringes of the city are perceived as a threat to the city. Ludmila Ferrari writes, for instance, that one of the unsafe areas, Ciudad Bolívar, is not only located at the periphery, but is also informally called one of the localidades of invasion, occupied by the ‹others› (Ferrari, 2015, p. 126). The city is thus cut in two, with areas where people who can afford to live in the safe parts hesitate to set foot. Bogotá is divided into spatial segments with uncontrolled settlements in some parts and orderly city life in others.

Given the absence of order and safety, these areas suffer from high homicide rates. Llorente et al. found that homicides are concentrated in certain neighborhoods that con- sistently remain violent over time. The authors relate the high number of murders in certain areas to criminal organizations operating there (Llorente, Escobedo, Echandía, & Rubio, 2002, pp. 187, 189). Most homicides cannot be attributed to ‹impulsive› behavior, with people dying in a violent row. Rather, homicides result from ‹instrumental› violence: People are killed in order to settle accounts between criminal gangs (Llorente et al., 2002, p. 178).

As can be seen in the figure below, the homicide rates vary widely in different neighborhoods in Bogotá. While Ciudad Bolívar has 31.6 homicides per 100.000 inhabitants per year, Chapinero counted with 4.6 in 2017. Still, even in Chapinero the number is 10 times higher than in Switzerland, where approximately 0.5 people die in a homicide per 100.000 inhabitants per year.

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

Suba (17.8) Usaquén (9.4) Engativá Fontibon (5.8) Barrios (12.9) Unidos (4.8) Teusaquillo (7.4) Chapinero Kennedy (4.6) Bosa (12.2) Puente Ar- (19.4) anda (6.3) (A) (B) Santa Fe Tun- (C) (7.9) juelito Rafael (6.8) Uribe (20.4) San Cris- tóbal (8.3)

Ciudad Bolívar (31.6) (A) Los Mártires (36.83)

(B) La Candelaria (24.8)

Usme (26.8)

Figure 6: Number of Homicides per 100,000 Inhabitants in Bogotá per Year per Localidad. Source: Colombia Reports, 2018.

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

Disconnected and Dysfunctional Infrastructure The spatial division is aggravated by the fact that Bogotá’s public infrastructure does not keep up with the growing population (Rueda-García, 2013, p. 4). Most notably, public transport is not very efficient. Utria even writes of a crisis of mobility (Utria, 2011, p. 48). When talking to locals, one soon realizes that transportation is a major concern. According to citizens, their rides to work or to school took them about 53 minutes in 2002–2008, and 67 minutes in 2009–2011 (Galvis, 2013, p. 230).

In the period from 2003–2011, the number of private vehicles doubled (Galvis, 2013, p. 34 228).33F These private vehicles are of various kinds. To illustrate this point, note that animal-powered carts hinder a smooth rolling along of the traffic, just as happens with the people-powered carts of the recicladores, the garbage collectors (Utria, 2011, p. 48). Moreover, Bogotá’s road network is in poor shape: 43% of the roads are estimated to be in bad condition, and only 23% in a regular state (Utria, 2011, p. 49). To manage the capital’s heterogeneous mobility system is a demanding task in itself. Yet, according to Utria, there has been a complete absence of planning, and a general lack of prioritization and hierarchization of the different mobility streams. While in the period from 1960– 1990 public authorities were not involved at all in planning public transport, things changed at the end of the 1990s (Bacares, 2013, p. 4). The elected mayor reformed the transportation system, turning it into a system managed by public-private partnerships. The administration took on a key role in the regulation of the system and the allocation of the bus lines (Bacares, 2013, p. 4). Public transport improved in 2000, when a bus- rapid transit system, Transmilenio, was introduced. While it moves about 1.8 million passengers per day, this represents only around 15% of daily trips made by citizens. The average speed is at about 27 km/h (Bacares, 2013, p. 4). Moreover, the system reaches only 50% of the city. The absence of an efficient transport system across the whole capital leaves various urban areas cut off from the others, reinforcing the physical seg- mentation of the city (Rueda-García, 2013, p. 10).

Political Decentralization and Innovative Urban Policies Colombia had taken efforts to decentralize in the 1990s (Lozano & Julio, 2015, p. 2). A

34 While this factor is not examined, it does not seem unlikely that the increased number of vehicles also reflects a feeling of insecurity among citizens, which might explain their reluctance to use public transportation. 70

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation major initial step was the adoption of a new constitution in 1992. It brought a decentralization of resources and a devolution of political competencies and responsibilities 35 (Lozano & Julio, 2015, p. 3).34F The new constitution explicitly mentioned the objectives that such decentralization should achieve: (a) improvement of the population’s access to social and public services, especially in the areas of education, health, water supply, and sanitation; (b) provision of resources to the poorest populations in order to lift them out of poverty; (c) reduction of differences between regions; and (d) support of the growth of incomes and employment (J. M. Ramírez et al., 2014, p. 6). The constitution of 1992 also introduced new rules to determine the size, purpose, and extent of the financial transfers from the central government to departments and to municipalities (Lozano & Julio, 2015, p. 4). Bogotá is Colombia’s most decentralized city, with the largest share in local spending and local revenues. Moreover, political accountability shifted to the local level when, from 1988 on, mayors started to be elected. In 1992, the election of departmental governors followed. Before, mayors and governors had been appointed by the president.

This decentralization reform of the early 1990s increased Bogotá’s budget, providing the financial means necessary to change the city’s face (Zilberstein, 2009, p. 7). Some authors argue that the quality of Bogotá’s mayors also improved after 1992, as they were from then on elected by the citizens and could, to some degree, be held accountable (Gilbert, 2014, p. 5). This decentralization led to a positive transformation in the 1990s and early 2000s (Gilbert, 2014; Zilberstein, 2009). It rose from being denounced as Co- lombia’s worst city to being praised as an urban success and even a role model. In 2002, the U.N. declared it an urban ideal for the whole of Latin America (Gilbert, 2014, p. 3).

35 Typically, decentralization can take the form of a deconcentration of national agencies (some autonomy is given to the local level, but the central government control and financing from the national level); delegation (subnational government providing social services, regulated by the central government); and devolution (sub-national government having full autonomy and generating the resources needed to exert those competencies) (J. M. Ramírez, Díaz, & Bedoya, 2014, p. 8). The Colombian decentralization has been a mixture of two forms: deconcentration and delegation, strongly funded by money transfers from the central government (J. M. Ramírez et al., 2014, p. 9). Devolution is less the case, since many municipalities are not able to raise revenues through taxes; an exception may be those that can levy royalties on resource extraction (J. M. Ramírez et al., 2014, p. 10). There are differences across public service provisions (J. M. Ramírez et al., 2014, p. 9). In water supply and sewage, all investment decisions are the responsibility of sub-national governments, but resources come from transfers and local resources. In health services, too, responsibility is with departments and municipalities, but services are subject to previous certification from national agencies. In education, services are provided by sub-national levels, but financed and regulated by the national government. On the national level, some resources are earmarked for certain sectors – mainly education, health services, and water supply and sewage (J. M. Ramírez et al., 2014, p. 9). 71

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

In this context, two policy programs are particularly noteworthy, these being the program Cultura ciudadana of Antanas Mockus’ alcaldía (1995–1998, 2001–2003) and the Ciclovía during the later 1990s.

36 In various cities, among them Bogotá and Cali,35F cultural programs were introduced with the aim of strengthening social ties within the local communities. During his first term in office as mayor of Bogotá (1995–1998), Antanas Mockus launched the policy 37 Cultura Ciudadana in order to promote convivencia,36F or ‹peaceful living together›. Cultura Ciudadana consisted of several elements. Pantomimes were hired to educate 38 citizens about traffic rules. A ley zanahoria 37F prohibited the selling of alcohol after 1 a.m. Within the framework of this program, a group of young people supported by the Institute for the Promotion of Culture and Tourism (IDCT) organized a rock festival in 1995 (Riaño, 2011, p. 215). The concert evolved into a regular series of cultural events called La Cultura al Parque, encouraging people to come out and meet. Overall, the program’s effects were evaluated positively (Mockus, 2001, p. 1).

A second policy that is of long tradition, but that has been re-activated in the 1990s in order to revive public space is Bogotá’s Ciclovía. It entails that, on Sundays, Bogotá’s major streets are closed to cars. The closure serves to provide opportunities for citizens to enjoy riding their bikes and to go for a walk. Ciclovía was introduced in 1974 with the intention to promote cycling (Cortés, 2015, p. 40). Initially, only two major traffic axes were closed, the Carrera Séptima and the Carrera 13, from 9 to 12 p.m. In the 1970s, roughly 5,000 people attended, using the occasion to protest against the proliferation of cars, the pollution, and the lack of recreation opportunities in the city. The In- stituto Distrital de Recreación y Deporte (IDRD) identifies four stages in the consoli- dation of the Ciclovía: implementation, maintenance, transformation, and modernization (Cortés, 2015, p. 41). Implementation took place from 1974 to 1976, when the initiative was founded. From its original 54 kilometers, the Ciclovía had been reduced to 24 kilometers in 1995, which is the year the administration of Antanas Mockus took office. From 1996 to 1998, the Ciclovía was enlarged again from encompassing 25 to

36 For an evaluation of the program “Mejor Hablemos” in Cali, see Rodriguez, Muñoz, Fandiño-Losada, and Gutiérrez (2006). 37 Convivencia is a term coined by Antanas Mockus (Rojas & Méndez, 2008, p. 100) which refers to more than just coexistence, but means the tolerance of diversity and the absence of violence (Mockus, 2002, p. 20). 38 In Spanish, ley zanahoria entails a pun. While zanahoria is a carrot, the ley zanahoria rather alludes to ‹healthy hour› as sana means healthy, and hora means hour. 72

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation

81 kilometers, and was extended to last until 2 p.m. Today, there are ten indicated locations in the Ciclovía, with theater, music, and dance groups playing every third Sunday. Starting as an initiative for the conservation of nature, it was later assigned the additional task to promote citizens’ physical health (Cortés, 2015, p. 42). From 1995 on, it was additionally seen as an initiative encouraging residents to exercise citizenship. By in- sisting on regulations such as the right of way, it sensitized citizens to the importance of rules in daily life. In August of 2014, the Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) supported by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) awarded Bogotá the prize for sustainable culture for its Ciclovía (El Premio de Asen- tamientos Humanos Globales en Cultura Sostenible).

Numerous initiatives have sought to improve Bogotá’s urban situation. Still, various dynamics continue to impair citizens’ feelings of security and their interactions in everyday life. The psychological and symbolic presence of past violence result in a profound sense of threat. Furthermore, social and spatial divisions of the capital limit the interaction among people from different socio-economic backgrounds.

Isolation and Division: Difficulties in Building a Public Sphere in Bogotá In Bogotá, the dynamics that hinder the establishment of a public sphere are twofold. On the one hand, citizens recede into isolation due to threats, both real and imagined. Lingering fears of earlier violence and actual risks cause citizens to distrust strangers and to withdraw from public life. On the other hand, marked economic inequality divides the city in two halves and undermines the establishment of a public sphere in which most or at least many interact in the same types of spaces. This division is ampli- fied by a spatial segregation, as different socio-economic classes tend to live in separate areas. The poorer areas are cut off from the rest of the city due to lack of transportation. Both, socio-economic disparity and spatial segregation limit the interaction among citizens from different areas in Bogotá.

The creation of a ‹public sphere› – commonly used spaces, where one feels safe to interact with other citizens, as defined in the earlier chapter – is difficult in such a context. Individuals that do not dare to go out will not interact in a public space and accordingly, a public sphere will not establish itself. Moreover, spatial division of different areas and socio-economic inequality across different parts of a city prevents the interaction among 73

A Network of Art Publics Bogotá: A City of Division and Isolation citizens from different areas, as they are unlikely to spend their time in the same places. This hinders the creation of a common public sphere in which all can take part. These two dynamics reinforce each other. Manifest divisions and areas without state presence within the capital exacerbate the fears that cause individuals to recede into isolation. The creation of a ‹public sphere› is therefore particularly difficult, but also of great relevance in Bogotá.

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3 Colombian Contemporary Art in its Wider Context Chapter One has identified economic preconditions and the state as two important realms that embrace a public sphere. In this chapter, these two very broad categories are broken down for the context analyzed in this project: the Colombian art scene. The first section of this chapter describes the most important aspects of Colombian cultural policies and sheds light on the role of the state in the creation of a public sphere defined as the emergence and connection of art publics. Putting the Colombian art scene into an economic context, it is important to expand the focus and to take into account the international dimension of the art market. The second part of the chapter therefore analyzes developments in the global art market and how these trends influence the Colombian art scene.

The Role of the State: Cultural Policy for Contemporary Art in Colombia In Habermas’ account a public sphere, the state is seen to contribute little else than freedom of expression. Chapter One modified this idea, and conceptualized the role of the state in building a public sphere as an active one. In this section, the state’s involvement in the building of a public sphere through cultural policies is examined. In Colombia, cultural policies have been concerned with the equal representation of minorities and reconciliation of society since the 1990s. The policies implementing these goals have concentrated on the support of artists from all Colombian regions and the preservation of the national heritage. More recently however, Colombian cultural policy has become concerned with ‹creative industries›, that generate employment and exports and started to focus on supporting art organizations.

Integration of Society and Representation of Minorities The state’s involvement in sponsoring art is of long tradition. In Europe, art was originally commissioned by the church, and then by aristocratic houses. Monarchs had cab- inets of wonder where they put on display all kinds of artefacts, ranging from paintings to natural objects. With the Enlightenment, these collections were opened to the public. The devolution of power from monarchs to states, made the sponsoring of culture a public task (Hermanns, 2002, p. 21). Regional differences in cultural spending still reflect the degree of centralization of power of earlier monarchs (Grasskamp, 1998, p. 56).

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The state’s role in France’s cultural spending is quite different from the U.S.’ for instance who rely on private sponsorship to a much greater extent. Today’s involvement 39 of the state in culture is justified with reference to external effects.38F Cultural institutions for instance fulfil educational functions that benefit society as a whole rather than just visitors and therefore warrant state support (Holland, 2002, p. 17).

In Colombia cultural spending is lower than for instance in Switzerland. However, it is not negligible, and it is higher than in the U.S. for instance, where artists rely heavily on the generosity of private donors. The Colombian Ministry of Culture’s budget in 2017 amounted to USD $2.17 per capita (Minsterio de Cultura, 2017). Transforming the Co- lombian expenditures according to purchasing power parity prices, this amounts to an international USD $4.81 per capita (World Bank, 2018). In 2016, Bogotá’s agency for culture counted on a budget that amounted to USD $5.9 per capita (Idartes - Instituto Distrital de las Artes, 2017), or in purchasing power parity prices, an international USD $13.08 (World Bank, 2018). In comparison, Switzerland’s spending at the federal level (adding the budgets of the two main cultural agencies, Bundesamt für Kultur and Pro Helvetia), amounts to around USD $26.5 per capita (Bundesamt für Kultur, 2016, p. 66; "Pro Helvetia Zahlen und Fakten," 2016) – almost double, without including the can- tonal contributions to culture which by far surpasses the federal cultural spending. The United States’ National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) however spends even less, than Colombia, namely $0.46 USD per capita (National Endowment for the Arts, 2017). Co- lombia’s cultural spending is hence an important source of support for local cultural production.

In Colombia, cultural policies have served specific goals: the recognition of minorities and the reconciliation and integration of society. These goals resonate with the notion of public sphere understood as a social medium open to all citizens. In 1992, Colombia adopted a new constitution which departed considerably from the 1886 constitution also in cultural terms (Gautier, 2001, p. 376). Moreover, the previous Instituto Colombiano de Cultura (ColCultura), was transformed into the Ministry of Culture in 1997 by the

39 The term ‹external effects› refers to goods or consumption that affect bystanders that do not directly pay for or consume the good. Such external effects can be positive or negative. If someone lights a firework e.g., neighbors are both affected by a beautiful visual impression (positive externality) as well as the smoke it produces (negative externality). As beneficiaries of positive external effects are not charged for their enjoyment, there may be little monetary incentive for someone to provide the good. This often makes goods with positive externalities financially unviable for private production. Cultural institutions generate such positive externalities. 76

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General Law of Culture of 397. Both processes were accompanied by a public debate that shaped the cultural policy in Colombia afterwards. Gautier identifies three crucial elements of transformation in Colombian cultural policy that emerged during this process (Gautier, 2001, p. 377f). First, the political decentralization implemented through the constitution recognized the cultural autonomy of the regions (Gautier, 2001, p. 378). Second, culture and cultural dialogues were considered to be an important medium for the reconciliation of a fragmented society (Gautier, 2001, p. 378). Gautier holds that many policies reflect an “increasing awareness in the public sector of a notion of culture as a communicative process that permits the transformation of social relations through a new politics of identity and recognition” (Gautier, 2001, p. 378). A third transformation concerns Article 7 of the Constitution that announces an understanding of Co- lombia of itself as a pluri-ethnic and multicultural nation, replacing the previous idea of Colombia as a mestizo nation in the process of whitening, united under one God and one race. Doing justice to this self-understanding, the Ministry of Culture adopted a wider definition of culture than had previously been operational:

“the distinctive, spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features that characterize human groups and that comprehends, beyond arts and letters, modes of life, human rights, systems of value, traditions and beliefs.” (Gautier, 2001, p. 377) This definition promotes the inclusion of varied forms of expression, and relativizes the importance of elite expressions, such as contemporary art, that had previously enjoyed a favored position in cultural policies (Gautier, 2001, p. 378).

Colombian cultural policy has thus not only been geared towards supporting cultural production. In many cases, such policies also serve the social purpose of recognizing minorities and of a restoration of society after long years of violence. This is also reflected by the structure of the Ministry of Culture. Its division into direcciones reflects such social priorities, rather than following a set of criteria that usually delimits different kinds of artistic production, such as film, contemporary art, and so forth (Gautier, 2001, p. 381). The Ministry of Culture thus comprises divisions of Arts, Communications, Youth and Infancy, Regional Development, and Patrimony, as well as Awards and Scholarships (Gautier, 2001, p. 381).

In contemporary arts, the Ministry of Culture distinguishes artists by different awards. It supports visual artists through scholarships (becas), internships, residencies, prizes, 77

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40 and forms of recognition (reconocimiento).39F It fosters production in different media (visual arts, ceramics, comics, photography), also including curatorial and scientific contributions. The concern to integrate Colombian society through culture becomes par- 41 ticularly visible in a very specific kind of award of long tradition:40F the Salón Nacional de Artistas. The Salón Nacional is essentially a competition which invites artists to sub- mit their artworks. A selection is exhibited in the Salón Nacional. A jury decides which artists and artworks are to be put on display, and which of these will in addition receive an award. The Salón Nacional aims at a similar process as was described in the first chapter on the building of a public sphere: the integration of society through connections among different publics. The organization of a yearly recurrent exhibition presenting a selection of the ‹best› of Colombian art, and the itinerant format of this exhibition across Colombia reverberate with the idea of a creation of a cultural public sphere. The history of the exhibition shows the efforts undertaken to make this exhibition truly national, rather than just a phenomenon concerning the capital city of Bogotá. The organization of the first Salón Nacional in 1940 in Bogotá created a national public for the artists, and provided an exhibition for the people (Rey-Márquez, 2006, p. 34). During the late 1950s and the first half of the 1960s, the Salón Nacional, that had so far only taken place in the capital, was hosted in different regions of Colombia. In 1961, part of the Salón was also shown at the Museo de Arte Moderno in Ibagué (Tolima) and at the Primer Festival de Arte in Cali, and in 1962, the opening of the salon was televised (Carrasco, 2006, p. 79). In 1976, the Salón was further decentralized. Regional calls and exhibitions were organized, from which a certain number of applications were then displayed at the Salón Nacional in Bogotá (Aranda, 2006, p. 131). The organization of these regional salons was however difficult and the transportation of the artworks to Bogotá was a major issue. Some of the regions could not be accessed by air, and damage as well as

40 In 2018, the Colombian Ministry of Culture provided scholarships for a curatorial project in Colombia, for the participation in a Comic Festival in Toronto, for a research project on Colombian art, for an artist creating ceramics, for a monograph on an artist, for the production of a comic, for the production of artistic publications, for the travel expenses of an artist (or an art agent) in order to facilitate the participation of Colombian artists in exhibitions abroad, for the creation of an artwork for artists at different stages of their careers (emerging or established), for independent art spaces, for expositions in a specific art space in Cartagena, for a solo exhibition, for the realization of a laboratory for artistic education, for an internship for antique photography, for the national prize for photography, and for a recognition of a critical essay on Colombian arts, as well as for two residencies in France, and one in Mexico (Gobierno de Colombia, 2018, p. 5). 41 The origin of the Salón Nacional goes back to 1930, but it has been disrupted a couple of times due to violence. In 1932, there was no Salón Nacional due to bipartidist violence (Rey-Márquez, 2006, p. 13f). In 1946–1950, the salon was suspended (Figueroa, 2006a, p. 48). From 1954–1957, there was no Salón Nacional because Gustavo Rojas Pinilla’s government came to power through a military coup (Carrasco, 2006, p. 69). Moreover, there was no Salón between 1980 and 1985 (Gónzalez, 2006, p. 152). 78

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context theft were a problem when it came to getting the artworks to the capital and back (Gónzalez, 2006, p. 157). In an alternative effort to decentralize this national exhibition, it took place in Medellín in 1987 and in Cartagena in 1989 (Gónzalez, 2006, p. 158 f). In the 1990s regional Salónes de Artistas were organized in different cities (Ministerio de Cultura, 2018), and the most recent version of this exhibition took place in Pereira in 2016.

A second pillar in Colombian cultural policy on the federal level is the preservation of the national heritage, which also promotes a sense of national self-understanding. The national museum was founded shortly after Colombia’s independence in 1810 and at the time was meant to contribute to the building of a still young nation. Moreover, the national museum’s implementation of the policy on national heritage is concerned to include also artistic expressions of cultural minorities and to strengthen regional museums. In Colombia, the interest in saving and exhibiting the national heritage dates back to the 19th century (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 298). In 1823, thirteen years after Colom- bia’s independence, the national congress adopted a law to establish the national museum and ordered the founding of the museum of mineralogy. The national museum was created with the aim to exhibit the historical artefacts collected by José Celestino 42 43 Mutis,41F who led the botanical collections in the Colombian territory. 42F The establishment of the national museum evidently also followed considerations of nation-building. In 1997, with the conversion of ColCultura into the Ministry of Culture, the national museum was mandated by law to direct Colombian museums. Responding to this man- date, it formulated a program in order to consolidate, propagate, and strengthen the museum sector in Colombia (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 301). The national museum founded a national network of museums (Red Nacional de Museos) that later turned into the program Fortalecimiento de Museos (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 301). In 2010,

42 José Celestino Mutis (1732-1808) led the royal geographic expedition through the then Nuevo Reino de Gra- nada, starting in 1783. There is still a botanical garden in Bogotá named after José Celestino Mutis. 43 Founded in 1823, the national museum remained the only institution of its kind for some years. However, in 1881, the museum of Antioquia was established. With a renewed interest in collecting and exhibiting national heritage, in particular with respect to natural artefacts, the 20th century saw the establishment of 20 more museums, which also served as educational institutions. From 1939 onwards, archaeological museums were founded, starting with the foundation of the Museo del Oro by the Banco de la República. The first religious museum was founded in 1942 by the Catholic Church, which established an additional 28 museums. Only in the 1950s did art museums start to appear with the creation of the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá and the Museo de Arte Moderno La Tertulia in Cali (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 300). The last twenty years of the 20th century saw the creation of approximately 80 other museums, many of which are part of municipal or departmental collections, which makes them vulnerable to volatility in budgets due to changes in power (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 300). The great majority of these institutions are not-for-profit private institutions (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 300). 79

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44 45 there were 38643F registered museums44F in this network (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 303). Thus, the national museum directs a network of museums all over Colombia, in line with the idea of the promotion of cultural integration throughout Colombia.

The national museum is however not the only institution that is concerned with the preservation of Colombian heritage. The collection of the Banco de la República, Co- lombia’s central bank complements the national museum’s. The Banco de la República hosts an important collection of pre-Colombian art, a numismatic collection, and an art collection, and maintains what was founded as Bogotá’s first public library, Luis Ángel Arango (Urrutia, 2013). The origin of this cultural commitment goes back to the 1930s, when the central bank controlled the trade of metals and ran regional agencies that bought gold (Urrutia, 2013, p. 53). At the end of the 1930s, one of the regional agencies was offered three pre-Colombian gold objects. Rather than melting these objects, they were brought to Bogotá. Since 1939, the central bank conserves gold and silver objects of indigenous origin, and the collection opened to the general public in 1959 (Urrutia, 46 2013, p. 53).45F Today, the artefacts can be admired in the Museo del Oro. Although the origin of the bank’s cultural commitment lies in the conservation of gold and silver objects, it also holds an impressive collection of visual art representing Colombia’s cultural creation over the past century. Their first purchase was a work by Fernando Botero in 1957 (Urrutia, 2013, p. 57). From 1958 onwards, the bank’s directors followed the policy to buy one work of every exposition it showed in its library rooms. In the 1980s, the collection was complemented with those works of nationally recognized artists that were not yet present in the collection (Urrutia, 2013, p. 59). The collection later opened to the public in a building that had previously, hosted the archives. Some artworks also reached the collection through donation by the respective artists. In 2012, the collection encom- passed 4,729 artworks (Urrutia, 2013, p. 60). It is thus important to note, that the preservation of artworks has focused to include objects of different cultural traditions, mainly

44 In comparison, Switzerland – with a fifth of the population of Colombia – counted 1,108 museums within its borders in 2017 (Bundesamt für Statistik, 2018). 45 Of these museums, 43% are registered as a private entity, 5% as a mixed entity, and 52% as a public institution or dependent on public institutions (Ministerio de Cultura, 2010, p. 303). 46 Similarly, the central bank inaugurated the library Luis Ángel Arango with the purpose of preserving the historic documents and archives of the central bank in 1932 (Urrutia, 2013, p. 55). It expanded, buying private libraries, and in 1958 it opened as the first public library in Bogotá. Including a concert hall, the bank started to organize concerts as well as expositions. The bank also maintains libraries with exhibition rooms in many smaller towns in the former local branches of the bank, which used to hand out cash before this service was privatized (Urrutia, 2013, p. 57). 80

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context through two organizations, the Colombia’s central bank and the national museum.

On the local level of government in Bogotá, the Instituto Distrital de las Artes (Idartes) – one of the agencies of the Secretaría de la Cultura Recreación y Deporte – is responsible for the cultural policy. In the area of visual art, Idartes concentrates on the support of artists, and maintains its own gallery. It hence follows a similar pattern as can be seen 47 on the federal level. Among the stimuli Idartes provides are awards46F for residencies abroad, usually in cooperation with public authorities in the country of destination. Idartes also imparts Colombia’s most recognized prizes: an exposition in the Galería Santa Fe for young artists and the national art prize, Luis Caballero for more established artists. The exhibition at the gallery Santa Fe is an important award for young artists and had been hosted in the planetarium in Bogotá since the 1980s. In 2016, Idartes started the construction on a new locale to host the gallery. The prize Luis Caballero was funded in 1996 by the then IDCT. Although it is managed by Idartes, Bogotá’s district entity concerned with art, the competition is open to all Colombian artists aged over 40. In its edition in 2015, the prize assumed a new format. Eight of the artists that apply for the prize are selected to work out a proposal for a large in situ project at one of the sites in Bogotá. Of these eight projects, one is selected as the winning project. The set-up of this price also encourages the public to visit different spaces and hence creates a circulation of visitors throughout the city.

Apart from these awards, Idartes administers additional programs to support artists that do not easily access the art scene. Between 2012 and 2015, for instance, it realized different workshops for self-taught artists without formal education (Idartes - Instituto Distrital de las Artes, 2016, p. 135). In cooperation with a local university, Jorge Tadeo Lonzano, it has organized an educational program for these artists. The program continues with the support of Bogotá’s Chamber of Commerce and the Foundation Arteria. Idartes also encourages diverse artistic expressions, and includes for instance street art as a category in its awards. Furthermore, the agency supports the artistic formation of children, in so-called Centros Locales de Arte para Niños y Niñas (CLAN). In about twenty such centers throughout Bogotá, children learn to express themselves artistically.

Cultural policies both on the federal, as well as the district level target social dimensions,

47 In the period between 2012 and 2015, Idartes provided financial support amounting to COP $1,990,400,000, which equates to around USD $716,544 (Idartes - Instituto Distrital de las Artes, 2016, p. 132). 81

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context in addition to promoting artistic production. Regional representation and the representation of minorities is an important goal, and these considerations echo the concerns that were discussed in relation to a public sphere. To what extent such an equal representation of all cultural traditions as well as a dissemination to all Colombian regions is achieved, remains an open question, but the policies at least target these dimensions. State policies support artists, organize exhibitions (Salón Nacional, Galería Santa Fe) and also conserve the national heritage (Museo Nacional, Banco de la República). It seems that, apart from conservation and supporting artists, the state also convenes publics, but does not support organizations that build such publics. Cultural programs have benefitted profit-oriented or not-for-profit art organizations and their publics to a much lesser degree.

A Recent Development: Promotion of Creative Industries Since 2001, cultural policy in Colombia on the federal and the district level has become concerned with ‹creative industries› and has conceived culture not only as a means to integrate society, but also to generate employment. This shift has included a turn towards other types of actors, as the commercialization of art depends on art organizations such as galleries or independent art spaces. Moreover, this recent shift has promoted an internationalization.

In 2003, the Ministry of Culture published a first study on the economic impact of cultural industries in Colombia (Ministerio de Cultura Colombia, 2003). One of the objectives of the study included the aim to:

“Evaluar el aporte de sectores de la cultura a la economía de Colombia, mediante cifras concretas que permitan la cuantificación de variables como inci- dencia en el producto interno bruto, pago de los derechos de autor, producción, ventas, exportaciones, importaciones, empleo y piratería. Cifras que encierran un valor importante: ayudan a visualizar un sector al que hasta hace poco solo se le reconocían valores intangibles, relacionados con efectos sociales, identita- 48 rios o políticos, pero no económicos.”47F (Ministerio de Cultura Colombia, 2003, p. 26) The term ‹creative industries› marks an approach where artistic products gain primacy,

48 In English, this would read: “Evaluate the contribution of cultural sectors to the Colombian economy, through concrete numbers that allow one to quantify the variables, such as contribution to the national GDP, payments for authors’ rights, production, sales, exports, imports, employment, and piracy. Numbers are important: they help us to visualize a sector that until recently has been recognized only for its intangible values related to social effects, such as those related to identity or political effects, but not economic ones.”

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context and art, in addition to being understood as a communicative process between different groups in Colombia, also becomes an industry, contributing to economic growth. Con- temporary arts were excluded from this first study, but not because they were perceived as not pertaining to creative industries; instead, the reasoning was that it was difficult to find exact numbers on this specific market (Ministerio de Cultura Colombia, 2003, pp. 27, 42). Included were, instead, music, cinema, television, and journals.

With the understanding of contemporary art as a creative industry, the attention changes from immaterial processes to material products. Moreover, with a shift of focus on the material aspect of cultural production, visual art is no longer only a means to integrate Colombian society, but also a marketable product. In order to achieve such a marketiza- tion, the state depends on commercial art organizations. In consequence, intermediary art organizations that were previously not considered by cultural policies, become important. A later analysis by the Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social (Con- pes) regarding a national policy for the promotion of cultural industries, accordingly specifies how to support commercial cultural organizations (Conpes. Consejo Nacional de Política Económia y Social, 2010). The document identifies five areas of action, where cultural organizations should receive support, such as distribution channels, and access to finance. In May of 2017, Colombia adopted a new law 1834, a so-called Ley Naranja, as cultural industry is also referred to ‹industria nararanja›, which aims to provide ideal conditions for cultural entrepreneurs, such as tax incentives.

On the district level of Bogotá, creative industries or economía naranja are supported by different local agencies. Bogotá’s Chamber of Commerce caters to clusters of entrepreneurs in cultural industries, and organizes different fairs for fashion, music production, and audiovisual production. Most importantly, since 2004 it organizes the country’s largest art fair, artBo. Invest in Bogotá, Bogotá’s Investment Promotion Agency, equally promotes the investment into creative production in Bogotá, such as music and film. In contrast, the local government’s agency for promoting art, Idartes, is not concerned with such efforts.

Understanding culture as artistic products, also emphasizes a potential internationalization of cultural industries. A definition of culture as a measure to reconcile society looks inwards, while the concept of contemporary art as a tradable product also raises the question of external markets. The importance of exports is already highlighted in the

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context study by the Ministry of Culture quoted above (Ministerio de Cultura Colombia, 2003, p. 26). Accordingly, cultural diplomacy was strengthened in 2000, during the first Uribe administration, around the same time as the first study was released (Ruiz, 2017, p. 166). While cultural promotion across borders had also been in effect under previous admin- istrations, this administration’s approach was more systematic. A conceptual guideline established a cultural plan, the Plan de Promoción de Colombia en el Exterior and all embassies and missions were asked to indicate what cultural events they were planning. The plan also mentions arts as ‹creative industries›. The information provided by the embassies allowed the government to better coordinate cultural activities, conveying a positive image of Colombia. This professionalization and systematic inclusion of culture in foreign policy, and the collaboration between the foreign and cultural ministry, was maintained by the Santos government (Ruiz, 2017, p. 197).

‹Neutrality› in Art Sponsorship The Colombian’s state involvement in the art sector has been of an active nature. In addition to fostering cultural production, it has promoted the inclusion of minorities and the representation of all regions. More recently, however, state policies have concentrated on the provision of favorable conditions to cultural producers, without selecting and curating artworks. These policies resemble Habermas’ account more strongly, as Habermas posits the separation of a public sphere from the state. Such a ‹separation› is however problematic, as the resources then need to come from another (private) source. This raises the question who determines what is seen as art. This section focuses on the substance of these artistic public spheres, rather than their creation. However, the question who defines what is accepted as art is an important one in the literature, and it seems to be an omission to leave it out entirely.

The role of the state in selecting and presenting art is prominently problematized in the art historic literature (Grasskamp, 1998, p. 26). The origin of the funds to some extent also determines the decision as to what to buy or exhibit, and hence, to define art. In contrast to Habermas’ ideal, the state’s selection is often seen as less problematic than if the decision what to buy or exhibit is influenced by the private side. In Colombia, the discussion of the source of art patronage has been ignited by an exposition of Barbies at the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá (MAMBO) in 2003. The exposition was sponsored by the company Mattel, who produces these toys (Rosas, 2010). Ninety dolls were presented in glass urns, all of them in gowns created by Latin American designers. The 84

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context show did not emerge from a critical investigation, but was simply a marketing strategy on the side of the company, and a way to raise money in times of limited public financial support on the side of the museum (Rosas, 2010, p. 98). The pedagogical activities that surrounded the exposition included children coloring Barbie silhouettes. As a consequence of this exposition, the curator and her assistant resigned, as it generated a wave of critique which also damaged the museum’s reputation. Private sponsorship in this example thus turned out to be quite problematic.

However, states’ support of cultural activities are not without interests, either, and deny- ing support to certain projects or in reaction to certain works of previously sponsored 49 artists may censure48F artistic practices (Holland, 2002, p. 54). In Colombia, certain artistic movements have remained outside of both the public collections of the Banco de la República and the Museo Nacional. The group of Bachué, a movement in the 1920s– 1940s in which artists took up indigenous aesthetics, was not deemed worthy of entering 50 public collections. The most important piece of this movement49F is a statue of the indigenous Muisca goddess Bachué by Rómulo Rozo, executed in 1925, and displayed at the Colombian Pavilion in the exhibition Iberoamericana in Sevilla in 1929 (Medina, 2008, p. 21). It was rediscovered in 1997 in Barranquilla, when an exhibition on the onset of modernity in the Museo de Arte Moderno in Bogotá was curated. After the exhibition, the museums were not interested in acquiring it, and a private collector secured it from another disappearance. It is, of course, regrettable that the statue is not on public display, but it could have receded into complete oblivion again without the engagement of this private collector.

49 While the example portrays a case from Colombia, examples of state involvement into artistic processes can be found in different countries. Switzerland saw a prominent case of this happening in 2004 with Thomas Hirsch- horn’s ‹Swiss-Swiss Democracy› exposition in Pro Helvetia’s cultural center in Paris. The artist decorated the walls with newspaper excerpts, and had actors perform plays every day during the exposition. During one of these plays, an actor acting like a dog ‹pissed› on a photograph of a federal councilor, Christoph Blocher (Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen, 2015). The national parliament in consequence decreased Pro Helvetia’s budget from 34 to 33 million in 2005 (swissinfo, 2005). Similarly, the U.S. has reacted to the work ‹Immersion (Piss Christ)›, photographs by Andres Serrano that showed the crucifixes being immersed in a yellowish liquid, this supposedly being the artist’s urine. The work was shown in a museum, sponsored in part by the NEA. It caused huge controversies in the U.S., and a law that required ‹general decency› for works and organizations supported by the NEA was adopted in consequence (Serrano, 2015). 50 The artists pertaining to the group Bachué are perhaps too heterogenous to be comprehended as movement, but they are usually named as a group whose work can be differentiated from the main-stream aesthetics of this time: Pedro Nel Gómez, Ignacio Gómez Jaramillo, Luis Alberto Acuña, Alipio Jaramillo, Débora Arango, Sergio Tru- jillo, Carolina Cárdenas, Carlos Correa, Marco Ospina, Gonzalo Ariza, Ramón Barba, Josefina Albarracín, and Hena Rodríguez. 85

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The previous examples have shown that support from the private sector can be problematic (as with the Barbie exposition in the MAMBO), but that acquisitions and support from the state are not neutral, either. Political, religious, and ethnic considerations influence the acquisitions and the financial support granted by state authorities. Rather than emphasizing the superiority of either state or private financing, a diversity of both public and private supporters of art seems to grant that different types of artistic creations are recognized.

While a diversity of sources for financing art may seem desirable, it raises the question who will be preserving the artworks if these are held in different locations. Wilkes traces the origins of the desire to preserve cultural values and artworks back to the French 51 Revolution (Wilkes, 2001, p. 182).50F The idea of preservation attributes a dual nature to artworks: on the one hand, they have an economic value of property that belongs to the specific owner, and on the other hand, a historic or scientific value that belongs to the community (Wilkes, 2001, p. 183). The question arises then, whether such a public value 52 is better protected by private owners, or by public authorities.51F While private ownership evidently poses risks, from willfulness to inappropriate storing, states may not always be capable of adequately preserving artworks either. In Colombia, public authorities for instance failed to preserve the winning works and catalogues of its Salones Nacionales de Artistas (Figueroa, 2006b, p. 3). This omission is hardly due to a conscious decision, but rather owed to historical turbulence, including political violence. State preservation, although seemingly more stable than private ownership, need not necessarily be so. Again, it is difficult to establish whether private or state-ownership is to be preferred when it comes to the preservation of artworks. The risk of a loss may perhaps be reduced with a diversification of actors concerned with the preservation of artworks. If many actors preserve different kinds of artworks, the decisions or loss of any one of these actors is of lesser consequence.

The Hierarchical Internationalization of the Art Scene Chapter One modified Habermas’ conception of a public sphere and apart from defining

51 The revolutionary government had to answer the question of whether or not to remove all Latin engravings on monuments. Abbé Grégoire, responding on behalf of the government, defined artistic production as national objects which not only belonged to anyone in particular, but which were also the property of all (Wilkes, 2001, p. 183). 52 International law recognizes such a historic and scientific value, and different international conventions protect this immaterial quality (Wilkes, 2001, p. 184). National laws recognize the protection of monuments, but generally refrain from protecting the public value of artworks. 86

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context certain economic conditions, also highlighted that organizations from the for-profit sector may actually be important in the building of a public sphere. Such actors are involved in markets that are not confined to a domestic realm and Colombian art organizations (at least potentially) operate in a global market. This chapter therefore traces the recent developments in the global market for contemporary art and analyzes to what extent Bogotá’s local art scene depends on the dynamics in an international market.

The Global Art Market, 2000–2017: Rising Prices for Contemporary Art The expansion of the contemporary art market started in 2000; sales as well as prices have exploded. For the Colombian art scene this development was positive, since rising prices in the main art centers shift the demand to peripheral markets with lower prices. The below graph offers a visual depiction of the sales in the secondary art market – that is, in auctions, as the numbers for auctions are more precise. However, also the primary art market has seen strong growth since 2000. This tendency establishes itself also when all categories of art, rather than just contemporary art, are taken into account (McAndrew, 2017, p. 26).

Global Contemporary Art Auction Revenue (Secondary Art Market) $1'400'000'000.00

$1'200'000'000.00

$1'000'000'000.00

$800'000'000.00 First Half of the Year $600'000'000.00 Second Half of the Year Sales in US$

$400'000'000.00

$200'000'000.00

$0.00

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Figure 7: Global Contemporary Art Revenues at Auction, 2000–2017. Source: artprice, 2018 The financial crisis in 2008 had reached the art market by 2009, but it recovered in the

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context

53 subsequent years. Art markets have stabilized, but 2015 and 2016 saw a slow-down.52F 54 Comparing different categories of art53F in the secondary art market, it is interesting to see that fine art, and especially the sector of modern and contemporary art, grew significantly (McAndrew, 2018, p. 128). In the 1980s and early 1990s, contemporary art was perceived as a risky investment. Only a small segment of art galleries and unconventional collectors would deal with contemporary art. However, in the past 10–15 years, it 55 has become highly popular according to sales54F (McAndrew, 2017, p. 149; 2018, p. 127).

Despite the rising prices, which would make peripheral art markets more attractive, it is evident that the main markets keep the largest shares of sales. The United States, United Kingdom, and China are the three most important single markets by a large margin, together taking into account both secondary and primary markets (McAndrew, 2018, p. 34). In 2017, they accounted for 83% of the market.

Global Art Market Share by Value (Primary and Secondary Market)

6% China 21% 7% US UK France Germany 20% Switzerland Italy Spain 42% Rest of the World

Figure 8: Global Art Market Share per Country by Value. Source: McAndrew, 2018, p. 34.

53 Gallery closures peaked in 2009 and then declined again, and gallery openings have declined steadily over the past decade (McAndrew, 2018, p. 45). The ratio of closures to openings has levelled to 0.9 openings to 1 closing in 2017. The ratio had been at 5 openings per 1 closing in 2007. 54 The study cited differentiates the category of fine art into (McAndrew, 2017, p. 152): Post War and Contempo- rary artists (born after 1910), Living artists (alive in 2016; sub-set of the Post War and Contemporary sector), Modern artists (born between 1875 and 1910), Impressionist and Post-Impressionist artists (born between 1821 and 1874), and Old Masters (artists born between 1250 and 1821). 55 Moreover, contemporary art is also highly popular for exhibitions. In 2017, 92% of commercial and non-commercial exhibitions worldwide were for artists in this category (McAndrew, 2018, p. 184). 88

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context

The volume of the global art market, taking into account both the primary and secondary market, amounted to USD $63.7 billion in 2017. The primary and secondary markets divide the market into about equal shares, with dealer sales reaching 57% and auctions 43% in 2016 (McAndrew, 2017, p. 38).

Different reasons account for the limited internationalization in the primary market, which also makes it hard for the Colombian art organizations to get more attention in the international art scene. Sales remain dependent on the face-to-face contact of buyer and seller – be it in a fair, or the galleries’ showrooms – even in times where all infor- 56 57 mation can also be found online. Art dealers55F made 51% of their sales56F in their showrooms, while art fairs accounted for 41% and online sales for the remaining 8% (McAndrew, 2017, p. 52). Online sales are insignificant, but they are important because they reach new customer segments. Half of these sales went to customers that art galleries had never dealt with before.

A strong home market with potent local buyers favors more competitive economies and fosters the centralization of the primary art market in certain areas. Local buyers account for an important majority of sales by art galleries, with 61% of the sales in 2016 (39% went to foreign buyers). This share of local customers has been declining since 2010, when it accounted for about 70% of the sales. In general, art galleries with a lower turn- over cater to a more local customer base.

It is also interesting to observe that museums’ purchases account for a small share in comparison to private actors’. Private collectors’ purchases accounted for 69% of sales in 2016 (McAndrew, 2017, p. 59). Nine percent of the sales went to other intermediaries in the art market, and 8% of sales went to private organizations, such as corporations or 58 foundations. This leaves a share of sales of only 11% for museums.57F

In comparison to the primary market, the secondary market is even more highly concentrated. In 2017, China, the U.S., and the UK made up 84% of the secondary market and the five largest auction houses (Christie’s, Sotheby’s, Poly Auction, China Guardian,

56 Data on sales from dealers are hard to get. The study cited collected data from 5,400 dealers from the U.S., Europe, Asia, Australia, Africa, and Latin America directly and through the major dealers’ associations. The survey had a response rate of 17%. 57 Although it would have been desirable to obtain numbers for 2017, the new edition of the Art Market Report 2018 does not feature these more detail-oriented facets of information on the galleries’ sales channels. 58 This share is similar for the secondary markets, where museums account for 12% of sales. 89

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context and Heritage Auctions) accounted for around 50% of the sales by value (McAndrew, 2018, p. 104f). The secondary art market also saw a boom until the financial crisis in- tervened. It recovered subsequently, mainly due to a strong growth of auction sales in China (McAndrew, 2017, p. 96). The year 2016 also marked a change with respect to the geographic distribution of sales. For the first time, China overtook the U.S. as the most important secondary market for art (McAndrew, 2017, p. 96). In 2017, this dynamic was reversed again, as the U.S. market grew more strongly than the Chinese.

Thus, the rising prices for fine art, and contemporary art in particular, may have stimulated an increased integration of the Colombian art circuit into a global art scene, particularly in the primary art market. However, both the primary and secondary art market remain highly concentrated. In the following the dynamics that lead to this limited internationalization are explored.

The Limited Internationalization through Art Fairs Art fairs are one occasion where art scenes of different countries connect, and hence present an opportunity for Colombian art organizations to integrate into the global market. In 2016, art galleries attended five fairs on average, of which three were local and two were international fairs (McAndrew, 2018, p. 59). In theory, this promotes the integration of peripheral art markets, particularly as fairs have become more important. However, it seems that art fairs remain a predominantly Western matter, with limited presence of galleries and artists from Africa, Latin America and Asia. In the following the rise of art fairs is briefly discussed, before examining the underrepresentation of galleries as well as artists from other destinations than Europe, the U.S. and Oceania.

Henry Werner observes that while the 1990s were the decade of the biennials, the 2000s have been the decade of the art fairs (Werner, 2010, p. 22). Similarly, Geers holds that while museums used to define “what’s hot and what’s not”, this task has more recently been fulfilled by art fairs (Geers, 2014, p. 8). These art spectacles did indeed proliferate during the first decade of the 21st century. More than 100 contemporary art fairs were created, all of which claim to be international and important (Werner, 2010, p. 21). New fairs emerged especially in Asia and the Middle East, where new collectors reside (Werner, 2010, p. 22).

The first art fair, art Cologne, was founded by two gallerists in 1967. The organization

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context of the fair was motivated by the insight that the international agenda of art was determined by galleries in New York and Paris, even though Germany also had a significant art production (Werner, 2010, p. 18). The two art professionals joined forces with the local galleries, founded an association, and, supported by public money, realized an exhibition with sixteen leading German galleries. The format was quite successful and was copied in different cities, such as Brussels (1968) and Bologna (1974). Of major importance then was the foundation of Art Basel in 1970, which developed to be the bench- mark for all fairs. According to Henry Werner, the selective admittance by an independent jury from a multitude of applications is a central characteristic of such art fairs (Werner, 2010, p. 17). The high ‹standard of quality› allows premium fairs to assert that they are not arbitrarily sampled sales exhibitions, but representative of the most important trends. Fairs are primarily market places, but they are also more than that. They are additionally characterized as (1) the exception, as it is an event that takes place only once a year; (2) a community that expresses its presence, and shapes the event, its rules, its position, and its offer; (3) a selection; and (4) a regulation of a professional circle of exchange (Curioni, 2014, p. 33). Thus, fairs are more than just places of transaction.

A side effect of these ‹high standards of quality› is that some galleries cannot participate 59 – art fairs tend to be exclusive. This generates an incentive to create alternative fairs58F that occur at the same time. Already, during the first art fair in Cologne, a satellite fair united all those galleries that were not selected for or did not want to participate in the principal fair (Werner, 2010, p. 21).

A more systematic exclusion concerns the non-Western artists and art organizations. The internationalization in art fairs seems to have been quite limited. Henry Werner predicts a similar concentration as can be observed in auctions, for art fairs (Werner, 2010, p. 23). Although regional art fairs emerge, only a few will be of international importance, and galleries as well as collectors have to attend these few fairs in order to assert their status as significant actors. Nevertheless, Quemin identifies at least 41 inter- 60 national59F art fairs (Quemin, 2013). The art fairs are however not distributed equally

59 Highly renowned fairs, such as the Art Basel, are restricted in their choice of galleries because a refusal of entry to a last-year’s-participant is understood as a major affront. If too many galleries were offended by a refusal of admittance, an art fair could lose its position in the market. Fluctuation is limited in this respect, while satellite fairs are more flexible and able to provide a more varied program. 60 The authors reviewed all fairs in contemporary art as announced on the website artprice. They then selected those fairs that: (i) included a significant number of foreign galleries and (ii) exhibitors of sufficiently diversified nationality, in order to identify those fairs that are truly international. The application to these criteria excluded 91

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context over the continents and, accordingly, galleries from different regions are not equally represented (Quemin, 2013, p. 169). All of the 41 international art fairs in 2008 took place in around 21 countries (Quemin, 2013, p. 169). The U.S. hosted 10, the European Union 17, and China also hosted some of the fairs. Gallery representation in these fairs is more internationalized, but certain nationalities are still overrepresented (Quemin, 2013, p. 170). U.S. galleries make up around 20%, followed by Germany at 11.3%, Italy 61 at 9.6%, France at 6.4% and Australia at 6.2%60F . Chinese galleries, surprisingly, only account for 2.6%, and Japan, Spain, the UK, the Netherlands, Canada, and Switzerland are represented with shares of below 5%. The share of Colombian galleries amounted to a percentage of 0.05% at these international art fairs.

If the galleries would represent artists independently of place of origin, international art fairs might nonetheless feature an equal representation of artists from all parts of the world. However, an analysis by Olaf Velthuis on galleries in Berlin and Amsterdam shows that 50% of a gallery’s artists are based in the same country as the gallery itself (Velthuis, 2013, p. 293). Moreover, the foreign artists that gain gallery representation in Berlin and Amsterdam tend to be from another European country or the U.S., not from Africa or Latin America. Apart from Japan and China, artists from non-OECD countries are not found among the top-10 nationalities that are represented by foreign galleries (Velthuis, 2013, p. 294). Artists from Latin America (1%) and Africa (2%) are hardly represented at all. This reinforces a dynamic in which the center is distinguished against the periphery.

It comes as no surprise that, the unequal internationalization in the major art events also influences the selection of artists that make it to the top. Buchholz and Wuggenig analyze the representation of artists in the Kunstkompass (Buchholz & Wuggenig, 2005). Kunstkompass, since 1970, has ranked the top 100 artists worldwide, assessed on a range of different indicators. The authors find that the highest rate of non-Western artists was only around 10–11% in the 1970s (Buchholz & Wuggenig, 2005). Rather than an increasing trend, the share of non-Western artists has seen a u-shaped development. While there were eight artists of non-Western origin in 1980, the number dropped to only one in 1990, before rising to eleven in 2006. The authors identify two factors that determine

about twenty fairs from the initial population data of art fairs (Quemin, 2013, p. 168). 61 Australia dominates its own national market because of its distance from other main markets. 92

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context this list: a Jewish-Christian cultural tradition of the country of origin helps an artist gain recognition, as does a strong economy in the artist’s home market.

The Internationalization through Biennials A more level playing field of internationalization seems to have been achieved through the dissemination of biennials (Buchholz & Wuggenig, 2005). Biennials are art exhibitions that are organized every two years. The oldest and most recognized is perhaps the biennial in Venice, followed by the biennial in São Paulo. These art events are usually curated and follow a less commercial purpose. Buchholz and Wuggenig analyzed the emergence of biennials in Western and non-Western countries, and have found equal trends for both (Buchholz & Wuggenig, 2005): biennials have increased markedly in their numbers from 1980s onwards.

Proliferation of Bienniales per World Region, 1895 - 2006 35 30 25 20 15 10 Absolute Numbers Absolute 5 0 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1935 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010

North-West "Rest"

Figure 9: Proliferation of Bienniales per World Region. Source: Buchholz & Wuggenig, 2005 Biennials are sometimes seen as embodying colonial structures (Gardner & Green, 2013, p. 443). The biennial of Venice, founded in 1895 and still the most prestigious one, follows the idea of a national representation: countries send their most renowned artists to take on their respective pavilions. This arrangement reinforces nationalities rather than strengthens a discourse across boundaries. However, more recent biennials have moved away from such a structure. Gardner and Green, analyzing in detail biennials not taking place in the main centers of contemporary art find that these expositions have managed to transform their colonial heritage. They generated connections among former colonies rather than the usual center-periphery link (Gardner & Green, 2013, p. 443). In

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context

Latin America, a wave of biennials emerged between the 1960s and 1970s, with the aim to lessen the cultural and economic influence from the Global North, be it Iberia or the United States, and to emphasize the exchange within the region (Gardner & Green, 2013, p. 448). In Medellín, the first Biennial de Coltejer opened in 1968. It also became a venue for discussions on Colombian politics. Gardner and Green argue that this critical attitude subsequently touched upon other subjects in addition to Colombian politics, namely the influence of the United States over the region (Gardner & Green, 2013, p. 452). Biennials have thus provided recurrent opportunities to host critical discussions and generate cultural ties (Gardner & Green, 2013, p. 453).

In contrast to art fairs, curated formats such as biennials, seem to provide more chances for Colombia’s art scene to internationalize. As biennials’ importance is second to art fairs’ this observation is not very positive for the Colombian art sector. However, the commercial side of the art scene, albeit slowly, is internationalizing increasingly, which might benefit peripheral markets such as the Colombian eventually.

Cultural Representation and Self-Determination Equal representation in art events in terms of numbers is an important step to internationalize the art circuits. However, not only the numbers, but also the way to present and contextualize artworks matter in overcoming long established forms of cultural coloni- zation. An important consideration is not to simply display non-Western artworks as a background to highlight the achievements of Western art, but to show other cultural traditions in their own right. Gerardo Mosquera, for instance, writes that the number of artists from Latin America who exhibit internationally is only a quantitative indicator. The degree to which they alter the hegemonic situation and promote a true diversification, rather than reproduce the current structures, can only be assessed by looking at the artists and expositions in more detail (Mosquera, 2001, p. 27). Mosquera highlights that the attempts to internationalize fairs are caused primarily by the centers’ fascination for alterity, caused by a ‹global fad›, to which artists from the periphery too often give in in order to satisfy these expectations of exoticism (Mosquera, 2001, p. 28). This section is related to the question of how a public sphere is created, insofar as it focuses on the content of these artistic public spheres. The mode of representing non-Western art and the question who determines what is perceived as art in countries of lesser economic influence are questions of too great an importance to be left out entirely.

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context

With regard to the question of representation, the prime example that generated contro- versy and discussions was ‹Magiciens de la Terre›, an exposition in Paris curated by Jean-Hubert Martin in 1989. The exposition was of historic significance as it was the first to show, or at least to try to show, European and non-Western artists on an equal footing. Fifty artists of European origin and fifty from non-Western origin were presented. Each artist was exhibited on the same terms and given the same space in the catalogue (Belting, 2013, p. 181). It was considered to be the first exposition that addressed the Euro-centricity of art by some (Schmidt-Linsenhoff, 2005, p. 19). By others, it was criticized for its selection (Araeen, 2000, p. 13; Belting, 2013, p. 181). Araeen evaluated the juxtaposition of established European modernists with unknown non-Eu- ropean artists. According to him, the set-up merely served to underline the argument that modernity has been an invention of European origin (Araeen, 2000, p. 13).

“The European artists were those who had made their names vis-à-vis the main- stream developments in modernism and postmodernism, and they were well recognized and historicized, but the 90% of artists from the Third World were those who were, until then, completely unknown. These were folk, naïve, untrained, untouched- by-modernism artists, and artisans. The message was clear: it was the difference in which the West was interested. It was not the cultural heterogeneity of modernism from all over the world which they wanted to show, but a difference which separated the Self from the Other: while the Self represented a modern, universal vision, the Other was still trapped in their tribal, folk, naïve, and innocent worlds.” [emphasis in the original] The example shows that equal representation by numbers is not sufficient to de-hege- monize the art field. The exposition had focused on European and African artists, but very similar discussions take place with respect to the exposition of Latin American artists in the U.S. and Europe. While Latin American artists gained greater visibility in international art circuits in the 1980s and early 1990s, exhibitions predominantly showed an essential and uniform Latin America of the absurd, mystical, and surreal (magical realism) (Cabrera, 2007, p. 38). Particularly in the U.S., Latin American art was shown more frequently, and often presented in so-called survey shows (M. C. Ramírez, 1992, p. 61). Curator Mari Carmen Ramírez criticizes this format (survey shows), where certain representative artists are elected to stand in for ‹Latin America› (Morin et al., 2000, p. 14f). According to Ramírez, these exhibitions replicated an ‹us› versus ‹them› perspective. These shows not only homogenized artists into ‹Latin Amer- ican art› so as to emphasize cultural differences between the U.S. and Latin America.

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They implicitly assumed an absoluteness of aesthetic quality which transcends cultural boundaries, and thereby elevated certain works of art and excluded others (M. C. Ramírez, 1992, p. 61). This observation reverberates with Mosquera’s concern that globalization imposes a homogenized, cultural pattern built on Eurocentric foundations (Mosquera, 2002, p. 163). Such an ‹international› language of art excludes other dis- courses and languages (Mosquera, 2002, p. 166). In this manner, in the survey exhibitions of Latin American Art in the U.S. in the 1980s and 1990s, “the achievements of the colonized subjects are brought up for objective scrutiny” against preconceived standards (M. C. Ramírez, 1992, p. 61).

Representation concerns not only showrooms, but also the art historic discourse. Artists from other countries than Europe, the U.S. and Oceania featured on an international stage are usually not introduced into the canonized classics of art history, but located in some other category. As an example, Mosquera refers to Mexican artist José Clemente Orozco, who is not ever lined up with the expressionists such as Picasso although his work features expressionist characteristics. Instead, his work is labelled as that of a ‹mu- ralist› (Mosquera, 2001, p. 28). Categorizing Orozco with Picasso would also require the adaptation of the classics. It would relativize Picasso’s position as the exception and acknowledge the equal standing of these artists. The creation of a new category for Orozco, muralista, also maintains Picasso’s singularity.

Problematic is not only the representation of artists from the Africa, Latin America and Asia abroad, but also the question who purchases, exhibits and conserves artworks in their country of origin. It is not just the difference between state and private financing that has been discussed in the previous sub-chapter, which may be relevant in the Co- lombian context. If the power to define art rests with those who have the largest wallets, the recognition of Colombian artists and organizations is perhaps not dependent on Co- lombian buyers, but on an international audience. If this international recognition also determines what is seen as relevant locally, it raises the question of cultural self-determination. An interesting case in this regard is the internationally acclaimed Colombian contemporary artist Doris Salcedo. The artist’s work is on display all over the world, but is hardly ever shown in Colombia, where it is received very critically.

A related important consideration regards the differences in price levels across markets – in Colombia for instance, prices for artworks tend to be lower than in the U.S. Among

A Network of Art Publics Colombian Contemporary Art in its Context many others, Isabella Graw critically discusses the relation between the market and art (Graw, 2008). According to Graw, the symbolic value (intellectual worth of an artwork, such as originality) is more and more equated with the monetary value of the work, which she finds problematic (Graw, 2008, p. 11). Graw’s reflections are interesting, as they point to an inconsistency in the art system. It is usually accepted to express an artwork’s symbolic value in monetary terms, however, the opposite is not accepted openly: to deduce the symbolic value from an artwork’s price. While the first does not seem to bother us (attributing monetary value to symbolic value), we are not so com- fortable with the second (deducing the symbolic value of an artwork from its price). However, with the increased commercialization of art and artworks, such an equation can hardly be disputed: we notice and appreciate expensive artworks rather than cheap ones. Taking this consideration to an international level, we observe that some artists work in countries of low purchasing power, such as Colombia, and accordingly sell their artworks at relatively low prices. One may ask if these low prices are not perceived as a low symbolic value in an international context, and thus become a disadvantage in marketing these same artistic productions.

Summarizing the observations of this chapter, it seems that Colombian artists and art organizations take advantage of opportunities abroad to some extent, but that they are still at a disadvantage in comparison to artists and art organizations in Europe and the U.S. Moreover, within Colombia, art is increasingly understood as a commercial good, creating employment and generating profits, in addition to being a process that helps to reconcile Colombian society. With these general trends in mind, the Colombian art scene will be the focus focus of chapters five and six.

A Network of Art Publics

4 Methods Before I turn to the empirical results that allow for description of the Colombian art scene, this chapter discusses research design and methods. The study is based on two different types of sources of information: 36 semi-structured personal interviews as well as quantitative data gathered on 91 of the 128 art organizations located in Bogotá, which were collected through an online questionnaire. The study hence follows a mixed methods research design.

The Research Question, Research Design and Access to the Field The following two sections presents the research question as well as the research design. Moreover, it discusses the access to the field.

Research Question The research question this work answers is how a public sphere comes into existence. The question is broken down into three sub-questions. (1) What conditions lead to the establishment of art organizations and their publics? (2) Which kind of organizations convene publics? (3) What factors promote the cooperation among art organizations and hence the coalescence of these publics into a larger public sphere? The three questions are answered relying on different sources of information. The conditions that need to be met for an art scene to emerge, and the kinds of actors building publics are analyzed drawing on 36 semi-structured expert interviews conducted in Bogotá in 2015 and 2016. The interviews also served to characterize the general dynamics of the local art circuit, and to identify the forms of cooperation that take place among art organizations. A survey then complemented these qualitative data and collected information on the cooperation and characteristics of 91 out of 128 (72%) of all of the art organizations in Bogotá. The cooperation patterns were modeled with exponential random graph models.

A Network of Art Publics Methods

Mixed Methods February 2015 October 2015 October 2016

Interviews Round 1 Interviews Round 2 Online Survey

Large galleries Museums All types of organizations

(6 interviews) (12 interviews) (91 out of 128 organizations)

Interviews Round 3

Smaller organizations (independent art spaces and galleries), public authorities, and some of the organizations that were interviewed in February of 2015.

(18 interviews)

Table 1: Research Steps. Source: Own Data. The research design of this study follows, to a large extent, an exploratory sequential design (Creswell, 2015, p. 37). Exploratory sequential design refers to a study in which a qualitative part explores the object of research and supports the development of an instrument that then tests certain hypotheses. Two rounds of semi-structured interviews in February and October of 2015 served to characterize the art scene in Bogotá and its recent developments. Moreover, these interviews allowed me to identify which art organizations attract a public, and in which forms they cooperate. The interviews also gave a first impression about the factors that might influence such cooperation among art organizations.

The quantitative data was collected via a questionnaire. The survey asked for information about the forms of cooperation identified in the interviews. Organizations indicated with which other organizations they cooperated. Moreover, based on the interviews and the literature, the survey gathered detailed information on the characteristics of the organizations that was thought to be important for cooperation. The data from the survey was used to test – in a larger population – which motives identified in the interviews actually drive cooperation, and to generalize the findings from the interviews.

As I conducted the third round of interviews roughly at the same time as I gathered the data for the questionnaire, this exploratory design, where the qualitative data serves to design a survey, does not fully apply. The last round of interviews broadened the base of information. I interviewed smaller art organizations and public authorities working on cultural policies, which I had not talked to so far. As I already had my first results from the questionnaire, I used those for the selection of interview partners in round three. 99

A Network of Art Publics Methods

I tried to interview organizations that stood out and did not fit my hypotheses well, e.g. those that were hardly connected to others, and those that were very much connected even though they had been established only very recently.

Furthermore, the exploratory design only partially applies because the qualitative part of the study did not just serve to generate hypotheses for the quantitative survey. It was also used to provide unique information on the developments of the art scene. The study thus takes advantage of a particular strength of qualitative research, namely to assess a development over time (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004, p. 20). In all of the interviews conducted, I asked the respondents about the changes in the art scene over the past five years. Moreover, I conducted the interviews during three different points in time: in February of 2015, in October of 2015, and in October of 2016. I interviewed some of the organizations I had talked to in 2015 for a second time in order to observe possible changes between 2015 and 2016. While I also tried to capture the evolution of their cooperation pattern quantitively, this proved to be rather difficult. In the survey, I asked all organizations about their cooperation between 2011 and 2015. Organizations may remember rough tendencies, but specific instances of cooperation can be hard to recall.

Access to the Field Throughout the study, I was surprised about the willingness of art professionals to talk to me and to take part in my survey. My interview partners were without exception extremely helpful, patient, and accommodating. Many provided me with books and publications, which were costly to these organizations. I think this helpfulness may be related to two dynamics. The hospitality may be related to the fact that international visitors are still relatively rare even in the metropole of Bogotá. Foreigners with a genuine interest in Colombia are an exception to the rule, a bit exotic, and therefore of interest. Second, it may be that interview partners expected somehow to benefit from my Swiss connections, particularly as the art scene in Colombia was engaged in efforts to access international markets. That said, I always stated clearly that the interviews were to be used for a PhD project, and that I was a student with a limited budget.

The Qualitative Part: Interviews I conducted three rounds of interviews, gradually expanding the circle of interview partners. In February of 2015, I started to interview the largest galleries in Bogotá. In Octo-

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A Network of Art Publics Methods ber of 2015, I continued to interview the most important museums concerned with contemporary art. In October and November of 2016, I interviewed smaller galleries and independent art spaces, and also public authorities concerned with Colombian cultural policies. Moreover, I talked once more to some interview partners from well-established galleries, interviewed in February 2015.

The Sample of Organizations Interviewed In the first round of interviews in February of 2015, I conducted interviews with the most recognized galleries. ‹Recognized› here refers to those galleries that were invited to ARCO Colombia, the special section of the art fair in Madrid in February of 2015 and which are located in Bogotá. Every year, ARCO invites a country to participate, and in 2015, Colombia was the designated guest. The selection of galleries for ARCO was made by the Colombian curator, Juan Andrés Gaitán, who also chose the artists represented by the galleries that would take part in the art fair. However, not all of the galleries from this selection were willing to participate in interviews. One gallery (El Museo) did not respond, despite repeated emails, calls, and a direct conversation with one em- ployee at the art fair ARCO Madrid, and could therefore not be included. In one of the interviews (Galería Sextante), the recording device I had at hand did not work. There- fore, the interview was not included.

In the second round of interviews, in October of 2015, I interviewed all major museums located in Bogotá that focus at least partly on contemporary art: the Museo de Arte Con- temporáneo, the Museo de Arte Moderno, the Museo Nacional, and the Museo del Banco de la República. This second round of interviews served mainly to learn more about the museum sector. Moreover, an additional gallery (El Dorado) was included, having been founded in September of 2015, which was not part of the selection for ARCO that took place in February of 2015. El Dorado was included because its owner, José Darío Gutiérrez, is an important figure in the art circuit in Bogotá. José Darío Gutiérrez is a well-known Colombian art collector. He finances Bogotá Auction, used to co-organize the biennial La Otra, and maintains an editing label for publications on Colombian art, La Bachué. The selection of interviews also included an independent art space (Ars+Flora) that was also invited to ARCO. Additionally, the organizers of the Colom- bian art fair artBo were interviewed.

Between the second and third round of interviews, I crafted and conducted the online

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The third round of interviews, in October and November of 2016, included smaller organizations as well as some of the established galleries that I had already interviewed once. I also conducted interviews with organizations involved in art policies in Colom- bia. The selection criteria for the smaller organizations were such that they had completed my survey – because I assumed those to have an organizational capacity allowing them to respond to interview requests – but had at the time never participated in artBo, and thus were not part of the most established local galleries. From the information gathered in the survey, I selected some organizations that I perceived to be on the way to establishing themselves and also some organizations that were struggling. Thus, I included a recently established gallery and an independent art space that already had international connections and a large number of employees on the one hand (KB espacio, Nest Art Center). And, on the other hand, I included galleries that faced difficulties to enter the circuit, as they had very few connections to other art organizations (Paola Pérez Gallery, La Esquina Galleria). I also included some organizations that had been established more than five years back, and succeeded in maintaining their operations, but which had not reached the ‹inner circle› (Neebex, Galería Otros 360˚).

During the third round of interviews, I also talked to organizations that had some over- view of the art scene. One of these organizations was the foundation Arteria. Arteria publishes an art magazine every second month and announces all major art events in Bogotá and in Colombia. It is therefore well-informed about all processes regarding art in Bogotá, in particular, and Colombia in general. I also interviewed public authorities working in the area of art policies. The cultural attaché at the Colombian embassy in Switzerland was not only so helpful as to give me an interview, but she also arranged an interview for me with the head of cultural affairs of Colombia’s foreign ministry. More- over, I interviewed a person working in the entity of the local administration of Bogotá, that promotes visual arts, Idartes. In one of the interviews, I was given the contact information of an analyst working at a research corporation at the time, Lado B. Lado B conducts studies on creative industries for the public authorities in Bogotá. This interview helped me to cross-check my impressions with somebody working on the same topics.

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Additionally, I also interviewed some of the established galleries a second time during this third round of interviews. The galleries selected were those that I perceived to have experienced changes since the last interview in 2015. Either they had seen a change for the negative and did not participate in the local art fair artBo anymore, due to low sales and high costs (LA galería), or they newly complained about the changes in the art market (Doce Cero Cero). I also included the organization I perceived to have experienced a remarkable positive change, as they were now participating in international art fairs (El Dorado). A list of all of the interview partners can be found in the annex.

Interview Guidelines In the interviews, I tried to address the particularities of the different art organizations, but some topics were always included. I asked all of the organizations about their relation to the artists they represented, to collectors, or their particular public, and how they related to other art organizations in Bogotá. All of the interview partners were asked to describe the developments and the evolution of the Colombian art scene as they had observed them over the past years. Moreover, all of the art organizations were asked whether they were interested in or had had experience outside of Colombia. In all of the interviews, I also tried to encourage the interview partners to speak about topics relevant to them that were not on my list.

Gallerists were typically asked to talk about their relations to their stakeholders (collectors, artists, other galleries), about their activities (specifically about those that were not connected directly to sales), their communication (print and online), and about the recent developments in the Colombian art market, as well as about their efforts to internationalize. The latter subject was a particularly salient topic in 2015 since Colombia was the invited country for the art fair ARCO in Madrid.

Directors of museums, independent art spaces, foundations, and art fairs were asked to describe their organization and its purpose, and were also invited to talk about their stakeholders (visitors, artists, political institutions) and their activities (acquisition process for the collection, programs, and events for the public), as well as about the developments in the Colombian art markets, their communication efforts (print and online), and their collaborations with other institutions both in Colombia and internationally.

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Analysis of Interview Data I transcribed the interviews that were conducted in February of 2015 myself. The interviews conducted in October of 2015 and in October and November of 2016 were transcribed by a contracted freelancer (Nikki Hansen). I listened to the interviews and cor- rected the transcriptions where it was necessary. Following the transcription process, I wrote short summaries on each of the interviews. From these memos, different topics emerged, and I coded the interviews according to these subtopics. The codebook is included in the annex.

The Quantitative Part: Survey Data and Network Analysis In August of 2016, I sent out a survey to all 128 art institutions in Bogotá, asking them about their bilateral cooperation as well as for the characteristics of their institution.

Sampling and Response Rate The survey was sent to all of the art organizations active in 2015 that are mentioned in the publication, Directorio Bogotá Arte Circuito (Peñaranda, Guerrero, Sánchez, Bray, & Ferregán, 2015). This list comprises 128 organizations and is published by the magazine Arteria and Bogotá’s Chamber of Commerce. Arteria publishes a bi-monthly art magazine announcing all expositions in Bogotá as well as major art events in other Co- lombian cities. Although Arteria oversees the art circuit in Bogotá well enough to com- pile a complete list of all art organizations, the questionnaire I conceptualized allowed respondents to name additional contacts. However, no additional contacts were mentioned.

On August 22nd, 2016, the survey was sent out via email. Out of the 128 organizations contacted, 91 of the organizations responded (72%). Two of the organizations answered twice, the result being 93 respondents. Two rounds of telephone calls convinced the organizations to participate in the survey. The first round of calls started on September 7th and the second on November 20th. Each organization that had not yet responded to the survey at those respective times received a phone call. Some organizations preferred to answer the questions over the phone. In this case, the questions and their respective answer possibilities were read to the respondents, except for the lists including the potential cooperation partners. These lists were sent via email to the respondent during the phone call, and respondents indicated their cooperation partners by phone, looking at the list in their email. 104

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Although considerable effort was made to gain a complete dataset, 30% of the data is missing, which is not unproblematic for a network analysis. The missing organizations might be special with respect to their position in the network, the dependent variable. All of the organizations were called twice, which makes it unlikely that isolates were systematically excluded because their existence went unnoticed. Moreover, since around 22 out of the 128 of the most relevant organizations were asked in personal interviews about other important players, it is unlikely that a large, interconnected com- ponent was excluded. Even so, I have to accept the possibility that the included organizations are more cooperative also among themselves, compared to those that did not participate in the study. Moreover, the missing observations might be special with respect to their exogenous variables, the independent variables. As the data provided by Arteria did include the location and category of the organizations that did not take part the survey, I can look at the association of the categorical variables ‹missing› and ‹location›, as well as ‹missing› and ‹category›, for anecdotal evidence on how related the exogenous variables are – with the observations being included or not.

The sample of included art organizations counts with a smaller share of museums, compared to other types of organizations. Since museums tend to be organizationally larger and more complex, it was often not possible to find the appropriate person to answer the questionnaire, despite considerable efforts on my side. Testing the association with a Chi-Squared test of independence, the association between ‹missing› and ‹category› results in a p-value of 0.31, with a Chi-Squared value of 3.56 and df = 3. For the sample in 2015, the association between ‹missing› and ‹location› results in a p-value of 0.23, with a Chi-Squared value of 2.97 and df = 2. Both p-values are above the usual levels of alpha (.05) that would be needed to reject the null-hypothesis of independence between the categorical variables. Thus, the association between the exogenous variables and their being missing is, at least for these two variables, not significant, even though there is some imbalance in the selection of organizations.

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Category Independent Museums Galleries Foundations Total Art Spaces

Answered 20 (19) 10 37 26 (25) 93 (91)

Not answered 5 8 12 12 37

Total 24 18 49 37 128

Share missing 20% 44% 25% 32% 29%

Table 2: Included Organizations According to Categories in 2015. Source: Own Data.

Analysis of the Survey Data Data on the networks was collected for each year from 2011 to 2015. Initially, I planned to compare the networks from 2011 to 2015 with respect to different dimensions: con- nectedness, heterogeneity, and center-periphery structures. However, the recollection of specific instances of collaboration five years back turned out to be difficult. Respondents seemed to remember their current cooperation partners and then extrapolate them back to earlier years.

Correcting for this bias by including a memory term of type stability allowed me to analyze the factors that contribute to the likelihood of two institutions’ cooperation, nonetheless. Drawing on the literature on inter-organizational cooperation and the interviews, I modeled the cooperation patterns among the art organizations with exponential random graph models. The models are explained and presented in Chapter Seven.

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5 A Panorama of the Art Sector in Bogotá This chapter summarizes some of the findings of the fieldwork completed in 2015 and 2016 in Bogotá. It shows that there was an extraordinary demand for Colombian art from 2011 to 2015, before the market slowed down in 2016. It subsequently traces the origins of this demand – domestic and international – and analyzes the reasons for these developments. It finally also highlights particularities of Bogotá’s art scene.

Categories of Actors Before taking a close look at Bogotá’s art scene, it makes sense to briefly clarify the different types of organizations that will be presented. In the interviews, various categories were used to differentiate organizations: private versus public, profit-oriented versus not-for-profit organizations, and the categories of museums, foundations, galleries, and independent art spaces. These categories overlap and are not always as clearly dis- tinguishable as one might wish. Public versus private may refer to the origin of the organizations’ resources – state-financed as compared to private organizations and individuals – or their purpose. As access to the various organizations’ exact financing schemes was limited, it was not possible to assess to what extent their sources come from state authorities or not. Most museums follow a ‹public purpose› in that they do not operate for profit, but most are not, or at least not fully, funded by the state. I therefore reserve the term ‹public› for state authorities, and as a synonym for audience. Also, the distinction between museums, foundations, galleries, and independent art spaces is not as clear as it might seem. The terms ‹museum› and ‹foundation› are sometimes used interchangeably to designate art organizations. The organization Ars+Flora was, for instance, labelled once as an independent art space, once as a museum, and once as a foundation by different interview partners. In the analysis, I rely on the categorization by Arteria and separate between museums, foundations, galleries, and independent art spaces, as well as profit-oriented and not-for-profit organizations. To give an idea about the different types of art organizations, they are briefly characterized. Independent art spaces are artist-led exposition spaces that may or may not sell art. Their main objective is to provide the artists with an opportunity to show their work. In contrast to a gallery, there is no agent that takes a commission for the promotion of sales. In contrast to foun- 62 dations, independent art spaces are not certified as ‹entidades sin ánimo de lucro›61F .

62 Translated into English, this could be understood to say: “Not-for-profit organization”. 107 A Network of Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene

Galleries aim to sell the works they exhibit, and they operate for profit. Foundations receive funding from different sources, both private and public, but generally do not sell artworks. Their primary motive is to support artistic processes in different ways. Muse- ums aim to show artworks to a public and preserve such art for later generations. Some of the museums rely on public funding (Banco de la República, Museo Nacional), whereas others also rely on private donors (Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá, MAMBO). Museums and foundations are always not-for-profit, while galleries are always for-profit. Independent art spaces do not fit easily into this dichotomy.

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Category Museums Foundations Galleries Independent Art Fair Public authorities Art Spaces

Profit- Not-for-profit Not-for-profit For-profit Not clear Not clear Not-for-profit Orientation

Organizations Museo de Arte Fundación Casas Riegner KB • artBo • Ministry of Foreign interviewed Espacio • Relations, Cultural Moderno de Bo- Arteria Doce Cero Cero Odeón Direction gotá A Seis Manos LA Galería • Banco de la Re- Embajada Colom- Ars + Flora Nueveochenta pública biana in Switzerland Instituto de Visión • Instituto Distrital de Museo las Artes (Idartes) Nacional El Dorado Museo de Arte La Escalera Contemporáneo Paola Pérez Gale- Bogotá (MAC) ría Neebex Galería Otros 360˚ Nest Art Center Table 3: Categories of Art Organizations. Source: Peñaranda, 2016.

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Developments in Bogotá’s Art Scene Recent developments in Bogotá’s the art scene can be divided into three time periods: Between 2005 and 2011 the art market reemerged, from 2011 to 2015 it boomed, and in 2016 it slowed down again. The periodization is based on the interviews that indicated a growing number of art organizations that appeared between 2011 and 2015. The ‹boom› was compared with a prior bonanza of the Colombian art market in the 1980s, driven by narco-traffickers’ demand for art. In 2016, the market seemed to have slowed down again.

2005–2011: Reemergence The recent emergence of a Colombian interest in art has been contrasted with a rise of demand for art by narcotraffickers in earlier periods (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 10, 2015; Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016; Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016). Jairo Valenzuela opened his first gallery in 1989 and remembers an increase in sales of art in the 1980s and 1990s in general, rather than for his own gallery, mainly to Colombian narcotraffickers (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 10, 2015). Their purchases of artworks were driven by the need to launder money, but also by a desire to establish themselves in society. Without the appropriate educational background, but with a lot of ready money, buying art served as a strategy to compensate a formation deficit. In Bourdieu’s terms, this would be considered converting financial into cultural capital (Bourdieu, 2013 [1994], p. 248). This sudden request for luxury goods increased prices, not only for art but also for luxury goods in general, such as cars and penthouse flats (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 15, 2015). The art market collapsed, when the cartels of Cali and Medellín were taken out in the 1990s. Some galleries lost their business and left the market. The art market disintegrated, and nobody wanted to undertake an enterprise of that kind anymore as a result (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016). The involvement of narco-collectors in the art market in the 1980s and 1990s also damaged the reputation of art as a business.

In 2004, the art fair artBo was founded and started to renew the image of the Colombian art sector, and to attract collectors from a different background (Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016). In the beginning, there were many very small galleries that participated in the fair. artBo made the existing galleries visible and

110 A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene encouraged others to establish an art business (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016). The fair was also important for the collectors (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). artBo’s approval of selected galleries signaled quality and, as such, served as an important confirmation for people interested in art. In consequence, Colombians started to become interested in art and to collect works of local artists again around 2005 (Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16).

2011–2015: The Art Boom In the years between 2011 and 2015, a new dynamic seems to have set in. Many new galleries opened in these years, and international attention towards Colombian art increased (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015; Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015; Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Nicolás Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Maria Paula Maldonado, personal communication, November 18, 2016). The director of the cultural division of the Banco de la República, Efraín Riaño Lesmes, observed the foundation of six new galleries over the course of the second half of 2015, a development he found surprising (personal communication, October 20, 2015).

These developments were described to have taken place between 2011 and 2015. Carlos Hurtado estimated the time period of this new dynamic to have extended over the past five years (personal communication, February 3, 2015). This perception was shared by other interview partners, as well, who confirmed the time span of the development (Fe- lipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015; Nicolas Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015).

The boom was not restricted to galleries. Since 2011, there had also been a ‹boom› of independent art spaces – spaces that are directed by artists, rather than gallerists, which may however also sell art (Castellanos, Machicado, & Peláez, 2015, p. 8). Laura Gon- zález, director of the fair Odeón, describes how many of her artist friends founded such new spaces.

“(…) cada día hay más colectivos de artistas, o artistas que cogen un espacio y lo dividen en talleres y después esa se vuelve una cierta casa cultural muy informal. Entonces hacen charlas, hacen cosas. No sabes cuántos amigos tengo y

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cuánta gente conozco que me los encuentro una vez cada fin de semana y es como: Ay, tengo un nuevo proyecto – y no sé qué, y yo: ¿Cómo? ¿Qué? ¿Más? Otro proyecto – como genial, pero qué locura. Entonces me parece que, digamos, en ese sentido, pues, a pesar de que es muy overwhelming [sic], es chévere porque también eso quiere decir que cada vez hay más espacios, para más creacio- 63 nes de más colores diferentes.” 62F The number of Colombian artists also increased (Beatriz González, personal communication, October 6, 2015; Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016; Angelina Guerrero, personal communication, November 2, 2016). Based on market research he undertook for his own gallery, Ricardo Perdomo estimated that the number of Colombian art students increased markedly between 2004 and 2016, particularly in Bo- gotá. According to Beatriz González, the universities are producing artists “como una 64 máquina”63F . Moreover, the universities also started to provide better infrastructure for visual arts studies, such as facilities to do serigraphic works (personal communication, October 6, 2015).

Some interview partners expressed reservations about a so-called art boom as observed between 2011 and 2015. However, their criticisms did not dispute that new art organizations had emerged, but rather expressed concerns with respect to the ‹quality› of the art boom. Some of the gallerists explained that the development was one of quantity, rather than quality, and that the range of artworks on offer was repetitive (Valentina Gutiérrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015; Catalina Casas, personal communication, October 5, 2015).

a. The Limited Effect of the Art Boom on Museums There is, however, one type of organizations on which the art boom seems to have had a limited effect: museums. Relying on the statements of several interview partners, there is a general notion that museums in Bogotá are not in the best of conditions. Directors of galleries described the museums as weak and poorly managed. Moreover, the lack of a public agenda to buy art is lamented by the private sector (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015; Carlos Hurtado, personal communication,

63 Translated into English, this would read: “Every day, there are more artist collectives that choose a space and divide it into workshops, and then it evolves into some very informal casa cultural. They organize discussions; they do stuff. You don’t know how many friends I have and how many people I know that tell me on the weekend: ‘Oh, I have a new project!’ – ‘What? Another one?’ Another project is super, but it is crazy. I think in this sense it can be overwhelming, but it is cool, because there are more spaces every time, and more creations of a different kind.” 64 Translated into English, this would read: “Like a machine.” 112

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February 3, 2015; Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015; Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015).

Interview partners from the museums did not describe their organizations as weak, but did express frustration about the lack of support from rich individuals as well as enterprises compared to the museums in Medellín. The Museo de Antioquia and the Museo de Arte Moderno en Medellín (MAMM) rely on funds from private enterprises, whereas museums in Bogotá depend on the state institutions, as there is practically no cultural sponsorship from the private sector (Efraín Riaño Lesmes & Nicolás Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Gloria Zea, personal communication, Oc- tober 20, 2015). Even though Bogotá’s economy far exceeds Medellín’s, cultural initiatives are less supported by the well-to-do elites and private enterprises. This dynamic is further illustrated by the fact that some projects in Bogotá are actually sponsored by businesses located in Medellín (Efraín Riaño Lesmes & Nicolás Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015).

A closer look at the interview statements reveals three problems that affect museums in Bogotá. The main issue is the lack of resources. Secondly, not all institutions follow a clear strategy with respect to how to develop their collections or exhibitions. Third, in one specific case, mismanagement was also mentioned as a problem (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, November 2, 2016).

The one institution that does not struggle for resources and has a stable budget is highly respected. In Colombia, the cultural branch of Colombia’s Central Bank (Banco de la República) is the only organization that has the resources to systematically buy art and to maintain a collection of contemporary art. Its position is thus as clear as it is undis- puted. It is financed directly by the Central Bank and does not depend on the Ministry of Culture, nor on private funding (Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015). All of the other museums in Bogotá lack resources. Their collections were built from donations by artists. Not even the national museum, dedicated to preserve the country’s heritage, can rely on a budget to buy art (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015). As the national museum’s finances depend on the Min- istry of Culture and vary from year to year, planning is very difficult. The fluctuating allocation of resources also hinders the development of clear guidelines to buy art (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015). The Museo de Arte

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Moderno de Bogotá (MAMBO) equally lacks funds. As it is a not a state institution, it depends on the money it raises from mostly public but also private donors. Although it receives resources from the local and the national government, this support is neither regular nor sufficient to cover the operations of the museum, not to speak of an enlarge- ment of the collection (Gloria Zea, personal communication, October 20, 2015). In Oc- tober of 2015, the employees of the museum had not been paid their wages for two months (María Ardila, personal communication, October 13, 2015). The Museo de Arte Contemporáneo (MAC) is part of a Catholic university which is committed to provide a cultural education also to the lower middle-class neighborhood where it is located. It is a small museum that shows and collects the theses of the best graduates in arts throughout Colombia. Although the museum’s resources are extremely limited, it man- ages to organize interesting exhibitions (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). Thus, while limited resources are an issue, there are also examples where a clever strategy has allowed organizations to be successful under given circumstances.

The positioning of the museum was also mentioned as a potential difficulty. The Banco de la República is recognized as the leading institution regarding contemporary art, but also as the most important institution with respect to preserving the country’s heritage (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Mauricio Gómez Jara- millo, personal communication, February 9, 2015; Beatriz González, personal communication, October 6, 2015). In contrast, the national museum’s collection is described as problematic, as it comprises archeological, ethnological, and art exhibits. This wide range makes it difficult to curate consistent exhibitions and complicates a clear orientation of the museum (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Nico- las Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015). Although the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá faces challenges, it hosts a collection with a clear focus. Most of its pieces of art date from the 1960s, when the museum was established and its collection was originally assembled. Since then, however, the collection has stagnated, and it has not been able to adapt to contemporary developments (Nicolas Gómez Eche- verri, personal communication, October 20, 2015). Despite very limited resources, the Museo de Arte Contemporáneo is also perceived as pursuing a clear strategy. The focus on recent art graduates is not only cost-efficient, but also gives the museum a clear pro- file (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015).

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Mismanagement was named as a problem with respect to one organization, the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá. Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo explained that the art pieces owned by the museum were in bad condition due to inappropriate storage. As their artworks are not taken care of sufficiently, the artists do not maintain trustful relationships with the museum, either, which is difficult given that the museum’s collection relies on artists’ donations (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). The museum’s challenging situation was also highlighted by Juan Mejía, the winner of the national art price, Premio Nacional de Artes Plásticas Luis Caballero, in 2015. Every four years, this prize invites eight artists to create site-specific works for different locations in Bogotá. Juan Mejía’s work was situated in the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá and depicted different well-known sinking vessels such as the Ti- tanic. The oil paintings were accompanied by a video featuring the artist singing ballads as well as an installation that transformed one of the halls into a ship’s bow. In his public talk in the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá, Juan Mejía explicitly related his work to the condition of the museum, comparing the organization to a sinking ship accompanied by wistful chants.

Figure 10: ‹Hacia un lugar común›. Juan Mejía, 2015. Source: Own Data. A new director assumed office in the museum in the beginning of 2016. Claudia Hakim had previously directed the independent art space NC Arte in Bogotá and is an artist herself. Her appointment was well received by some people who highlighted her pro- fessionalism and experience (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, November 2, 2016). Others feared that the program of the museum would become more contemporary and less open for diverse artistic expressions (Patricia Ortega, November 4, 2016). It can only be spec- ulated whether the increased domestic and international interest in the Colombian art

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b. Concentration of the Art Boom in Bogotá The art boom has not only had a disparate effect on different kinds of organizations. It is also highly concentrated to specific areas in Bogotá and has not benefited all of the capital’s neighborhoods, much less all of Colombia’s regions.

The Colombian art scene is concentrated in Bogotá. Several interview partners compared Bogotá to Medellín, stating that Bogotá is the center of activities. Although Me- dellín features highly recognized art museums, commercial artistic activities take place in the capital and exert a strong attraction on artists and art organizations alike. Particu- larly the art fair artBo and the number of galleries create a dynamic that appeals to artists who seek gallery representation (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, Octo- ber 20, 2015; Nicolás Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Beatriz González, personal communication, October 6, 2015; Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015). However, some caution is appropriate when inter- preting such statements, since all of the interview partners work and live in Bogotá and may emphasize the capital’s importance in order to assert their own significance and the position of the institutions they represent.

The growth of the art scene has not been evenly distributed throughout Bogotá. In one area, San Felipe, an exceptional number of art galleries have been founded. It is not unusual that artistic scenes tend to concentrate in certain sectors. That they settled in San Felipe may be however be also due to conscious efforts by Alejandro Castaño, a collector and architect, who has encouraged the establishment of artists’ studios and galleries in the neighborhood, where he originally established his collection. In 2009, Doce Cero Cero was the first gallery to open its doors in San Felipe, and in 2016 there 65 were at least eight galleries and two independent art spaces. 64F The accumulation of art galleries increases the visibility of any gallery in this location, which generates a self- reinforcing dynamic: new galleries tend to settle in San Felipe. Andrea Meridiano from Neebex, a gallery located in the Candelaria, the historic center, expressed frustration

65 KB espacio, Sketch, Beta, SRG Galería, Ars+Flora, Insituto de Visión, Jacobo Karpio, Compacta Galería, Permanente, Castanier Galería 116

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene about the low level of attention they receive in comparison to some newly founded galleries located in San Felipe (Andrea Meridiano, personal communication, November 6, 2016).

Accordingly, the cost of a square meter of housing space in that area has risen aggres- sively. Javier Machicado expected that not all galleries which had opened in San Felipe would be profitable in the long run (personal communication, November 25, 2016). Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, from the gallery Doce Cero Cero founded in San Felipe in 2009, was worried seven years later about the increased rent for his gallery space (personal communication, November 2, 2016). The rent had reached a level that was no longer sustainable for the operation of the gallery.

“Porque han entrado tantas galerías al barrio entonces todo se ha vuelto tan caro. Ha habido un proceso de gentrificación. Entonces la gente que vive aquí en el barrio del arriendo, los dueños de las casas se las están pidiendo para vendérselas o para arrendarlas más caras a empresas. Si, que malo. Y eso lo 66 generó [sic] las galerías, sin querer, hicimos un daño.” 65F While San Felipe has seen the arrival of many art galleries, the area does not yet cater to an art public. The neighborhood lacks small cafés where visitors might sit down after a gallery visit (Valentina Gutiérrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015). It is difficult to profit from walk-in customers, as the general public is not one that visits art galleries, but lower middle-class (Angelina Guerrero, personal communication, Novem- ber 2, 2016). Security issues persist in the area, which complicates locating luxury businesses there (Paola Pérez, personal communication, November 4, 2016). The process of gentrification also generated social frictions and uneasiness in the local community (Valentina Gutiérrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015).

In the map below, it becomes clear that the art scene is concentrated in certain areas in Bogotá. There are no art organizations whatsoever in the poorer neighborhoods of Ciu- dad Bolívar, Usme, or Bosa. Museums and foundations tend to concentrate in the historic center, La Candelaria. Galleries are mostly located in the richer residential area of Chapinero to which San Felipe belongs. Many art organizations are lined up along the Séptima, one of the main axes in Bogotá, which allows visitors to get there relatively

66 Translated into English, this would read: “Because so many galleries have arrived in the neighborhood, therefore the neighborhood has become more expensive. There has been a process of gentrification. The people who live from the rent here in the area, the owners of the houses, want to sell or rent the space more expensively to enterprises. Yes, it is bad. And this was generated by the galleries; without wanting it, we damaged something.” 117

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene easily. The distribution of art spaces also points to some of the preconditions that need to be met for art to flourish discussed in this chapter: the availability of resources and a certain level of security. However, the example of San Felipe also shows the changes art organizations may bring about in a particular neighborhood. While art and art organizations depend on economic and security conditions, they may also change the dynamic in a certain area.

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Independent Art Space Art Gallery Museum Art Foundation

Figure 11: Locations of Art Organizations in Different Neighborhoods in Bogotá. Source: Own Data.

2016: The Market Downturn In 2016, the situation seemed to have changed as the market was slowing down somewhat (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016; Iliana Hoyos, per-

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A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene sonal communication, November 16, 2016; Valentina Gutiérrez, personal communication, October 24, 2016; Luis Aristizabal, personal communication, November 18, 2016; Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, November 2, 2016). Mauricio Gó- mez Jaramillo referred to the art boom between 2011 and 2015 as a lie, and described the sales in artBo 2016 as a minimal development: “Por lo menos ve uno que hay como 67 un desarrollo mínimo, pero hay un desarrollo.”66F Talking about general tendencies, rather than her own gallery, Valentina Gutiérrez summarized the situation as follows (personal communication, October 24, 2016): “Sí, pues todo el mundo dice que está 68 lento.”67F The slow-down had different implications for the galleries. Some galleries sold fewer artworks (Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016) while others refrained from participating in the local art fair artBo (Luis Aristizabal, personal communication, November 18, 2016).

This slow-down was also affirmed by interview partners who were not as directly concerned as the galleries. Nelly Peñaranda, director of the Fundación Arteria, clarified that the boom was over (personal communication, October 25, 2016). Javier Machicado, an investigator at Lado B, assumed that some galleries would be forced to leave the market (personal communication, November 25, 2016).

Data on the consumption of Colombian art by domestic and foreign buyers confirm the periodization derived from the interviews. Colombian households’ consumption of visual art has markedly increased since 2005, while exports have set in in 2011. In 2016, the trend has levelled of somewhat. In contrast to the developments in the international art market presented in Chapter Three, the financial crisis that globally led to lower art sales in 2009 did not impact the Colombian art market at all. However, like the international art market, the Colombian has seen a slow-down in recent years in 2016.

67 Translated into English, this would read: “At least one sees that there is a minimal development, but at the very least some development.” 68 Translated into English, this would read: “Everybody says it is going slow.” 120

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Visual Art Consumption in and Exports in Visual Arts from Colombia

35'000

30'000

25'000 Households' consumption 20'000 expenditure for visual art valued at selling prices 15'000 Exports in visual arts valued $COP Million 10'000 at selling prices

5'000

Figure 12: Visual Arts Consumption in and Exports in Visual Arts from Colombia. Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (DANE), 2018 The consumption also seems to have affected the number of art organizations. A comparison of the entries of the 2014/15 and 2015/16 editions of the booklet Directorio Bogotá Arte Circuito, which comprises all art organizations in Bogotá, showed that ten of the 49 galleries active in 2015/16 had emerged over the past year (Peñaranda, Correa, Sánchez, Montejo, & Guzmán, 2014; Peñaranda et al., 2015). In the 2016/2017 edition of the booklet by Arteria the number of galleries had decreased to 43, from the 49 listed the year before (Peñaranda, 2016).

The Target Audience of Colombian Contemporary Art The illustration above indicates that domestic consumption has accounted for a much more important share of the Colombian art market, than exports of visual arts. In the light of the interviews presented in this section, this is a bit surprising, as the organizations emphasized an international, rather than a domestic demand. Interview partners from organizations that oversee the art scene – such as artBo, Arteria, or Lado B – con- curred with the data in that both international and domestic collectors were important in this regard (Alejandra Sarria, personal communication, October 16, 2015; Javier Mach- icado, November 25, 2016; Nelly Peñaranda, October 25, 2016). However, the organizations that find themselves responding to this demand for art were not as clear. Partic- ularly galleries emphasized international much more than domestic demand. This may be owed to the fact that catering to an international public is connected to a high standing. In the following, the perception of the domestic as well as the international demand by art organizations is presented. 121

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Domestic Publics Some of the galleries described the appearance of young and active Colombian collections (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015; Luís Aristizabal, personal communication, February 5, 2015 and November 18, 2016; Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015). Carlos Hurtado described the Latin American, and the 69 Colombian art market in particular, to have grown considerably. 68F Originally, his gallery had planned to internationalize earlier, but then decided to concentrate more on the local market because it was commercially interesting (personal communication, February 3, 2015). Also, a more international gallery, such as the Instituto de Visión, mentioned that they observed young and new Colombian collectors among their customers (Beatriz López, February 17, 2015).

However, many statements also indicated that the domestic public needed to be fostered. Some of the art galleries, e.g. El Dorado, try to cultivate a local public and cater especially to this segment of the public by offering art that is less expensive, such as serigraphic works (Valentina Gutierrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015). Sim- ilarly, Angelina Guerrero from the independent art space KB Espacio described their efforts to relate to a young public as follows (personal communication, November 2, 2016):

“Entonces estamos apostándole al nuevo coleccionista, a los jóvenes coleccionistas que de pronto tienen unos ahorros, que les sobra un poquito de plata, que están empezando a apreciar el arte. Pero pues ellos sí compran una o dos obras 70 al año, ya no más.”69F artBo is trying to form a local public, as well, and to include the emerging Colombian 71 middle class in the artistic scene 70F (Javier Machicado, personal communication, No- vember 25, 2016). Alejandra Sarria from artBo described these efforts (personal communication, October 16):

“(…) los grandes coleccionistas en Colombia, pues no son un grupo enorme de

69 In the original it said: “(…) Un crecimiento muy estructural del mercado en Colombia particularmente. En la region si, pero en Colombia sobre todo.” 70 Translated into English, this would read: “We’re supporting the new collector, the young collectors that perhaps have saved a little bit, that have a little bit of spare money, that are starting to appreciate art. But those buy one or two artworks per year, not more.” 71 In the original: “Como incluir la clase media colombiana que es una clase, que se está formando hasta ahora, dentro del movimiento artístico.” 122

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personas, crece, ha ido creciendo todos los años. Nos ha sorprendido mucho por lo menos desde el año pasado, que, al preguntarle a las galerías, quién les com- pró si fueron los mismos de siempre que ellos conocen, en muchos casos, nos dicen: No, me compró una persona colombiana que nunca había visto en mi vida – de Cali, de Medellín, de Barranquilla. (…) Estas personas llegan y compran, y el galerista no tiene ni idea a quién fue. Es un trabajo que también estamos tratando de hacer, de vincular esas personas, para que digamos como participen de 72 toda la escena durante todo el año.”71F Moreover, particularly established galleries that also join international art fairs complained about the lack of Colombian collectors and the lack of domestic demand. Carlos Hurtado explained that Colombia has never had a tradition of collecting art and described it as a kind of cultural hinterland, drawing a comparison to Venezuela, where art 73 has always been part of the “canasta familiar”72F (personal communication, February 3, 2015). Art had been less important in Colombia, as elites did not traditionally buy art (Valentina Gutierrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015; Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, Oc- tober 7, 2015). Several gallerists also complained about the difficulty to run an art business as most museums’ collections in Colombia were not buying art, but relied on artists’ donations due to a lack of resources (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015). Simply concentrating on the local market, Colombian galleries perceive themselves at a competitive disadvantage on an international level since they cannot count on public collections as potential buyers (Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015; Catalina Casas, personal communication October 5, 2015).

Art organizations thus mentioned a growing number of collectors, but they also referred to this domestic audience as one that needed to be nurtured. Moreover, particularly galleries complained about a lack of Colombian collectors. It seems likely that the organizations’ complaints about the limits of the local market were perhaps also an expression

72 Translated into English, this would read: “The large collectors in Colombia, not an enormous group of people, grow. The number has grown throughout the years. We were surprised that galleries, when asked whether they had been selling to the same people as always, answered: ‘No, a Colombian person – from Cali, from Medellín, from Barranquilla – that I had never seen has bought from me.’ We are starting to try to identify these people in order to integrate them into the program of formation, guided visits during the year, in order to be closer to them not only during the fair, but during the year. Those can be people that are occasional buyers, because they are interested in art, but that need to get closer (…). They don’t yet have these relationships that the known collectors have, that know everyone, the gallerists, and who have a special relation with them. These people come and buy, and the gallerist doesn’t even have an idea who it was. It is a task we try to fulfil, to integrate these people, so that they participate in the scene throughout the year.” 73 Translated into English, this would read: “Shopping basket.” 123

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene of their aspiration to access an international market.

International Publics Organizations also highlighted their success or strategies to reach an international audience. Larger and more international galleries may rely on foreign customers for a significant part of their business, and attend international fairs, or organize artist exchanges, but most of the smaller organizations depend on a domestic public. Nonetheless, these organizations, too, seem to be eager to approach an international art scene.

Larger galleries, and one of the smaller galleries located in a tourist area of Bogotá, stated to be depending mainly on foreign customers. Carlos Hurtado estimated that 75% of his gallery’s collectors come from abroad (personal communication, February 3, 2015). Interview partners from Casas Riegner and Instituto de Visión as well as Neebex observed similar tendencies (Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015; Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015; Thierry Harribey, personal communication, November 6, 2016). These statements fit the picture insofar as these larger galleries can also be observed to attend international art fairs. Established galleries in Bogotá also exchange artists with foreign galleries, most of which are based in Latin America, in order to gain access to the market there. Such exchanges are financially more viable in comparison to art fairs (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015; Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015). Presenting an artist in another gallery is advantageous, as it multiplies the recognition of the artist in the foreign market (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015):

“Una cosa es estar en una feria cuatro días, en un stand de 25 metros cuadrados, dando información en una feria; otra cosa es poder hacer una muestra de nuestros artistas en la Ciudad de México durante nueve meses con uno o dos o tres o cinco artistas nuestros presentando nuestro programa sobre todo en la mano de una galería que como es nuestro par, está orientada a un mercado que está li- 74 neado con el nuestro.”73F The local art fair artBo, even while emphasizing the importance of a growing number of local collectors, also emphasized international buyers’ importance (Alejandra Sarria,

74 Translated into English, this would read: “It is one thing to be in a fair for four days, in a booth of 25 square meters, giving information in a fair; it is another thing to be able to do a show of our artist in México City during nine months with one or two or three or five of our artists, presenting our program especially in the hands of a gallery that is our peer, oriented towards a market that is aligned with our own.” 124

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene personal communication, October 16, 2015):

“De todas maneras el programa internacional es muy importante. Porque digamos que soporta también, en una forma importante las ventas de la feria, sigue siendo necesario traer a estas personas internacionales, para que la feria sea exitosa en términos de ventas. Solamente los coleccionistas colombianos no po- 75 drían, permitirían que la feria tenga la cantidad de galerías que tiene etc.”74F Most of the smaller galleries interviewed explained that they were interested in reaching a more international public (Patricia Ortega, personal communication, October 24, 2016; Paola Pérez, personal communication, November 4, 2016; Thierry Harribey, personal communication, November 6, 2016; Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016). Local art fairs that attract international collectors may be a first step to get in touch with an international public. Iliana Hoyos explained with pride that she had sold three works at the local art fair Odeón to buyers from the United States (Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016). She hoped to generate recognition of these artists in the U.S., which would perhaps even facilitate the entry into a foreign international art fair. The participation in an art fair abroad is an additional way to access a foreign market. Thierry Harribey and Patricia Ortega both planned on scouting the satellite fairs of Art Basel Miami Beach in 2016 in order to apply to the one that best suited their needs in 2017 (Patricia Ortega, personal communication, October 24, 2016; Thierry Harribey, personal communication, November 6, 2016).

Such attempts to present Colombia’s artistic offers to a foreign public are often hard to realize due to high costs. Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo summarized the mechanisms that work against internationalization (personal communication, November 2, 2016). Partic- ipation in an international fair is not for free, and the transportation of artworks is expensive, too. If one represents younger artists who sell at lower prices (or if one operates in a market where purchasing power and prices are generally lower, such as in Colom- bia), one would have to sell many artworks in order to cover the costs of participating 76 in such a fair – “Tocaría vender dos veces el stand”.75F Another common format for accessing a market abroad is to partner with a gallery abroad and exchange artists. How- ever, as Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo pointed out, for a Colombian gallery, it may be quite

75 Translated into English, this would read: “At any rate, the international program is very important because it also supports the sales at the fair, and it remains necessary to bring in these international people for the fair to be successful in terms of sales. Only Colombian collectors would not allow for the number of galleries that the fair admits.” 76 Translated into English, this would read: “One would have to sell the booth twice.” 125

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene difficult to find a partner organization that operates in a similar price range and accesses a public of similar purchase power abroad (personal communication, November 2, 2016). Colombian galleries are not attractive partners for exchanges of artists, because they operate at a price range that is not interesting for most galleries in the U.S., for instance. In Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo’s gallery, an expensive artwork costs around USD $1,500 – USD $1,800. In the Art Basel’s report, the most frequently reported average price by galleries for contemporary art is around USD $12,500 (McAndrew, 2018, p. 56) – roughly ten times the prices of Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo’s artworks.

In contrast to smaller galleries, foundations and independent art spaces seem to be able to exhibit their artists abroad even though it is expensive. In contrast to for-profit organizations, these art spaces are able to count on public authorities’ financial support. This option is not available to galleries whose explicit commercial purpose excludes them from applying for such grants. Independent art spaces partner with foreign cultural institutions, such as the Goethe Institute or the Alianza Francesa in Bogotá, in order to access the resources necessary for artist exchanges and residencies abroad (Angelina Guerrero, personal communication, November 2, 2016; Christophe Vandekerckhove, personal communication, November 23, 2016; José Roa Eslava, personal communication, November 16, 2016). The foundation A Seis Manos for instance receives French artists, whose flights and accommodations are paid for by the Alianza Francesa (Chris- tophe Vandekerckhove, personal communication, November 23). Similarly, KB espacio, an independent art space, has organized an artist exchange to Berlin, this financed by the Goethe Institute (Angelina Guerrero, personal communication, November 2, 2016). These contacts are also facilitated by the Instituto Distrital de las Artes (Idartes), Bogotá’s local office responsible for promoting arts. Idartes organizes different competitions for residencies abroad for Colombian visual artists, with financial support from the Goethe Institute or the Alianza Francesa (José Roa Eslava, personal communication, November 16, 2016). The most extensive web of international connections is perhaps kept by Ars+Flora. The foundation maintains different contracts with foreign state institutions which send their artists to Ars+Flora for a residency and cover their expenses (José Roca, personal communication, October 9, 2015). This scheme allows artists from Casa del Lago, a museum that is part of the network of museums of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), from the Consejo Nacional de la Cultura de las Artes as well as the Instituto de Cultura Contemporánea de Brasil (ICCO) to spend

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A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene some months and to present their work in Bogotá.

Museums are less oriented towards an international public, as it is costly for them, too. Although it is an expensive endeavor, one cornerstone of the Banco de la República’s museum program is to bring an international exposition to Bogotá every year (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015). One example of a successful project was the show of the South African artist William Kentdridge. His exposition was displayed in Bogotá in the spring of 2014 after it had toured through Latin America. The costs were divided among different art organizations in the Latin American region. Another example of a successful exchange in the opposite direction of travel, from Bo- gotá to the Museo de Arte Latinoamericano Buenos Aires (MALBA), is the exhibition Protografías by the Colombian artist Óscar Muñoz. The exhibition was a success, primarily because the artist was already recognized outside of Colombia. Such an interest of international museums is, however, limited to a few Colombian artists (Efraín Riaño Lesmes and Nicolás Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015). The Museum of Arte Contemporáneo (MAC) shows Colombian artists abroad, too, although not on a regular basis. An example is a collection of photographs that was shown in the museum of Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) in Guadalajara, México. The exhibition consciously featured an artist whose works could be rolled up and transported quite easily. Using a new system to fix the works with magnets also facilitated a cost-efficient installation (Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015). MAC has found innovative formats to keep costs low, and the Banco de la República has the resources to present their collections abroad despite high costs. For other museums, it is, however, difficult to engage in international exchanges. Interna- tional exhibitions are too expensive for the MAMBO (María Ardila, personal communication, October 13, 2015), and the national museum’s bilateral exchanges are admin- istered through the Ministry of Culture and not within the competence of the direction of the museum (Daniel Castro Benítez, personal communication, October 21, 2015). However, the national museum is active in different international fora, where it represents Colombia. The director of the national museum, Daniel Castro Benítez represents 77 Colombia in the International Council of Museums (ICOM)76F and in the international

77 ICOM is an organization for museum professionals and encompasses 35,000 members, institutions, and individuals from 136 countries (International Council for Museums ICOM, 2016). ICOM defines good museum practices and encourages exchanges on different topics, ranging from illicit trade to intangible heritage. 127

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78 organization Ibermuseos77F .

Reaching an international audience seems to be desirable for all types of art organizations, even though it is expensive. Larger galleries may afford attending international art fairs, or exchange artists with another gallery based abroad. For smaller galleries this is much more difficult due to financial restrictions. A bit surprising is that foundations and independent art spaces are also quite active in organizing artist exchanges and circulating their propositions abroad. In contrast to smaller galleries, they are able to do so, because they are eligible to financial support from public authorities. Regarding the museums, the Banco de la República, seems to be the only one that is regularly engaged in international exchanges.

Reasons for Increased Domestic Interest in Art The interview partners mentioned different factors that have contributed to the emergence of the Colombian interest in art. On the one hand, they described the economic and political conditions within Colombia as being more stable. This observation also matches up with the insights from Chapter Two, where it was described how a Colom- bian middle class was slowly forming after dire reforms in the 1990s. Institutional developments in the art sector, such as the art fair artBo also emerged as an important factor, which resonates with the observation of a shift in Colombian cultural policies towards providing platforms for commercial organizations in Chapter Three.

Institutional Developments: The Establishment of artBo The establishment of the art fair artBo in 2005 was an important step for the building of the Colombian art market (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, Febru- ary 9, 2015; Luis Aristizabal, personal communication, February 5, 2015; Ricardo Per- domo, personal communication, October 25, 2016; Catalina Casas, personal communication, October 5, 2015; Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016;

78 Ibermuseos was founded as an association in 2007 and unites 22 countries of Latin America, Spain, and Portugal (Ibermuseus Ibermuseos, 2016). Ibermuseos tries to offer a counterweight to ICOM, which is perceived as Euro- centric (Daniel Castro Benítez, personal communication, October 21, 2015). In contrast to ICOM, membership in Ibermuseos is by country and not by institutions or individuals. The program is directed by an intergovernmental committee that consists of twelve of the member states: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Spain, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Portugal, and Uruguay. Among its objectives figure, the reinforcement of public policies around museums in these countries, the establishment of mechanisms for exchange, and the diffusion of best practices among museums. Moreover, it supports the circulation of expositions within the participating countries. 128

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Nelly Peñaranda, personal communication, October 25, 2016).

It needs to be noted that artBo is quite an achievement with respect to its continuity. In 2018 it celebrates its fourteenth edition. This is not self-evident, as it is the fourth attempt to establish an art fair in Bogotá and all of the previous fairs only saw one version. Nelly Peñaranda attributes the success of the fair also to the organization behind it. Bogotá’s Chamber of Commerce not only has the financial resources to grant the continuation of such a fair with international invitations, but also has access to Bogotá’s convention center, Corferias (personal communication, October 25, 2016). Both the infrastructure and the financial resources are critical in maintaining the art fair over time. Furthermore, whereas the previous fairs were organized by galleries, this art fair is impartial in its organization, as it is hosted by Bogotá’s Chamber of Commerce, rather than one of the participating organizations. This may also contribute to its acceptance by participating galleries, and hence stability. artBo has contributed to build an art scene mainly in two ways.

First, artBo serves as a seal of approval, both assuring galleries of the existence of a market and collectors of the quality of the galleries. Ricardo Perdomo described the dynamics generated by artBo, which had been established in 2004, among galleries after the market breakdown in the 1990s (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, Octo- ber 25, 2016). artBo has continuously tried to offer better curated content with every year and also to show new projects (Javier Machicado, personal communication, No- vember 25, 2016).

Second, artBo also supports the growth of a market by emphasizing a professionalization among galleries (Alejandra Sarria, personal communication, October 16, 2015). Professionalization in this context was mentioned in two different meanings. The fair, on the one hand emphasizes clean business practices. The professionalization of the commercial transactions also supports the growth of the market as potential art collectors might be more confident to buy Colombian art. On the other hand, professionalization was understood as taking the art business as a serious full-time job, rather than as a side income (Nelly Peñaranda, personal communication, October 25, 2016). If selling visual art is seen as a full-time job, rather than a side business in a garage, it also im- proves the operations of art businesses.

“Cuando uno se asume como empresa y no como un proyecto de – yy, si voy a 129

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montar una galería porque es que tengo un garaje en mi casa – como de una manera mucho más sería, mucho más organizada, hacen que las cosas definiti- 79 vamente salgan mejor.”78F While being a full-time art professional evidently depends on commercial opportunities, the formation of a profession such as an art expert may also be positively influenced by an art fair. artBo unites the art organizations, and forms their self-understanding as a part of a cultural industry and thereby also makes the possibility of being an art professional visible.

Economic and Political Factors The growing middle class as well as improved security conditions were an important factor in the expansion of a local art market (Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016; Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 10, 2015; Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015).

Better security conditions are important for luxury markets. A decrease in violence reinforces Colombians’ faith in a future in which it makes sense to have luxury goods, rather than just necessities (María Paula Maldonado, personal communication, Novem- ber 18, 2016). Important are also economic conditions. Colombians have started to buy art, as their economic situation has improved (Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016). Jairo Valenzuela linked some of the arising local collections directly to jobs created by the neoliberal policies under Gaviria (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 10, 2015). Although such a direct link is hard to substantiate, the local demand for art suggests that the economic situation of at least a part of the Colombian society has improved.

The importance of economic and political conditions for the art market also becomes visible in view of the slow-down of the market in 2015 and 2016. Local collectors did not feel confident enough about the future at that time, with the plebiscite on the peace treaty with the FARC scheduled for October of 2016 (Iliana Hoyos, personal communication, November 16, 2016). Others observed an economic setback due to a decrease in commodity prices, which slowed down growth in Colombia and hence the art market

79 Translated into English, this would read: “If one thinks of oneself as a business and not as a project of – oh, I will start a gallery, because I have this garage in my house – in a much more serious manner, much more organized manner, that makes that the things definitely get better.” 130

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(Luis Aristizabal, personal communication, November 18, 2016; Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016). In Ricardo Perdomo’s words, the future in 80 2016 was too “nublado”79F for Colombian collectors to buy art. According to him, the direction Colombia would take was not only insecure because of the peace treaty, but also because of the upcoming tax reform. As he explained, people only buy art when a number of conditions are met (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016):

“El que tiene para el Whiskey, tiene para el hielo. El Whiskey es un apartamento bien grande y el hielo son los cuadros. ¿Sí? Entonces, es necesario para la ad- quisición de arte, para que la adquisición de arte sea sana, es necesario que muchos otros factores económicos estén tranquilos. Y la línea política que tenía Colombia en el último año, pues seguía una simple línea y que no sabíamos que es lo que iba a pasar. Se ha ido relegando, se ha ido relegando el mercado del arte en los últimos… esto sería en el último año particularmente, ahí es donde se 81 ha más sentido [sic].”80F Spending on luxury goods and cultural consumption, accordingly, is the first expense to be cut in dire times. While the cultural sector had profited from economic growth in previous years, more diffident buyers hesitated to spend their money in 2016 (Javier Machicado, personal communication. November 25, 2016).

Reasons for Increased International Attention International interest followed as a consequence of these local developments – curators, collectors, and institutions abroad started to take note of the Colombian art scene (Mau- ricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015; Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015). Different factors led the to the increased visibility of the Colombian art scene abroad. Apart from the art fair artBo that assured the international art community of Colombian art’s ‹quality›, decreased levels of violence helped to advance confidence and prompted foreigners to travel to Colombia. The return of internationally renowned Colombian art professionals also played a role. Some gallerists mentioned quite deliberate efforts by the Colombian authorities to use art as a

80 Translated into English, this would read: “clouded.” 81 Translated into English, this would read: “He who has money to buy whiskey, has money to buy ice. If the whiskey is a big apartment, the ice is the paintings. Yes? Now, in order for the acquisition of art to be healthy, it is necessary that many other economic factors are in order. And Colombian politics in the last year followed a simple line, which was that we didn’t know what was going to happen. The art market has diminished in the last… particularly in the last year, is when it was notable.” 131

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene promotion device in foreign policy (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, Febru- ary 10, 2015; Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016). The international interest is sometimes also attributed to shifts in the art market (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 10, 2015; Andrea Meridiano, personal communication, November 6, 2016).

Changed Conditions in Colombia The decreased risk of violence is a precondition for international visitors to travel to Colombia. Colombia has opened to tourism after a decade of isolation caused by extreme violence and narco-trafficking. This opening manifests itself also in an increased cultural exchange. International music groups have started to include Bogotá in their tours, whereas none of them wanted to come to Colombia in the past (Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016). Colombia has started to participate in art fairs and bienniales, and is involved in information exchanges to a greater extent (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015; Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015). In contemporary arts, sales without looking at the artwork itself and just taking a photograph as a reference are rare. If people are reluctant to visit Colombia, and for the galleries to participate in international art fairs is expensive, internationalization of Colombian art is difficult.

ArtBo Assuring ‹Quality› As was seen previously, artBo is an important platform for contemporary art in Colom- bia, for both galleries and artists, and it also plays a role in the sector’s internationalization. artBo attracts galleries and invites collectors from abroad (Luis Aristizabal, personal communication, February 5, 2015). Moreover, as participation in the fair is a sign of quality for any Colombian gallery or artist, foreign buyers rely on artBo’s approval of selected galleries. The presence of external galleries confirms the status of the fair and its participating local galleries in an international context.

The art fair artBo also plays an important role in supporting galleries in their efforts to internationalize (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). The contact with both art businesses as well as buyers from abroad allows Co- lombian organizations to gain experience with an international public (Alejandra Sarria, personal communication, October 16, 2015). The interaction with foreign galleries and

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A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene collectors provides Colombian galleries with insight into the offers that are in high demand (Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016).

‹Return of the Lost Daughters and Sons› Colombian art professionals that have been successful outside of their home country, might have attracted international attention upon their return to Bogotá. Jairo Valenzuela mentioned that the arrival of José Roca, who had previously been the curator at the Tate Modern in London, has had an important effect on attracting international interest (personal communication, February 10, 2015). In 2013, José Roca founded an independent art space in San Felipe, one of the residential areas in Bogotá, where many new galleries opened over the years of 2011–2016. Additionally, two other gallerists with international experience returned to Bogotá. Catalina Casas had founded a gallery in Miami before she returned to Bogotá in 2005 in order to establish the gallery Casas Riegner. Beatriz López had directed an art space in London and one in Mexico before returning to Bogotá in 2015, where she opened the Instituto de Visión. All three returned for personal motives rather than upon market analysis (Felipe Villada, February 4, 2015; Be- atriz López, February 17, 2015; José Roca, October 9, 2015). But given that they had been successful on an international stage, their former colleagues – curators, collectors, and critics – might have been enticed to travel to Bogotá in order to see their friends’ local offers.

Art and Its Contribution to Improving Colombia’s Image Contemporary art is part of Colombia’s foreign policy, and is thus used in campaigns that promote both export and investment. Luis Armando Soto, the head of cultural affairs of the Ministry of External Relations in Colombia, explained that they have focused their cultural activities on the promotion of contemporary art in the past decade, and especially so from 2011 to 2016 (personal communication, November 18, 2016). Visual art, in his view, is particularly suited to create positive associations with Colombia:

“Yo creo que hay un gran, digamos, hay una gran fuerza intelectual – el desarrollo de los artes visuales en Colombia, es uno de los desarrollos, o una de las 82 artes más sofisticadas81F en términos de pensamiento de elaboración y también

82 The quote expresses a preference for contemporary art in comparison to more popular artistic expressions – e.g. traditional Colombian music or handicraft. Whereas many cultural policies within Colombia emphasize the equality of different artistic expressions, promoting this diversity abroad does not seem to be a top priority. However, rather than attributing such a preference to Colombian foreign policy, it is probably fair to say that it reflects an international public’s preferences, as targeted by the foreign policy. In this sense, this observation relates directly back to Chapter Three, where it was discussed how Western standards still dominate other cultural expressions. 133

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83 de contacto global.”82F The Ministry of External Relations supports cultural projects (1) through the cultural programs developed by the Colombian embassies, (2) upon the initiative of third parties, or (3) on its own (Luis Armando Soto, personal communication, November 18, 2016). An example of such a project supported through the Ministry of External Relations is Colombia’s invitation to ARCO an international art fair in Madrid, in 2015. The curator, Juan Andrés Gaitán, selected ten Colombian galleries, as well as the artists they represented in the fair. The galleries did not have to pay a fee to participate, but were invited by the fair, and different Colombian public authorities sponsored air fare and hotels. Such an invitation presented a major opportunity for most of the selected art galleries to present themselves on an international stage, that would otherwise have been out of reach for them.

The Colombian president, Santos, paid a state visit to Spain and also attended ARCO on this occasion. That authorities used the art fair as a political platform was noted and not very well received by the galleries. In an interview prior to his participation in ARCO, Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo expressed enthusiasm (personal communication, February 9, 2015). A year later, after the fair, he felt that ARCO had merely served as a stage for national politicians. In his view, political interests use anything that may be represented as a positive image (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, November 2, 2016).

“Todos somos unas marionetas de muchas cosas, tratamos de no serlo, pero al final del ejercicio si tenemos una relevancia y tenemos una connotación nacional 84 quieren mostrarnos como algo positivo del país.”83F Some of the gallerists had expressed doubts about the selection of the artists even before the fair. In their view, the curator Juan Andrés Gaitán preferred artists that had not met with commercial success up to that point. For certain galleries, therefore, the fair was financially less interesting. One of the larger galleries, in addition to being present in the Colombian section, also participated through the regular process in order to have an additional booth in which it could present the gallery’s choice of artists. Carlos Hurtado

83 Translated into English, this would read: “I believe that there is a great, let’s say, intellectual force, and that the development of the visual arts in Colombia is a development, or is one of the more sophisticated artistic expressions in terms of thought, elaboration, and global contact.” 84 Translated into English, this would read: “We are all marionettes of many things. We try not to be, but at the end of the exercise, if we are relevant and if we have a national connotation, they like to show us off as something positive of the country.” 134

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene also observed a bias in the selection in terms of medium and topic: according to him, the curator seemed to prefer media other than drawing, for which Colombian art is traditionally known, and topics other than violence in Colombia (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015). ARCO was perceived as an artistic platform to show that Colombia had other things on offer beyond narco-trafficking and its effects on Co- lombia (Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016).

Such a restriction of topics was however denied by Luis Armando Soto (personal communication, November 18, 2016), and he pointed out that the accompanying exhibitions did talk about Colombia’s violent past. The Ministry of Foreign Relations was furthermore very proud to support a retrospective touring the U.S. on Doris Salcedo, Colom- bia’s star artist who is working predominantly on violence. Rather than a conscious selection, the representation shown reflects the diversity of the cultural production in Co- lombia (Luis Armando Soto, personal communication, November 18, 2016). In the recent past, the diversity of narratives in Colombia’s artistic expressions – not only contemporary art, but also film and cinema – has greatly increased, and especially young artists are no longer primarily concerned with the topic of violence (María Andrea Torres Moreno, personal communication, October 12, 2016). According to María An- drea Torres Moreno, the Colombian government aims to show a balanced selection of cultural expressions and not only to represent the conflict, but all aspects of life.

“(…) Con el fin de mostrar todas las caras del arte colombiano cuando se trata de una presentación financiada o apoyada por el gobierno nacional, pues se trata de que se vea todo. Tú tienes por ejemplo no sé, en cine, tú tienes siete películas que tratan todas sobre el conflicto y resulta que en Colombia también se está haciendo comedia, también se está haciendo drama, se está haciendo misterio, y no tiene nada que ver…. Con el arte contemporáneo igual, si tienes a siete u ocho artistas colombianos que están tratando el tema de la violencia como tal y luego tienes a otros siete artistas o nueve o diez que están tratando otros 85 temas pues el interés es que de un país se conozca todo.” 84F The accounts of the foreign ministry relativize the impression of the gallerists that there was a conscious restriction of certain topics in ARCO. What is, however, confirmed also by the Ministry of Foreign Relations, is that contemporary arts have indeed played a

85 Translated into English, this would read: “(…) with the aim to show all faces of Colombian art, when it is a presentation financed or supported by the federal government, so one tries to show everything. You may have, for instance, seven films that speak about the conflict, but there are also comedy, drama, and mystery films in Colom- bia. The same thing with contemporary art; if you have seven or eight Colombian artists who work the topic of violence, and then you have another seven artists that work on other topics, our interest is to show all of them.” 135

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene special role in promoting Colombia abroad in the recent past.

The Art Market on the Hunt for Novelties The global art market’s need for new geographic areas and for the discoveries of emerging artists promotes the integration of Colombia. According to Jairo Valenzuela, trends 86 in the art market shift: “el mercado busca nichos.”85F After Cuba in the eighties, Brazil in the nineties, and Mexico in the 2000s, it was Colombia’s turn to be discovered (Jairo Valenzuela, personal communication, February 10, 2015). As discussed in Chapter Three, the recent global increase in prices for contemporary art may have incentivized buyers to look for more economic offers off the beaten path, which made peripheral markets more interesting. Colombia might also have benefited from slightly worsening economic conditions in other Latin American countries. Venezuela obviously suffers from a deep crisis. The corruption scandal and the economic crisis in Brazil, and the precarious security conditions in Mexico, might also have made these places less attractive for international visitors (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015).

The illustration below summarizes the discussion of this chapter so far. Numerous art spaces, both profit-oriented and not-for-profit have emerged, between 2011 and 2015. This development is concentrated in Bogotá. While this boom is related to an increased international interest, the expansion is based on a continuous and growing local demand which has been apparent since 2005.

86 Translated into English, this would read: “The market seeks niches.” 136

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Figure 13: Art Boom in Bogotá. Source: Own Data.

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New Formats in Bogotá’s Art Scene The Colombian art scene has seen three organizational innovations recently, which may also be a consequence of the increased domestic and international interest in art and art organizations. Bogotá seen the establishment of a secondary art market, Bogotá Auc- tions in 2014 for the first time. A further trend regards the disintermediation of the art market. One of the fairs does not count on galleries, but sells the works directly. Finally, young galleries and independent art spaces rely on external committees to establish the credibility of their selection in an increasingly contested market. These latter two formats are unconventional also by international comparison.

A Very Recent Secondary Art Market: Bogotá Auctions The secondary art market in Colombia has only recently been established. In Colombia, art auctions had traditionally been held to fund charities. Only in 2014 was a professional auction founded, Bogotá Auctions. Bogotá Auctions started off with a focus on fine arts, but it now has auctions also for wine, antiques, and books and organizes sales three to four times a year.

The reactions of the galleries in response to this newly established secondary art market have been mixed. Some welcomed the new development as a regulative measure for prices (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). In philanthropic auctions, the prices had reflected a desire to support the cause, rather than the value of the artworks. This changed with the establishment of Bogotá Auctions. Luis Aristizabal attributes to these public sales the power to establish the ‹real value› (valor real) of an artist (Luis Aristizabal, personal communication, February 5, 2015). Some expressed the fear that the works of art and artists are devalued by being included in the auction, since it means that someone wanted to part with a certain piece of a particular artist (Carlos Hurtado, personal communication, February 3, 2015). The sale of artworks by private owners might be read as a signal of a reduced desirability of these artworks or artists by a public that is not used to a competitive secondary market.

That an auction may regulate prices downwards may surprise. Usually, works sold a second or third time are more expensive, compared to when they were first sold by a gallery in the primary market. However, Colombia is a special case, as the local and international buyers of art do not necessarily buy at the same places. International interest for Colombian art grew rapidly and may have caused prices to rise in the primary 138

A Network of Art Publics Panorama of Bogotá’s Art Scene market for specific artists. It seems to be the case that international buyers procured their works from a few trusted galleries and were probably not aware of the newly established auction taking place in Bogotá. If the auction sold works of these artists in absence of the international audience, it may well have concluded with lower prices for artworks previously sold for a handsome sum to foreign buyers in galleries.

Disintermediation: Art Fairs Presenting Artists Directly As already discussed, artBo is an important platform for the artistic scene in Bogotá. However, it is not the only fair. At the same time as artBo, three other fairs take place in Bogotá: Feria del Millón, Barcú, and Odeón. The Feria del Millón takes an interesting approach, as its title is the program: all artworks sell for COP $1.000.000, which equals out to around USD $350. The fair is exceptional not only because of its prices, but also because the participants of the art fair are artists and not galleries. The buyer deals directly with the artists and leaves out any gallery’s participation in the transaction. A committee of curators decides on admission at the fair. The fair also encourages new buyers who might have otherwise been hesitant to even ask for prices at a gallery or an art fair (Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2015). However, especially smaller galleries or galleries with young artists that operate in the same price 87 range absolutely dislike the fair because “nos quita el mercado”86F (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, November 2, 2016; Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016). They criticize the fact that the Feria del Millón freerides on services provided by the fair artBo and the fees paid by the participating galleries. artBo, for instance, invites in a buying public, and provides guided tours and other activities that promote art and artists.

Committees in Galleries Some galleries rely on external experts when it comes to selecting artists for their exhibition programs. Committees of experts confirm the art space’s quality of selected artworks and artists. Nest Art Center works with five curators who decide on each exhibition (Ricardo Perdomo, October 25, 2016). Ricardo Perdomo clarified that this committee serves as a market entry strategy which generates credibility for his space, but the approval by an expert may also be attractive to artists. Similarly, Paola Pérez, director

87 Translated into English, this would read: “It takes away our market.” 139

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88 of a gallery that works in the sector of artistic jewelry (‹arte portable›)87F organizes a competition inviting all artists working in this particular sector. The competition is decided by an external jury of professors for contemporary visual art (Paola Pérez, personal communication, November 4, 2016). Awards for the artists range from their being included in an exposition to being represented in the next art fair the gallery attends. These are attractive prizes for the artists. For the gallery, the competition is at least as interesting, because the approval of art professors may help to establish the gallery within the art scene.

To summarize this chapter quickly: the period between 2011 and 2015 was distinguished as one of remarkable development in Bogotá’s art scene. Bogotá had seen a boom in its art sector in the 1980s, due to narco-trafficking, which had collapsed with the cartels of Medellín and Cali. In 2005, the art scene started to reemerge from this breakdown before it slowed down again in 2016. While domestic demand has been important in building momentum, the recent establishment of a large number of art organizations is also due to an increased international demand. Particularly the number of galleries, independent art spaces and foundations seems to have grown in these years, whereas museums have been affected by this dynamic to a lesser extent. This development can be traced to different factors: improved security conditions and the establishment of artBo in the case of domestic demand. In addition, the return of internationally recognized art professionals, targeted policies by the Foreign Ministry promoting contemporary art abroad, and trends in the art market may have led international interest to Colombia.

88 Translated into English, this would say: “wearable art.” 140

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6 Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá The observations from the previous chapter depicted the art scene in Bogotá. An increased domestic and international demand have led to the establishment of new art galleries, independent art spaces and foundations. An increasing number of publics is a promising start for the creation of a public sphere. This chapter deepens the analysis and first presents the activities of galleries, independent art spaces, foundations and museums with respect to their initiatives to generate a public. Second, the relations among the art organizations, connecting different publics to a larger public sphere, are examined.

Initiatives to Form a Wider Public This section compares the activities of art spaces across three dimensions: the support of artists, the facilitation of access for the public, and publications. The importance of the latter two elements for the formation of a public are immediately clear. The support of artists is, however, also relevant, as it is the artists’ works which ultimately attract a public.

The Support of Artists Galleries sell artworks and thus provide a source of income to artists. Their ‹support›, although commercially motivated, is of crucial importance. Established galleries usually do not maintain additional programs to encourage or guide artists specifically. However, representation in an established gallery allows an artist to live on the sale of his or her art.

Less established galleries and independent art spaces typically exhibit artworks without entering a contract of representation. Such first shows are vital in giving young artists a platform. Organizations providing such first opportunities are sometimes concerned about merely serving as a trampoline for the artist, who moves on to more established galleries as soon as there is a chance (Angelina Guerrero, personal communication, No- vember 2, 2016). Some organizations even coach their artists. Rather atypical in its extent is the support which Nest Art Center provides. The gallery exhibits artworks that are not yet finished and collects feedback from the visitors, who fill in a form responding to questions (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, October 25, 2016). Further- more, with the program arte-jodido profesión, Nest Art Center guides hobby artists who

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá would like to show their work in a more professional ambiance, explaining how to com- pile a portfolio and who the important participants in the art market are.

Such formational programs are more often seen with foundations. Ars+Flora in 2016 launched a new initiative called Escuela Arte that tutors artists under the age of 25. A new building accommodates twelve ateliers. The students receive studio visits twice a month by academics of different fields who also teach a theoretic seminar (José Rocas, personal communication, October 9, 2015). Similarly, the foundation Arteria has a variety of formational programs (Nelly Peñaranda, personal communication, October 25, 2016). A particularly innovative initiative is their anonymous sale of artworks. Arteria invites artists to design a work on a paper provided by the foundation, without signing it. Through their sale of all of the artworks at the same price, without giving away the artists’ identities, people are encouraged to decide upon the artwork, rather than the name. This offers a level-playing field to new artists that have not yet established a name in the field. Likewise, it opens a segment of art with low prices, which is attractive for people with little money.

Art museums in Bogotá maintain a variety of programs that support artists and formats of art which are more difficult to market. These programs actively try to incorporate artists who do not have many opportunities. The most comprehensive agenda is pursued by the Banco de la República. Their programs – Imagen Regional, Nuevos Nombres, Obra Viva and El parqueadero – address emerging artists, or artists in regions outside of Bogotá or artists that work with less common media such as performance (Efraín Lesmes Riaño, personal communication, October 20, 2015). The Museo de Arte Con- temporáneo (MAC) also maintains a program, Tesis, which invites graduate students of visual arts to exhibit their final projects. Universities across Colombia send the theses of their best graduates to the MAC. Giving the artists a chance to exhibit their work for the first time creates a strong bond with the museum. Recognized artists who started out by exhibiting at the MAC are willing to donate artworks to the museum also at a later stage of their career (Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015). In contrast, neither the Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá nor the Museo Nacional feature initiatives to support artists (Daniel Castro Benítez, personal communication, October 21, 2015; Gloria Zea, personal communication, October 20, 2015; María Ardila, personal communication, October 13, 2015).

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Facilitating Access for a More General Public Established galleries follow a commercial interest and are the least active with respect to widening a public beyond the collectors already buying art. However, even though they concentrate on the commercial side of the art scene, galleries in Bogotá also sched- ule activities around their exhibitions, which cater to a general public rather than to a few buying collectors. School classes receive guided visits at the gallery Casas Riegner (Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015). Instituto de Visión organizes walking tours through the city, with expert conversations about topics such as power in architecture, or gender and architecture (Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015).

Although it is not one of the actors in the focus of this analysis, a note on art fairs is in order in this context. Art fairs are surprisingly concerned to attract a general public, and do not only cater to a few collectors. The largest art fair, artBo, in particular has a mission beyond just selling art. Different sections of the art fair – such as Foro, ArteCamara, Sitio, and Articularte – do not follow a commercial goal. Articularte for instance, features workshops during the fair that allow people to engage in experimentation and try artistic practices themselves (Alejandra Sarria, personal communication, October 16, 2015). The fair Odeón that originally only hosted an art fair expanded its activities throughout the year and across different genres so as to attract diverse publics. In an ‹alternative program› they organize cinema shows, book launches, parties, symposiums, and talks (Laura González, personal communication, November 3, 2016). Events such as free open-air film screenings on the façade of the building where they serve the local drink ‹canelazo› (a hot beverage that consists of agua de panela and aguardiente) attracts a different kind of public than is usually seen at art events.

Smaller galleries, in their struggle to maintain their organizations, supply additional products or services, some being related to art and others not. These additional offers often attract a different public than the one primarily interested in contemporary art. These mixed business models are a double-edged sword, however: they keep the organization alive, yet at the same time affect their credibility in the art scene because it is evident that they are not successful enough with their artistic propositions alone. Neebex, situated close to universities and schools in the area of Candelaria, sells stationery products to students in order to maintain its operations (Thierry Haribey, personal communication, November 6, 2016). Nest Art Center has shifted its activities from selling art 143

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá to services for artists and collectors (Ricardo Perdomo, personal communication, Octo- ber 25, 2016). They rent out space for different events, such as book releases, biennials, or exhibitions of other galleries that need more room. Furthermore, they founded a certification service for artworks, assessing the origin and provenience of the artwork.

Similar to smaller galleries, independent art spaces tend to struggle to cover their expenses, and thus come up with innovative combinations of other commercial activities to finance their space. The degree of commercialization of these independent art spaces varies. KB espacio, for instance, rents out office space and maintains a bar within the gallery (Angelina Guerrero, personal communication, November 2, 2016). It is the rent of the office space that keeps the enterprise going, rather than the sale of art. KB espacio also organizes cultural evenings every Wednesday, with a diverse program showing films and organizing lectures.

Correspondingly, different foundations offer a wide variety of cultural events, rather than just exhibiting contemporary art. A Seis Manos, apart from organizing exhibitions, maintains a restaurant and a bar, and additionally organizes concerts, literary performances, theatre, and poetry evenings, invites DJs and includes a boutique of artisanal products (Christophe Vandekerckhove, personal communication, November 23, 2016). As already discussed, such complementary activities especially attract a wider public. One might be less reluctant to enter a bar, and then pass on to the exhibition, than to visit a gallery. Ars+Flora invites its neighbors in for hot chocolate once every six weeks. About thirty people regularly attend this event in San Felipe. These community-building efforts are quite difficult, as people are reluctant to enter the art space (José Roca, personal communication, October 9, 2015). The most extensive agenda to involve a wider public is held by the foundation Arteria (Nelly Peñaranda, personal communication, October 25, 2015). More conventional formats include workshops for children who have their first encounter with art while doing handicrafts, as well as workshops for journalists who wish to learn how to write about art. In addition, the magazine in a quite pio- neering format also offers artworks to its readers, and thus incentivizes a public with less money to collect art. Arteria invites an artist to design the back page of their magazine. The magazine’s followers may clip this page and send it back to the foundation, where the artist signs and numbers it. Arteria directs it back to the reader, who then receives a unique artwork. The origin of this idea goes back to the Colombian artist

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Álvaro Barrios, who had published his serigraphs in different magazines throughout Co- lombia in order to popularize his works, and contemporary art in general.

The Banco de la República, the Museo de Arte Moderno, and the Museo Nacional all reported that they organize talks, guided tours, visits of school classes, and seminars (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Gloria Zea, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Daniel Castro Benitez, personal communication, Oc- tober 21, 2015). These activities emphasize pedagogic aims, rather than simply attracting a larger audience. As these activities are expensive, it is not always clear how regularly they are truly performed (María Ardila, personal communication, October 13, 2015).

Publications by Art Organizations Books are a possibility to serve a different segment of the market since they are affordable to a wider public, as opposed to the affluent few that buy the artworks themselves (Valentina Gutiérrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015; Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016). Publications are however also important for the recognition of an artist in a wider circle, and also signal a certain standing of the artist since it is not self-evident that the means for such print media are at hand (Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015; Valentina Gutiérrez, personal communication, October 17, 2015).

Most of the galleries are highly interested in publishing catalogues and books, but it is too expensive an activity for the majority of them to undertake it seriously (Beatriz López, personal communication, February 17, 2015; Felipe Villada, personal communication, February 4, 2015). Some of the established galleries, such as Casas Riegner and El Dorado, nonetheless maintain their own editing labels. Smaller galleries do not usually publish books or catalogues, as it is too expensive for them.

The foundation Ars+Flora refrains from printing leaflets or catalogues for ecological reasons, but it publishes books that integrate some of their exhibitions. The last edition of such a book was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Culture (José Roca, personal communication, October 9, 2015). Without the support of public authorities, foundations seem to be lacking the funds to publish books. As already mentioned, the foundation Arteria publishes a bi-monthly magazine, called Arteria, although it is expensive. In 2016, the magazine has for the first time contributed to financing the operations of 145

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá the foundation, rather than having to be subsidized (personal communication, October 25, 2016). The magazine is distributed for free in various cities in Colombia: Bogotá, Cali, and Medellín. It was launched at the same time as artBo in 2005 and of each edition 25.000 exemplars are produced. The magazine approaches and informs an interested public and is important in forming an art community in Bogotá.

Museums publish books and catalogues of their exhibitions depending on their financial resources. The Banco de la República provides a catalogue for every exhibition, as well as for the exhibited part of their collection (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015). MAC publishes an annual catalogue of young artists who participate in the program Tesis. A catalogue of the collection is printed every five years, which is financed by different sources (Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, Octo- ber 7, 2015). The Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá used to issue catalogues for every exhibition, as well as leaflets. While the museum has also edited books, the current financial situation does not allow them to continue this practice (Gloria Zea, personal communication, October 20, 2015).

A Comparison Support Artists Widen Public Publications

Galleries Platform and commercializa- Not very actively Yes, but only tion of artworks larger galleries

Independent Art Platform and commercializa- Additional services and goods to at- No tion of artworks tract more people resulting in a Spaces wider public

Foundations Formation of artists through Additional services and goods to at- Yes programs tract more people resulting in a wider public; Pedagogic programs teaching at- tendees how to approach contemporary art

Museums Platform; specific programs Pedagogic programs teaching at- Yes for artists that face difficulties tendees how to approach contempo- entering the art scene rary art

Table 4: Comparison of Activities across Different Types of Organizations. Source: Own Data. In the comparison of the activities along the three dimensions, foundations, independent art spaces, and smaller galleries stand out. In their endeavor to maintain their respective organizations, they combine a more popular and entertaining offer or more complemen-

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá tary services with contemporary art, and hence convene a wider audience. The foundations, independent art spaces, and smaller galleries offer things that people like: hot chocolate, films, music, and so on. Museums (and, a bit surprisingly, art fairs), in contrast, propose more educational formats to approach a wider audience. Such programs are certainly valuable, but it is perhaps also more difficult to attract a wider public in this way. Established galleries are not very active in attracting a wider audience. How- ever, it would be short-sighted to discount their importance in building a public. Their existence signals that there is in fact a market for contemporary art, both to artists and also to smaller art galleries, as well as to independent art spaces. Artists and art galleries endeavor to reach the ‹inner circle›. The presence of such rather exclusive art galleries motivates the foundation of smaller galleries and independent art spaces that then cater to a wider public.

Linking this back to the previous chapter, it becomes evident that the art boom has led to the establishment of new organizations, particularly galleries, independent art spaces and foundations. The latter two kinds of organizations also pursue strategies to attract a public that is not only interested in contemporary art.

Forms of Cooperation The theoretical elaborations presented in Chapter One locate the emergence of a public sphere in small, local publics that gradually expand through different mechanisms. In the past sub-chapter the building and widening of publics by four types of art organizations were compared. Here, the different forms of cooperation among art organizations that contribute to such an interconnection of publics are described. Of particular interest are the following forms of cooperation: (1) the merging of audiences of two particular art organizations attending the same event, (2) guided tours that lead visitors from one art organization to another, or (3) mediated connections through the circulation of content that contribute to form a shared imaginary among publics. Additional forms of interaction are also described even though they may not create interlinkages between publics. Art organizations either transact artworks, receive resources, and/or collaborate on administrative matters, all of which influence the art scene and the creation and coalescence of publics in an indirect way.

The Art Scene as Competitive rather than Cooperative Before discussing different instances of cooperation, it is important to recognize the 147

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá competitive dynamics at play in the art scene in Bogotá. It seems that the most commercial organizations are the least cooperative (Javier Machicado, personal communication, November 25, 2016). More established galleries indicated openly to not be very cooperative, and smaller galleries lamented the difficulties to enter their exclusive circle. Felipe Villada, from the highly recognized gallery Casas Riegner, described the collaboration among galleries to be rather haphazard. According to him, each gallery caters to a distinct public (personal communication, February 4, 2015). The smaller galleries interviewed in 2016 also described the art scene as exclusive, for both artists and new art organizations. Thierry Harribey explained that local collectors in Bogotá would mainly prefer to buy from their one trusted gallery, which impedes the establishment of a new gallery (Thierry Harribey, personal communication, November 6, 2016). La Escalera was founded by the artist Patricia Ortega because she could not find a gallery that would represent her artworks (Patricia Ortega, personal communication, October 24, 2016). Similarly, Paola Pérez was concerned to have her gallery, Paola Pérez Galería, excluded from different organized visiting tours (Paola Pérez, personal communication, November 4, 2016). Her art business presents ‹arte portable› – artworks that come in the form of jewelry. Although she understands the works as art and markets them as such, the art scene in Bogotá at the time of the interview seemed to be reluctant to include her in their circle. Without doubt, the art market in Bogotá is competitive, and particularly galleries are not philanthropic undertakings. However, there are instances in which these organizations cooperate.

Coalescence of Publics in Art Fairs and Biennials Regarding the coalescence of publics in common events, art fairs occupy a central role. Different art organizations present their content and invite their publics that subsequently circulate among the different exhibitors. That art fairs are occasions to bring publics of different organizations together may surprise, as the competition among galleries in these fairs is fierce. Apart from the selective admittance, it is expensive to have a booth in an art fair. Since the audience that visits the art fair is the same for every organization, galleries compete for viewers and collectors, and do not necessarily team up. Even so, art fairs are a place where visitors of different art spaces are joined to one larger audience. Moreover, art fairs are also a space where art organizations make contact with their peers and, as a consequence, use these contacts in the future for further collaboration.

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá artBo has been an important platform in the market. However, as with all art fairs, artBo is selective since it does not admit every gallery located in Bogotá. In an effort to represent their artists also, galleries have founded different art fairs. La Otra has been the first ‹other› fair accompanying artBo, founded in 2009 by Jairo Valenzuela (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). In 2013, it was converted into a biennial, however, and since then it has not seen another edition. In 2015, three other art fairs took place around the same time as artBo and welcomed art galleries that were not admitted or could not afford participation in artBo: Odeón, Barcú, and Feria del Millón. Odeón was founded in 2011 and is perhaps the most established alternative fair next to artBo. It takes place in a cultural space that hosts different events throughout the year in the center of Bogotá. Barcú was founded in 2014 by gallerist Christopher Pascall. The artworks are presented in different houses in the historic center, la Candelaria. Feria del Millón is a special fair in the sense that its participants are not galleries, but artists. A jury selects the artists that are admitted to show their works, and as the title suggests, these artworks do not cost more than COP $1.000.000, around USD $350. As already discussed, this last fair has not been well received by either galleries or artBo.

People also circulate between different art fairs. The art fair Odeón, for instance, allows visitors free entrance if they have a VIP-ticket from artBo (Laura González, personal communication, November 3, 2016). Galleries that have been accepted by Odeón are sometimes admitted by artBo at a later point in time, which then confirms Odeón’s selection. Such amicable relations among art fairs need not be the norm. Laura González from Odeón, was for instance eager to distinguish between Odeón and Barcú (personal communication, November 3, 2016). While the differences between the major fair artBo and the smaller Odeón are too large to generate direct competition, such rivalry seems to take place between the smaller art fairs.

Interlinking Art Publics by Guided Tours Guided tours circulate visitors across art spaces in Bogotá, thereby interlinking different publics. Some of these circuits take place only on certain occasions, whereas others persist throughout the year. artBo, for example, organizes guided visits to Bogotá’s most important art organizations for its VIPs exclusively – collectors or directors of art institutions. The excursion stops at all galleries in Bogotá that are represented in the art fair as well as some private collections. Museums in Bogotá also participate in the tour. The museum of the Banco de la República is, for instance, also included in the circuit and 149

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá usually has an interesting exhibition on display at the time of artBo.

Moreover, artBo organizes a trip to another city so as to give foreign collectors the opportunity to get to know Colombia. The tour in 2015 travelled to Medellín, where they visited the Museo de Arte Moderno de Medellín (MAMM) and the Museo de Antioquia (Alejandra Sarria, personal communication, October 16, 2015). In 2016, the destination of the tour was the Salón Nacional de Artistas in Pereira. artBo’s exclusive tours are not the only circuits that take place. The art projects that compete for the national art prize, Premio Luis Caballero, are also exhibited in different locations, with busses transporting the visitors to the different sites. In 2015, the busses connected different types of organizations, such as independent art spaces, land marks as well as museums. The artworks were exhibited at the Centro de Memoria, Paz y Rec- onciliación, Ars+Flora, MAMBO, the Museo Iglesia de Santa Clara, the Museo de la Independencia, Monumento a los Heroes, the Torre Colpatria, and the Archives in Bo- gotá. Guides helped people to get around. The new edition of the Premio Luis Caballero will take place in 2018/2019 at a different set of places.

The tours described so far take place on specific occasions, which usually recur every year, or once every four years. There are also examples that link art organizations in a more continuous way. Usually, these art circuits connect the openings of new shows of different organizations. The circulation of visitors is facilitated through maps or even organized transportation. In 2016, there were two modalities of these art circuits, one called ‹noche de galerías› coordinated by the galleries themselves, and ‹arte circuito› managed by the foundation Arteria. The origin of both of these circuits goes back to the same gallery. Luis Aristizabal, director of the LA Galería situated in the north of Bogotá, initiated the noche de galerías in 2011 (personal communication, November 18, 2016). In this event, different galleries synchronized their inaugurations to happen on the same day, and each invited its customers. Busses sponsored by a local shopping mall circulated the visitors from gallery to gallery. While featuring only three galleries in its first stage, the noche de galería expanded to include galleries from other neighborhoods, including San Felipe, in 2014. Apart from Luis Aristizabal, Nelly Peñaranda, the director of the foundation Arteria, and a director of the shopping mall were part of the committee of admittance. As the circle of galleries expanded and San Felipe grew more important, it became less attractive for the galleries of the north to participate in the

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá same circle, as most visitors would simply stay in San Felipe. San Felipe started to host its own ‹noche de galerías de San Felipe›. There exists a similar gallery night in the Macarena, which is also managed by the art organizations themselves. These events take place, as the name indicates, at night, with the aim to commercialize artworks.

Based on the noche de galerías, the foundation Arteria in 2016 launched Bogotá Arte Circuito. It is an elaborate program that encourages the visit of art organizations (Nelly Peñaranda, personal communication, October 25, 2016). In contrast to the noche de ga- lerías, this circuit takes place during the day and is not commercially oriented, but tries to approach a different public. Arteria issues ‹passports› with printed maps of Bogotá which locate all of the cultural spaces. Bogotá in this map is divided into five sectors. Every other Saturday, one of these five sectors is activated, meaning that there are special activities, such as guided tours or discussions in the art organizations. The passports are stamped whenever their holder enters one of the cultural spaces. With the stamped coupons, the visitors get vouchers for items like a coffee or discounts for small shops in the area. Moreover, during these Saturdays, galleries, independent art spaces, and museums are decorated with balloons so as to facilitate orientation for the visitors. The aim of this event, according to Nelly Peñaranda, is that cultural activities take place throughout the year, and not only during one week at the end of October, when artBo opens its doors (personal communication, October 25, 2016). In her words:

“Esta semana del año es como cuando tú vas a la casa de tu abuela el domingo almorzar. Entonces encuentras una mesa con todo: carne, pollo, pasta, pescado, todo y no sabes que comer. Y te comes un poquito y te sientes algo mal y dices, pero yo quería comer más, pero no puedo porque estoy llena, porque… y de pronto te enfermas y tal. Y el resto de la semana estas diciendo: ai, este pescadito, esta carne. – Claro, porque el resto de la semana uno come común y corriente. Entonces lo que yo digo es: qué bueno sería tener comida rica todo el año, durante – de pronto no es tan especial como la de la abuela, la del domingo, que es 89 este momento para el arte.” 88F Different kinds of art tours – related to events, or more continuous, more exclusive or

89 Translated into English, this would read: “That week of the year is like when you go to your grandmother’s house on Sunday for lunch. You find a table with everything: Meat, chicken, pasta, fish, everything, and you don’t know what to eat. And you eat some, and you feel a little sick, and you say: but I wanted to eat more, but I cannot, because I’m full, because… and perhaps you get sick and everything. And the rest of the week you say: ai, this fish, this meat. – Of course, because, during the rest of the week, one eats as usual. So, what I say is: How nice would it be to have good food throughout the year – perhaps not that special like the one with the grandmother, that on Sunday, which is that moment for the art.” 151

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá open to all – thus interconnect art organizations in Bogotá.

Circulation of Artworks and Exhibitions Connecting Different Publics A further form of cooperation that contributes to the creation of a public sphere can be described as sharing content. As described in Chapter One, an additional way to connect citizens of different publics is through a shared (visual) experience. ‹Imagined communities› may emerge not only from shared consumption of books or newspapers as described by Habermas (1962) and Anderson (1991), but also from joint enjoyment of visual art.

Galleries exchange artists, in the sense that gallery B shows one of the artists represented by gallery A. This form of exchange takes place mainly between Colombian galleries and galleries that are based abroad, as it serves as a strategy to enter a foreign market. It was discussed in the previous chapter, where different efforts to attract an international public were described.

Independent art spaces in contrast are well connected and exchange exhibitions and artists also locally. The art fair Odeón is involved in this circuit and maintains relations with independent art spaces, such as Casa Tres Patios in Medellín, and Lugar a Dudas in Cali, as well as La Usurpadora in Puerto Colombia (Laura González, personal communication, November 3, 2016). Odeón offers residencies in Bogotá to artists from these locations. Artists, however, usually do not travel into the opposite direction – from Bo- gotá to these other art spaces.

Museums, too, lend work from their collections, and the exchange of content takes place within Bogotá and on a national scale within Colombia. Museums in Bogotá loan artworks from their collections to each other. The Banco de la República, the MAMBO, the Museo Nacional, and the MAC all loan each other artworks (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015; Beatriz González personal communication, October 6, 2015; Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015; Daniel Cas- tro Benítez, personal communication, October 21, 2015).

Museums also circulate entire exhibitions. This form of cooperation is not usually seen within Bogotá, as shows circulate to other cities within Colombia. Both the Banco de la República as well as the Museo Nacional maintain networks that socialize artworks within Colombia, while the other museums organize their cooperation on a case-by-case

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá basis. The Banco de la República maintains 28 cultural branches in the country. Origi- nally, these subsidiaries had the function of local central banks. Around ten years ago, the monetary functions of the Central Bank were concentrated in seven cities. Since then, the other branches have served an exclusively cultural purpose. The subsidiaries are often the only local offer of art and therefore very important in the areas where they are located. When the first subsidiary closed in the small coastal city of Honda, the citizens demonstrated against the closure of its cultural branch. Upon the protests, the bank decided to maintain the artistic function of all of the subsidiaries. The management of this network is centralized in Bogotá and the exhibitions are directed from the center to the regions, rather than vice versa. The seat in Bogotá coordinates the Itinierancias and 90 Imagen regional,89F which are expositions that travel around the country. One of the goals is that the regions also originate projects that then circulate through the country and to Bogotá. According to Efraín Riaño Lesmes, this is difficult because the management teams in the regions are rather small (personal communication, October 20, 2015).

A further possibility for local circulation of content is to engage in exchanges with universities by involving recent graduates of art schools or exhibiting a show in an academic institution. Although this form of exchange is most relevant for museums, it is sporadic for the majority of them – except for the MAC, which maintains the project Tesis (Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015). The Banco de la República organizes various events – conferences, exchanges, and workshops – in which they also engage academics (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015). However, there is no regular program institutionalized. The Museo Nacional’s cooperation with universities is rather limited (Daniel Castro Benítez, personal communication, October 21, 2015). The MAMBO was temporarily located in and financed by the Universidad Nacional in the sixties, but its relation to universities has weakened and in 2015 consisted mainly of their organization of joint events (María Ar- dila, personal communication, October 13, 2015). Although the relations are mainly be-

90 As one of the activities on the regional level, Efraín Riaño Lesmes described Imagen Regional, a national program taking place every two to three years. However, it seems that the program is also organized in a rather hierarchical way. Curators organize a call for proposals of artists in every region in Colombia and select the best in order to organize an exposition in the region. From these seven regional shows, a selection is chosen to be exhibited in Bogotá. This selection in turn travels throughout Colombia. From the 800 artists that participated, 170 were shown in regional exhibitions, and 40-50 were to be seen in the final exposition. 153

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá tween museums and universities, one of the smaller galleries also maintained a cooperation with a local university, Jorge Tadeo Lonzano, for some years (Thierry Harribey, personal communication, November 6, 2016). The students would work at the gallery and, at the end of their internship, curate either their own exhibition or show their thesis. However, this cooperation did not work out very well on the gallery’s side and has been terminated.

Financial Support and Transactions Another form of collaboration consists of financial support between different art organizations. As the funding usually goes hand in hand with the organization of a project, it is not always easy to separate the two: it is rarely the case that one organization solely provides resources, and the other organizes a project. Usually, it is a combination of financial and other resources that facilitates the realization of a specific project.

Galleries in general do not receive funds from other organizations. An exception may be the selling of artworks to public collections. Galleries wish to sell their art to museums, or rather to the Banco de la República, as it is the only Colombian institution that buys art. Selling a work of art to the Banco de la República is an achievement for any artist or gallery (Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo, personal communication, February 9, 2015). The Banco de la República acquires works either through the offer of a gallery or on its own initiative, e.g. when visiting artBo (Nicolás Gómez Echeverri, personal communication, October 20, 2015).

Foundations maintain the most extensive networks to access financial resources. As they do not generate profits by definition and are not financed by the state either, they have to access funds elsewhere in order to be able to undertake their projects. Thus, they partner up with independent art spaces, other foundations, state agencies, as well as galleries. Very interesting examples of a combination of financial resources coming from different sides are seen with Ars+Flora and Arteria. Ars+Flora receives funds from three sources: grants from Colombian federal and local authorities, contracts with mostly foreign state agencies that finance artist residencies, and rich individual supporters. The foundation Arteria takes a similar approach. Nelly Peñaranda for instance de-

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá scribed the alliances with other state agencies necessary for the compilation of a direc- 91 tory that includes all of the different art spaces in Bogotá.90F While the content is produced solely by Arteria, it solicited financial support from Idartes, the Ministerio de Cultura, Invest in Bogotá, and Bogotá’s Chamber of Commerce. This collaborative form of funding is important to how the foundation works: for each project, it seeks allies. Nelly Peñaranda explained the benefits of these ‹alliances› as follows:

“Y si nos unimos tú vas a tener lo que tú quieres y yo voy a tener lo que yo necesito y somos mucho más productivos. Entonces los proyectos de Arteria apuntan a que cumplan misiones de manera colectiva. Que ambas o que las dos o que las tres o las diez empresas que estén ahí pues de cierta manera se unan y 92 cumplamos objetivos.”91F Public agencies, such as Idartes, Bogotá’s local authority responsible for the city’s cultural policy, work together with the art organizations to implement certain directives (José Roa Eslava, personal communication, November 16, 2016). Idartes provides the resources and policy ideas, and the other entities provide the manpower and expertise needed to implement a project. In the area of visual arts, Idartes works together with the foundation Arteria, Ars+Flora, and the Fotomuseo. Together with Arteria, they for instance implemented the project ‹Parques para todos›, in which they programmed different cultural activities throughout all of the parks in Bogotá. Idartes alone would not have had the sufficient personnel to organize events in each of the different neighborhoods.

Museums do not receive a lot of financial support from either enterprises or individuals, either because they are concerned about approaching the profit-oriented sector or because enterprises do not wish to sponsor them. Daniel Castro Benítez, director of the Museo Nacional, expressed concerns about establishing ties with profit-oriented entities (personal communication, October 21, 2015). The Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá looks back on mixed experiences with the private sector. In the 1960s the museum was originally financed by the private enterprises of ESSO Colombia (oil and gas) and In- tercol (production of heat exchangers) (María Ardila, personal communication, October 13, 2015). After the exhibition of the Barbies in the 1990s (discussed in Chapter 3), the

91 The information of this booklet also provided the basis for the questionnaire of this project. 92 Translated into English, this would read: “If we unite, you will have what you want, and I will have what I need, and we are much more productive. So, the projects of Arteria aim to complete their mission collectively. That both, that the two, or the three, or the ten enterprises that are there, unite and together fulfil their goals.” 155

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá reputation of the museum deteriorated considerably. Today, the museum cannot count on private sponsors (Gloria Zea, personal communication, October 20, 2015), even though such cooperation with the private sector would be very welcome (María Ardila, personal communication, October 13, 2015). An exception is the MAC. It finds private sponsors for its yearly catalogue of the exhibition of the Tesis, as well as for the book they produce every five years that presents the collection (Gustavo Ortiz, personal communication, October 7, 2015). The Banco de la República doesn’t need additional money, but has, on certain occasions, partnered with foundations. The program 93 Parqueadero was a program undertaken by the Fundación Gilberte Avedaño92F and the Banco de la República. The project presented the artistic creations of young artists in an underground parking lot of the Banco de la República that for security reasons could not be used (Efraín Riaño Lesmes, personal communication, October 20, 2015). The foundation arranged the call for artists and paid the curator as well as the catalogue, and the Banco de la República provided the space and security, and organized the installation.

Administrative Cooperation A further form of cooperation is of a rather technical nature, such as the exchange of best practices. Museums collaborate on administrative matters while the galleries, independent art spaces, or foundations did not mention engaging in such forms of exchange.

In Colombia, the Museo Nacional is involved in forums that exchange best practices. As the national museum, it is part of the Ministry of Culture. From this position, it guides certain cultural policies, such as the Fortalecimiento de Museos. This program continues to depend on the national museum, a fact that the director of the national museum, Dan- iel Benítez, finds problematic (personal communication, October 21, 2015). The cooperation focuses on administrative issues, such as the standardization of the processes of conservation (personal communication, October 21, 2015). In 2015, the national museum concentrated on listing all of the entities’ collections. The national museum tries to locate every art piece of a national and patrimonial value and gathers information as to how these artefacts are stored. The program runs digital platforms that register the museums’ collections. This central catalogue ensures that museums fulfil certain condi-

93 The foundation closed down in 2016. 156

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá tions concerning conservation (Daniel Castro Benítez, personal communication, Octo- ber 21, 2015).

94 Tendencies in Cooperation93F Galleries, both more established and smaller ones, seem to be connected mainly through the attendance of art events, such as fairs as well as through guided tours. Their exchanges of artworks or exhibitions are mainly with galleries abroad rather than within Bogotá or Colombia.

Foundations and independent art spaces participate less in art fairs, but they are also connected through guided tours. Residencies in these spaces allow artists to circulate within Colombia, and support from public authorities permit foundations and independent art spaces to engage in international exchanges. Moreover, as these art organizations need to access financial resources for their projects, they tend to cooperate more with other organizations, as well.

Museums participate in guided tours, and also circulate artworks and artists within Bo- gotá and within Colombia. The most significant networks among Colombian museums seem to be of a rather hierarchical nature. The Banco de la República and the Museo Nacional each lead a network of museums in Colombia. Within Bogotá, museums emphasize that they give artworks on loan, but the examples of joint projects are few. With

94 Cooperation is a concept that also warrants a brief note. In social science, the term refers to situations in which actors forego some personal gain in order to achieve a result that is beneficial to other actors as well (Elster, 1989, p. 40). The most widely known heuristics that describe such situations are prisoners’ dilemma, common, or public goods. Are the four forms of interaction discussed here, forms of cooperation in this sense? The benefits of these forms of cooperation to others than the art organizations themselves consist primarily of the formation of a public sphere, which has been discussed in Chapter One. Art organizations create a common space where people share certain experiences. Connecting their publics, they contribute to ensure the minimal cohesion in society without which, in Hobbes’ terms, life turns “solitary, nasty, brutish and short” (Hobbes, [1651] 2012, p. 192). The benefit of these forms of cooperation to society, rather than just to the art organizations are therefore significant. Moreover, these forms of cooperation also involve some sort of foregoing benefits on the side of the organizations. In essence, the four forms of interaction that are of particular interest all entail either the sharing of a public (participating in the same event in Bogotá, organizing a joint event, or participating in a guided tour) or the sharing of content. Sharing their publics, art organizations share their customer base, or in the case of not-for-profit organizations, their visitor base. Both visitors and collectors are essential for the organizations, as they compete for attention and for well-funded customers. Art organizations cooperate with one another in the hope of expanding the total base of visitors, or buyers, without actually knowing if the cake will grow, so to speak, nor knowing the size of the share they will get from what will hopefully be a larger cake. In the second type of cooperation, organizations share their content. Artworks are unique. To give another organization the opportunity to present one’s content means renouncing an exclusive position in the market vis-à-vis buyers or public attention. Circulating the exhibitions or artworks means that an art organization shares with another organization the very reason why anyone would want to visit their own art organization. To give another organization the opportunity to show one’s content reduces the probability of any individual visit at one’s own gallery. Hence, the four forms of interaction are also forms of cooperation in this more narrow sense.

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations and the Public in Bogotá the exception of the MAC, museums do not maintain regular programs with universities, either.

The table below summarizes all of the different forms of cooperation discussed in this chapter and indicates whether or not the particular form of cooperation is considered as a tie in the network discussed in Chapter Seven. Although delimitation is not always easy, the organization of events and the participation in events, as well as guided tours and the circulation of artworks or exhibitions, are the forms of cooperation included, in so far as they take place within Bogotá. These forms of cooperation, in contrast to financial transactions and administrative cooperation, involve visitors, and thus contribute to join different audiences and to form a public sphere.

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The Conceptualization of Public Sphere: Forms of Cooperation Connecting Dif- ferent Publics

Observed form of In- Type of Reason for (not) including the cooperation as a tie cooperation cluded organiza- as a tie tion Art Fairs and Biennials Organization of bi- Yes Galleries; The organization of an event usually implies that two or ennials/art fairs Independ- more organizations invite their publics, which then together (e.g. La Otra) ent art visit the event. spaces Participation in art Yes Galleries; To the extent that art organizations participate in the same fairs Independ- fairs, they merge their publics. Only art fairs in Bogotá are ent art considered. spaces Guided Tours Guided tours Yes All types To organize a visit to another institution for one’s own cus- of organi- tomers builds a connection between two audiences. zations Circulation of Artworks and Exhibitions Exchanging artists Yes Independ- If organization A exhibits artists from organization B, two in residencies ent art different audiences see the same exhibit and share an experi- spaces ence. Only organizations in Bogotá are considered. Items on loan Yes Museums Exhibiting an artwork means that visitors of organization A see what was previously seen by visitors of organization B. Exchanging of art- Yes Museums The museums of universities are included as a cultural unit in ists with a univer- the network. sity museum Network of the No Museums The network of the Banco de la República expands through- Banco de la Repú- out Colombia and is therefore beyond the scope of this exam- blica’s cultural sub- ination. sidiaries Financial Support and Transactions Museum - founda- No Museums; Financial support going from one organization to another tion Founda- does not merge the different audiences. tions Foundation - foun- No Founda- See above. dation tions Gallery - museum No Museums; Buying an artwork (and exhibiting it thereafter) means that transactions Galleries visitors of organization A see what was previously seen by visitors of organization B. However, it is uncertain if the work of art is actually exhibited or just enters the collection. Administrative Cooperation Public Administra- No Museums Administrative cooperation does not include cooperation tive Cooperation: over content or sharing of audiences. Fortalecimiento de Museos Table 5: Conceptualization of Public Sphere: Forms of Cooperation Connecting Publics. Source: Own Data

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7 The Public Sphere as a Network: Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties The past chapter discussed how different types of organizations cooperate and thereby create links between their publics. In order to better understand what promotes the connections among these publics, this chapter models the cooperation of the different art spaces based on their characteristics and on endogenous network dynamics by relying on exponential random graph models (ergm). Comparing the discussion on public sphere with the literature on inter-organizational cooperation, as well as the insights from the interviews, I formulate expectations regarding the formation of the networks of publics. The data from the survey presented in Chapter Four allows for testing of these expectations.

Organizations’ Motivations to Cooperate: The Public Sphere and Theory on Inter-organizational Cooperation Four types of organizations – museums, foundations, galleries, and independent art spaces – located in Bogotá are the observational units or nodes of the network. The ties that exist among these nodes consist of the four forms of cooperation discussed theoretically in Chapter One and empirically in Chapter Six:

1. Participation in the same event in Bogotá 2. Organization of a joint event in Bogotá 3. Guided tours that circulate visitors between art organizations 4. Artist residencies and exchange of expositions and artworks between art organizations

A public sphere was defined as the coalescence of publics through the cooperation of art organizations. However, so far it is unclear why art organizations cooperate to unite their publics. In the following sub-sections, I complement the theoretic discussion on public sphere from Chapter One with insights from the literature on inter-organizational cooperation. These two strands of literature analyze processes on different levels. The literature on public sphere traces a development in society, whereas the literature on inter-organizational cooperation focuses on organizations. Therefore, they do not always coincide in their assessment of the factors that influence a public sphere, or cooperation respectively. This sub-chapter compares the different bodies of literature and

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties identifies different mechanisms that foster cooperation among art organizations. In the following discussion the factors that influence cooperation are distinguished into two types: cooperation may depend on the characteristics of art organizations (profit-orientation, contact to state authorities, and internationalization), as well as their motives (gaining reputation, access to resources, and exclusion).

Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization Regarding the characterization of organization that are likely to cooperate, profit-orientation, contact to state authorities and internationalization are dimensions particularly relevant to the concept of public sphere. In the discussion on public sphere in Chapter One, public sphere was adapted from a predominantly domestic realm apart from business and the state to one in which business and the state play an active role, influenced by international factors. The contextualization and the interviews provided insight into the role of profit-oriented actors and the state in the provision of conditions amenable to art organizations as well as in the building of publics. The question this chapter poses regarding the types of actors involved in building a public sphere, concerns the nature of actors particularly active in connecting different art publics.

Profit-orientation: A public sphere is commonly seen to be based on third-sector actors, that are neither economically motivated nor related to the state. In line with this idea, the interviews gave the impression that independent art spaces and foundations were particularly involved in cooperation. While independent art spaces may be for-profit or not-for-profit organizations, foundations are clearly not-for-profit organizations. The literature on inter-organizational cooperation does not usually compare profit- and not- for-profit organizations regarding their cooperation, and the literature on public sphere does not do so either. The hypothesis regarding the effect of profit-orientation on cooperation is deduced from the theoretical discussion on cooperation. As discussed earlier, cooperation by definition benefits other actors. In this particular case, art organizations’ cooperation benefits Bogotá’s society as a whole, rather than these art organizations alone, because they create a space of shared experience where people can interact – something that is direly missing in Bogotá. Profit-oriented organizations presumably follow a narrower objective and are perhaps less willing to cooperate, in comparison to not-for-profit organizations. The building and connecting of different audiences would therefore be expected to be more likely among not-for-profit organizations, rather than among profit-oriented organizations. 161

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Contact to State Authorities: In contrast to the main accounts on public sphere, where the state is seen to provide little more than freedom of expression, public authorities in Colombia and Bogotá have a quite active role in the cultural domain. Since the 2000s they have turned towards promoting creative industries, and have provided platforms such as artBo. artBo was also mentioned as an important factor in the establishment of the art scene in Bogotá. These policies might also promote cooperation among different art organizations.

Internationalization: Moreover, in the discussion of the concept of public sphere, the international level is hardly mentioned, as it is not expected to play a role in the creation 95 of a public sphere.94F In the empirical chapters, however, international demand and the internationalization of art organizations emerged as an important dynamic in Bogotá’s art sector. The recent art boom from 2011 to 2015 was associated with an internationalization of the art sector in Bogotá. It is therefore an interesting question as to whether this internationalization also contributes to a public sphere locally. It is expected that international organizations are more likely to build ties, compared to purely local organizations. International exposure of an organization presumably facilitates connections locally, as it increases an art organization’s reputation. The acceptance by some international public serves as a label of quality which is also noticed by a local audience. Ex- amples for this dynamic are galleries whose directors were previously working in art organizations abroad. These organizations tend to be highly respected in Bogotá. The directors of three of the most recognized art organizations in Bogotá had previously been working in galleries outside of Colombia: The director of the gallery Casas Riegner directed a gallery in Miami, one of the directors of Instituto de Visión had spent time operating a gallery in London, and the director of Ars+Flora had been a curator for the Tate Modern in London.

Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion Apart from the fact that some types of organizations may be more likely to cooperate than others, certain motivations may also be important in cooperation. In the literature, the main dynamic discussed characterizing the building of a public sphere is exclusion. However, as exclusion rather describes instances where actors fail to cooperate, this

95 An exception is Eley, who suggests that elites who had experienced a public sphere elsewhere took deliberate efforts to establish such a thing at home (Eley, 1992, p. 305). 162

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties gives little insight into what drives cooperation among art organizations. While exclusive dynamics are also mentioned in the literature on inter-organizational cooperation, reputation and access to resources as drivers for cooperation are highlighted as additional dynamics.

Reputation: In the literature of public sphere reputational dynamics are not discussed. Reputation is a double-edged sword: it has an associational aspect (actors are motivated to cooperate by connecting to recognized other actors) and an exclusive dimension (actors do not want to connect to less recognized actors. Neither of the two dimensions is addressed by the literature on public sphere. In the literature on inter-organizational cooperation as well as in the literature on creative industries, reputation is of importance. In the cultural domain, organizations connect to other (prestigious) organizations and build larger audiences in order to create a supporting base for their selection of artists and artworks. Theory suggests that the success or acceptance of an artwork depends on organizations and networks which assure their status. Any art experience is ambiguous. The quality of an art piece cannot be settled by measure or verification and is open to debate, as already discussed in Chapter One. Many authors describe how networks of institutions are needed to assure the status of objects as artworks (Bourdieu, 1994; Bystryn, 1972; Currid, 2007; Danto, 1964; Zuidervaart, 2011). Empirical research by Giuffre and de Nooy examined how artists, as well as art institutions, build networks in order to gain or preserve their status by relating to other actors (Giuffre, 1999, p. 827; Nooy, 2002, p. 152). Prestige is also an important motive in inter-organizational cooperation in general (Borgatti & Foster, 2003, p. 997). Gulati and Gargiulo find that organizations in different industries in Japan, the U.S. and Europe prefer to connect to organizations of similar levels of reputation (2000, p. 34). Drawing on this literature, it is thus expected that art organizations in Bogotá try to connect to well-recognized other organizations.

Resources: Regarding resources, the literature on public sphere diverges from the literature on inter-organizational cooperation. Resources promote the building of a public sphere. Only when citizens gained financial autonomy and feudal ties dissolved did they gather in an independent sphere. According to the literature on public sphere, an abun- dance of resources, or at least, resource autonomy, thus is crucial to build connections to others. In the literature on inter-organizational cooperation, in contrast, the lack of specific resources is described as an important motive for cooperation. Organizations 163

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties that need access to resources are more likely to engage in cooperation (Grandori & Soda, 1995, p. 187; Madhavan, Koka, & Prescott, 1998, p. 339; Mizruchi, 1993, p. 47; Oliver & Ebers, 1998, p. 565). As critical resources are often controlled by other companies, businesses must find ways to ensure access to these organizations and the resources they provide (Gulati & Gargiulo, 2000, p. 1; Pfeffer, 1987, p. 26). For example, firms with a high dependence on external financing are more likely to have representatives of financial institutions on their board (Mizruchi, 1993, p. 52). Such alliances reduce a firm’s exposure to uncertainty and risk (Borgatti & Foster, 2003, p. 997; Gulati & Gargiulo, 2000, p. 1). Critical resources need not be of a material kind (Oliver & Ebers, 1998, p. 556). In sectors where innovation is key, access to knowledge may be an important motive for cooperation (Borgatti & Foster, 2003, p. 997; Powell, 1996, p. 207). Firms collaborate to get the ‹missing piece› of the newest technology they would otherwise lack 96 to develop a new product.95F Except for dependence on other organizations for specific input factors, it is important that organizations save costs through cooperation, following a logic of economies of scale (Grandori & Soda, 1995, p. 185). Grandori and Soda in their review describe this rationale with regard to different forms of cooperation: resource pooling and joint service provision, horizontal franchising or production agreements.

In the context of the Colombian art market, saving costs seems to be more of an argument than dependence on highly specific resources. Many organizations struggle to cover their expenses, and foundations and independent art spaces seemed to cooperate also in order to fund their operations. As the four forms of cooperation considered do not describe strategies to access specific resources, it is expected that these forms of cooperation are driven simply by a need to save costs. Those organizations that face the strongest financial pressure are thus assumed to be more cooperative, and to cooperate with those that have more resources.

Exclusion: In the literature on public sphere and on inter-organizational cooperation, 97 exclusion96F based on group membership is described as an important dynamic. In both

96 Kogut holds that the structure of the network depends among other factors on whether or not organizations cooperate over bottle-neck resources, such as telecommunication networks that have to be utilized by multiple providers (Kogut, 2000, p. 417). 97 An additional concern is equal of access of socio-economic classes, which is a prominent aspect in both the literature regarding public sphere and the literature of inter-organizational cooperation. Public spheres as was discussed in Chapter Two tend to be exclusive. A very similar argument in the literature on inter-organizational cooperation discusses that cooperation takes place predominantly among elites. Individuals in top positions of 164

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties inter-organizational cooperation as well as public sphere, exclusive dynamics based on different other group memberships play a role. The public sphere was, for instance, for a long time not open to women, independent of their membership in a social elite. In network analysis, homophily describes human beings’ reluctance to relate to others, or their tendency to relate to similar people. Marsden found that relations of trust predominantly connect people of the same ethnicity and of shared religion (Marsden, 1988). McPherson analyzed how similarity with respect to race and ethnicity, gender, age, religion, education, occupation, and social class, as well as behavior and attitudes, abili- ties, beliefs, and aspirations facilitate the building of ties (2001, pp. 420-428). Homoph- ily as an antecedent is not prominent in the literature on inter-organizational cooperation, however. This is little surprising, as similarity among organizations fits squarely with the argument that organizations cooperate because they need to secure assets they lack; similarity and resource complementarity are somewhat opposing concepts. Nonetheless, Borgatti, in his review on motives of inter-organizational connections, also mentions similarity of beliefs and attitudes in organizations (2003, p. 997). Goal congruence also figures in the review on inter-organizational cooperation by Oliver (1998, p. 565). Thus, art organizations may be expected to cooperate with similar art organizations, rather than dissimilar ones.

The following table shows whether or not the specific motive is mentioned in the literature as relevant or not, and whether it is seen to positively (+) or negatively (-) influence the cooperation among any two organizations. With respect to public sphere, the table refers to the specific and adapted definition presented in Chapter Two, rather than the main stream literature.

organizations are usually part of a privileged class. According to the social class argument (Mizruchi, 1993, p. 47), links between corporations, foundations, universities, country clubs, policy-making groups and government agencies ensure continued dominance of the upper class. These individuals cooperate with their counterparts in other organizations in order to protect the interests of their social class. Inter-organizational cooperation is presumed to follow a process of intra-class integration, coordination, and control (Soref & Zeitlin, 1987, p. 58). In their analysis of Colombian business elites, Ogliastri and Davila found that the Colombian business elites were divided equally among industrial, commercial, agricultural, and livestock economic interests. The social class argument takes individuals belonging to certain families or social classes as the primary actors (Pfeffer, 1987, p. 27). An assessment of an integration of a Colombian elite would thus need a look beyond the specific field of art, and the units of analysis would need to be individuals rather than organizations – both of which was not possible within the scope of this project. 165

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Antecedents for Cooper- Public Sphere Inter-organizational Co- Interviews ation / Public Sphere operation Literature

Profit-orientation Relevant (+) Not relevant Relevant (+)

Contact to State Au- Relevant (+) Not relevant Relevant (+) thorities

Internationalization Relevant (+) Not relevant Relevant (+)

Reputation Not relevant Relevant (+) Relevant (+)

Resources Relevant (+) Relevant (-) Relevant (-)

Homophily Relevant (+) Relevant (+) Relevant (+)

Table 6: Source of the Hypothesized Antecedents for the Building of a Public Sphere. Source: Own Data.

Alternative Explanations Additional factors may influence cooperation, that are not of central interest to this study because they hardly resonate with the literature on public sphere. The alternative explanations are briefly presented in this section.

Types of artworks: The explanations for cooperation relied on the premise that the quality of art is determined by a community, and not primarily inherent to an artwork. Mo- tives for cooperation have not included any characteristics of the artworks so far. How- ever, it may also be that organizations cooperate based on the type of artworks they represent, e.g. that organizations with similar artists work together.

Location: Moreover, location may have an effect on cooperation. Art organizations tend to cluster in certain neighborhoods. Artists and art spaces often seek out areas that provide space for low rent. Low rent generally characterizes poor neighborhoods that are less attractive to other residents. If the concentration of artists is such that, little by little, these neighborhoods become interesting to middle class citizens, experts describe this phenomenon as gentrification (Cameron & Coaffee, 2005, p. 40). This dynamic also characterizes one of Bogotá’s ‹localidades›, San Felipe, which is situated in the neighborhood of Chapinero, where many galleries have opened recently. The neighborhood used to be a residential area for the lower-middle class, but now hosts some of the most renowned galleries. Spatial proximity may also facilitate cooperation among them, especially in a large city such as Bogotá, where transportation tends to be complicated.

The Year of Foundation: Age is sometimes discussed as an influence on cooperation. It

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties is argued that organizations maintain their relations over time, and thus accumulate cooperation partners. The models presented later will include a statistic that counts the number of stable connections between two time periods (in the present data between two different years), directly taking into account the tendency to keep cooperation partners. Nonetheless, I include duration of existence as a control variable.

Memory Term: Respondents of the survey answered questions referring back to their activities from 2011 to 2015. The retrospective collection of data is not unproblematic since respondents will not remember 2011 as well as they remember 2015. It is likely that they extrapolate their experience from 2015 to previous years. Ingold and Fischer, in their analysis on policy networks, encountered the same problem in data-gathering and adjusted for it by: (1) gathering data on all members so that cooperation indicated by one partner could be cross-checked, (2) a careful selection of only directly involved interview partners, and (3) and outlining the differences between time spans before the interviews (Ingold & Fischer, 2014, p. 90). While the selection of survey partners was also accomplished with care and the time span of interest was clearly indicated, I could not get data on all 128 organizations. The models therefore include a memory term of type stability, that accounts for organizations’ extrapolation of their cooperation patterns back to earlier years.

Endogenous dynamics: Cooperation is likely to not only depend on the art organizations’ characteristics, but also on their existing ties. Berardo and Scholz for instance theorized that efficient actors tend to select highly popular alters (Berardo & Scholz, 2010, p. 635). The models therefore include a number of network measures, such as shared partners and number of existing ties in order to control for these dynamics.

Operationalization In the following sections, the operationalization of the factors discussed in the last sub- chapter are presented. The operationalization relies on the survey data collected in 2016 and described in Chapter Four. The information includes the characteristics of the particular organization as well as their instances of cooperation with the other organizations.

The Dependent Variable: Adjacency Matrices The dependent variable is whether two art organizations cooperated or not. The respondents indicated with which of the other 128 organizations they had been in contact over 167

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the past five years. Once they had selected their cooperation partners, the survey pro- ceeded with questions on the forms of collaboration and the years in which the particular instance of cooperation had taken place. The information on whether any two art organizations are connected is denoted in an adjacency matrix, in which each row and each column represents an art organization. Thus, each art organization is once represented as a column and once as a row. In the particular case of the art network in 2015 presented later, there are for instance 93 rows and columns, each representing an art organiza- 98 tion.97F The entries in this matrix are 0 or 1 and represent whether or not the art organizations in a particular row and particular column were cooperating with each other at a given time. The entry under row i and column j indicates whether art organization i and j are connected (1) or not (0). If there are 93 art organizations, or nodes, the number of possible (undirected) ties is given by

( 1) = 2 2 � � � − � � � � where ‹self-ties› are excluded (Koskinen & Daraganova, 2013). With 93 nodes, this results in 4,278 possible ties in an undirected network. The models try to predict the probability of a tie being formed in dependence of the actors’ characteristics as well as all the other ties present in the network.

Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization Profit-orientation: In the questionnaire, organizations could answer whether or not they were profit-oriented. Profit-oriented organizations were coded as 1 whereas not-for- profit organizations were coded as 2. In 2015, there were 37 profit-oriented organiza- 99 tions and 56 not-for-profit organizations.98F

Contact to State Authorities: If the connections of art organizations are encouraged by state authorities, as described in the previous section, I would expect organizations that are in contact with political authorities to be also connected more among themselves. The questionnaire therefore asked the organizations for the number of political agencies the organization had been in contact with. Respondents were asked to select all out of seven political institutions concerned with cultural policies they were collaborating

98 In 2015, 93 organizations were present. The data for the previous years were adjusted so as to include only organizations that were actually existent at the time and therefore include less organizations. 99 The statistics are given for 2015 because they are assumed to be most accurate. The statistics for the other years do not diverge much from those in 2015 and can be found in the tables in the annex. 168

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties with: Ministerio de Cultura, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Pro Colombia, Cámara de Comercio de Bogotá, Idartes, Alcaldía de Bogotá, Fondo Nacional de Tur- ismo (Fontur), and Other Entity. Alternatively, they could select the option ‹Not in contact with any political authority›. Including the possibility to name an additional entity, this resulted in a variable with values from 0 to 8. After they had selected their contacts, the organizations were asked in which year they had been in contact with the political institutions. Additionally, if organizations selected ‹other entity›, they were also asked to identify this other organization. The reported data in 2015 include values from 1 (minimum) to 7 (maximum). The mean amounts to 1.67, and the median is at 1. Standard deviation is at 1.66.

Internationalization: Internationalization is captured by a variable that draws information from a question which asked the organizations whether or not they had exchanged artists or entire expositions with other organizations outside of Latin America. The variable takes the value of 1 if organizations were part of at least one such exchange, and 0 if they were not for any given year. In 2015, 49 organizations were not engaged in such an exchange, and 44 organizations reported at least one such exchange.

Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion Reputation: Reputation is modeled as a characteristic of the organizations. As measure for reputation, I include the number of admittance committees the directors of the organization are part of per year. Entrance into art fairs and bienniales in Bogotá is usually upon application, and event committees decide upon admittance. A person who is part of an event committee is perceived to have enough expertise to evaluate peer organizations’ applications. It is assumed that the prestige gained by a director’s election into such a committee also reflects on the organization. I therefore include the annual number of memberships in such admittance committees of art organizations’ directors as a measure for reputation. Analyzing the issues of the magazine Arteria from 2011 to 2015, the following major events in Bogotá’s art sector were identified: artBo (2011–2015), La Otra (2011, 2012, 2013), Odeón (2011–2015), Sincronía (2012, 2014), Barcú (2014, 2015), and Premio Luis Caballero (2011, 2013, 2015). Counting the number of committee representations resulted in maximal four committee memberships per year. The variable thus ranges from values of zero for no participation in committees to maximal four committee memberships. In 2015, the observed minimum of this variable is 0, the maximum equals 4. The mean amounts to 0.15, and the median is 0. Standard deviation 169

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties is 0.51.

Resources: Resources were operationalized as the size of the organization, measured by 100 the number of employees.99F According to the reasons (cost pressure) outlined above, I would expect smaller organizations with lower numbers of employees to engage more in cooperation. Moreover, I would expect them to partner up with larger organizations, with more resources. The survey asked to specify how many employees were working permanently for the organizations. Respondents selected one of the following answers for each year from 2011 to 2015: 1 – 5, 6 – 10, 11 – 20, and more than 20. They could also choose the option ‹no aplica›, in case the organization was not existent at the time indicated. The variable was included as a nodecov term and recoded with values ranging from 1 to 4, representing the different categories. In 2015, the observed minimum was 1, the maximum 4. There were 54 small organizations, 20 intermediate organizations, 7 large organizations and 12 very large organizations. I also included an absolute difference term on the number of employees, to check for the tendency of smaller organizations to cooperate with larger ones. A positive absolute differences term would thus indicate a tendency of organizations to cooperate across different levels of resources.

Exclusion: The art sector is exclusive, as was also described by different art galleries that had a hard time to enter the art scene. The tendency of organizations to cooperate with similar organizations (homophily) is modeled based on a number of characteristics. It is analyzed whether or not organizations cooperate across categories, profit-orientation, and differences in reputation. The list of organizations provided by Arteria distinguishes four types of organizations: museums, galleries, foundations, and independent art spaces. In 2015, there were 20 independent art spaces (category 1), 26 foundations (category 2), 37 galleries (category 3), and 10 museums (category 4). In order to model homophily, I included the variable category with a nodefactor term, for which I defined the basis 2. I am thus comparing whether foundations are more likely to cooperate than the other three types of organizations. Moreover, I formed an adjacency matrix indicating whether or not any two organizations were of the same category and included it as an edgecovariate term. I would expect that organizations of the same type tend to cooperate more with one another, as they share similar interests and processes. Differences

100 While yearly turn-over or annual budget would have been more precise measures, it appeared to be unlikely that a question that directly related to money would be answered truthfully in a sector which is seemingly disin- terested in such profane matters as profits and costs. 170

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties in profit-orientation may be an obstacle in cooperation. The models therefore also include terms that analyze whether differences in these variables increase or decrease the likelihood of cooperation. For profit-orientation, a nodematch term accounts for the tendency of organizations to cooperate with similar organizations. A positive coefficient on a nodematch term indicates a tendency of profit-oriented organizations to cooperate with other profit-oriented organizations. The effect of differences in committee memberships on two organizations’ likelihood to be connected is modeled by an absolute differences term (Absdiff.NumCom). The absolute difference term captures the tendency of organizations to connect to dissimilar organizations. A positive coefficient on the absdiff term on the number of committee memberships indicates a tendency of organizations to connect to organizations with a different level of reputation.

Alternative Explanations Types of Artworks: Organizations may also cooperate based on characteristics inherent to the artworks they represent. Therefore, art organizations could select from a list of terms specifying the art type exhibited by the organization. The different labels were extracted from the interview statements made by the directors of the larger galleries and museums who had been interviewed in 2015, prior to the survey. The number of labels collected amounted to 33, and the responding organizations could select any number of these denominations. The information was used to construct an adjacency matrix with values from 0 to 33, specifying the number of shared art types for any two organizations. The variable was included as an edge covariate. I would expect organizations representing similar artists to cooperate more often. In 2015, the lowest number of shared type of artists among any two organizations was 0, the highest 29. The mean was at 4.91 and the median at 4. The standard deviation is 4.10.

Moreover, if artistic orientation is important, then directors’ expertise in the art market in Bogotá may be relevant for cooperation. The survey asked the respondents whether or not the director of the organization had worked in an art organization in Bogotá prior to his commitment in this particular organization and respondents were asked to select yes or no. The variable records 0 for organizations whose directors had no prior experience, and 1 for directors with prior experience. In 2015, 42 of the 93 respondents did not have prior experience, and 51 did.

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Location: The data received from Arteria indicated the neighborhood of the art organizations. In 2015, the count of organizations for the three different locations were as follows: 19 organizations in the center (Centro) were coded as 2, 44 organizations in Chapi- nero as 1, and 30 organizations in the North as 3. In the model, I compare whether organizations located in the center are more likely to engage in cooperation than organizations located in Chapinero or the North (nodefactor.Location with base = 2). Moreo- ver, I calculated an adjacency matrix indicating whether any two organizations shared the same location, and included it as an edgecovariate. The latter term analyzes whether art organizations are more likely to cooperate when they are located in the same area.

Year of Foundation: The survey asked the respondents to indicate the year of their organization’s foundation. Possible answers ranged from 1900 to 2015. I would expect the year of foundation to be negatively related to cooperation, since older organizations (with an earlier, and thus lower year of foundation), are supposed to cooperate more. The oldest organizations were founded in 1900, the most recent ones in 2015. The mean year of foundation is 1997, and the median year is 2009. Standard deviation is 26.60.

Memory Term: A memory term was included to account for organizations’ tendencies to extrapolate their cooperation from 2015 back to earlier years. The statistic counts the number of dyads that are stable between two time points regardless of whether or not they are connected (Leifeld, Cranmer, & Desmarais). The term may be written as

t t hs = ij N ijN ij ij) ij) t−1 t−1 Connections or non-connectionsΣ from 2015+ (1−N that are(1−N stable across years are thus captured by this memory term and do not affect the other coefficients. A memory term captures potential bias of organizations to extrapolate their cooperation from 2015 back to earlier years. Unfortunately, this makes it impossible to disentangle the instances of cooperation that have truly been stable over time, versus those that were simply extrapolated. 101 Keeping trusted cooperation partners is also described to characterize cooperation.100F When choosing their partners, organizations face the risk that the other organization engages in opportunistic behavior and does not deliver as expected.

101 Granovetter describes how we prefer to transact with partners we know from personal experience (Granovetter, 1985, p. 490). Organizations that have engaged in previous successful collaboration keep up their partnerships. In the television industry, for instance, broadcaster and program development firms tend to cooperate repeatedly in the same constellations (Starkey, Barnatt, & Tempest, 2000, p. 299). 172

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The models control for certain endogenous network dynamics. Endogenous network dynamics refer to actors’ tendency to cooperate with other actors based on their already existing connections. In example, I am more likely to cooperate with a friend of my friend. The models here allow to assess the probability of two actors’ cooperation given all the existing patterns of cooperation. Actors not only take into account their potential partners’ characteristics, such as internationalization and so forth, but also their partners’ existing connections.

The networks presented in the following are directed, and therefore the network statistics are also included in their directed forms. This may be counterintuitive, as cooperation always involves two actors and hence result in an undirected network. However, as respondents did not always coincide as to with whom the cooperated when, there are instances where an organization nominated another organization that was not recipro- cated. I did not symmetrize the adjacency matrices because it would have led to a loss of information. However, I take this asymmetry into account by including directed network structures, rather than undirected network dynamics.

Geometrically weighted-edgewise shared partners: I included an edgewise shared partners term (GW-esp), which is usually included as a measure for transitivity Transitivity refers to the tendency that if B and C are connected, and C is connected to A, B and A also connect. GW-esp captures the tendency of dyads sharing a partner to also establish a tie between one another. GW means that it is included as a geometrically weighted term, meaning that a rate of decay of alpha (here 1.2) applies to a higher number of 102 shared partners.101F

102 Transitivity is also assumed to mitigate the risk of defection in networks with high insecurity, as redundant, overlapping links reduce monitoring and sanctioning costs (Berardo & Scholz, 2010, p. 363). C and B establish a tie between each other to reduce the leverage of actor A over them. 173

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C D E

Figure 14: GW-esp. GW-dsp: Moreover, I included a geometrically dyadwise shared partners (GW-dsp) term as a measure for intransitivity. The term dyad-wise shared partners (GW-dsp) captures the tendency of any two dyads, connected or not, to establish ties to the same partners. This term approximates intransitivity, meaning that B is connected to C, and C is connected to A, but A and B do not necessarily establish a connection. Again, this term is geometrically weighted with alpha 1.2.

4-cycle: I also included a 4-cycle which controls for cyclicality. Cyclicality refers to the tendency that A links to B, B links to C, C links to D, and D to A.

A B

D C

Figure 15: 4-Cycle. GW-idegree: Moreover, I included a geometrically weigted indegree term, which is usually included to control for preferential attachment of actors. GW-idegree sums up the number of nodes of each level of indegree and weighs them. It is used to model the tendency that nodes with more incoming ties (higher indegrees) are more likely to form and receive additional ties. As it is a geometrically weighted term, a rate of decay of alpha (here 0.2) applies to the degree, so that the higher degree nodes contribute less to the statistic than nodes with lower numbers of connections.

GW-odegree: GW-odegree sums the number of nodes of each outdegree. It is used to model the tendency that nodes with more outgoing ties (higher outdegree) are more 174

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties likely to form additional ties. As it is a geometrically weighted term, a rate of decay applies to the degree, so that the higher degree nodes contribute less to the statistic than lower nodes. In our models, a rate of decay of alpha that equals 0.2 applies.

Mutual: Since the networks are directed, I include a mutual term to control for the reciprocity of ties. This also serves as a check on the internal validity of the data. If A cites to be cooperating with B, but B doesn’t cite A, this would cast doubt on whether organizations correctly identified their cooperation partners.

Isolates: Isolates is a term that adds one statistic to the model, equal to the number of isolates in the network. For a directed network, an isolate is any node with both an indegree and out-degree equal to zero. The below table indicates all the variables included in the models. ‹NA› indicates that it is not applicable.

The models concentrate on the cooperation of the organizations retrospectively for the period of 2011 to 2015. The time period was determined by the information gained from the interviews because many interview partners had observed an increased interest for 103 Colombian art, as well as a fast-growing number of organizations during this time.102F The data on the organizations that changed over the years was collected for each of the five years (internationalization, number of employees, and contact to political authorities). Supposed to be constant over time were the location of an organization, the types of artists represented, the working experience of directors, the type of the organization, and the year of its foundation.

103 While domestic interest has started to increase with the foundation of artBo in 2005, the more recent increase in international demand set in around five years back, in 2011. 175

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Motive Indicator Variable Name Longi- Source tudinal Exogenous Variables Profit Orientation Profit orientation Profit No Survey Contact to State Authori- Number of political agencies in con- PolContact Yes Survey ties tact with the organization Internationalization Number of international artist ex- International Yes Survey changes and exhibitions the organization participates in Reputation Number of event committees which NumCom Yes Survey directors participate in Resources/ Number of employees NumEmp Yes Survey Resource Complementa- Difference in the number of employ- Absdiff.Nu- Yes Survey rity ees mEmp Exclusiveness/ Category of organization (museum, Category No Arteria Homophily gallery, foundation, independent art space) Shared category SharedCategory No Arteria Shared orientation regarding profits SharedProfit No Survey Difference in the number of event Ab- Yes Survey committees sdiff.NumCom Control Variables Artistic Considerations Number of shared types of artists SharedArtistType No Survey represented Directors’ working experience in the GerExpArte No Survey art sector Physical Proximity Location (Chapinero, Centro, North) Location No Arteria Shared location SharedLocation No Arteria Year of Foundation Year of foundation YearFund No Arteria Endogenous Variables 104 Edgewise Shared Partners Edge-wise shared partners, geomet- GW-esp No103F NA rically weighted Dyadwise Shared Partners Dyad-wise shared partners, geomet- GW-dsp No NA rically weighted Cyclicality 4-Cycle Cycle 4 No NA Indegree Number of incoming ties, geometri- GW-idegree No NA cally weighted Outdegree Number of outgoing ties, geometri- GW-odegree No NA cally weighted Reciprocity Mutual Mutual No NA Isolates Number of isolates in the network Isolates No NA Table 7: Variables and Corresponding Theories for Cooperation. Source: Own Data. A Descriptive Analysis of the Combined Networks 2011 – 2015 The following section describes the combined networks for the five years. Combined refers to the addition of the four different adjacency matrices for the different forms of

104 In the tergm model specified, it is assumed that the impact of network measures on the probability of any two organizations to be connected remains constant over the five years, as no interaction effects are included. In order to check this assumption, a simplified model was estimated and the coefficients for the different network measures were plotted. The plots (included in the annex) indicate that the network dynamics did indeed remain more or less constant over the years. 176

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties cooperation. This resulted in matrices with values from 0 to 4 for the cooperation among any two organizations, depending on whether they had been in contact only through one form or through multiple forms of cooperation. The valued network was then dichotomized with a cut-off of one. The non-respondent organizations were not included in the networks, in order to keep the information on the direction of the ties that would be lost through symmetrizing otherwise. The networks were adjusted so that only organizations existent in the respective years were included. That resulted in 64 organizations in 2011, 75 organizations in 2012, 80 in 2013, 89 in 2014, and 93 in 2015.

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Figure 16: Combined Art Network 2011 (64 organizations). Cutoff = 1. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 17: Combined Art Network 2015 (93 organizations). Cutoff = 1. Source: Own Data.

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In comparing the graphs of the two networks dating from 2011 and 2015, two tendencies immediately become evident. First, organizations of the same category tend to cooperate among themselves – museums are more connected to museums and so on. Second, density, referring to the ratio between the actually observed ties and the number of all possible ties, is higher for the art network in 2015 compared to the network in 2011. This may be due to the fact that respondents remember their cooperation patterns for 2015 better than for 2011. The densities for the networks from 2011 to 2014 are comparable.

Year 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Density 0.057 0.04 0.054 0.054 0.081

Table 8: Densities of the Combined and Dichotomized Networks 2011 to 2015. Source: Own Data. The degree distributions, showing the number of nodes that have a certain number of in- and outgoing ties, are comparable across years. The 2015 network deviates insofar as there are more organizations with an intermediate number of ties (plots can be found in the annex). There is not a clear tendency regarding different centralization measures, 105 either.104F

Exponential Random Graph Models This sub-chapter explains why networks cannot be modeled by relying on regressions. Because the observations are not independent of one another, an important assumption in regressions is violated. Exponential random graph models (ergms), in contrast, not only account for these dependencies among observations, but allow to formulate hypotheses as to how these dependencies look. Moreover, the section briefly explains how the ergms are estimated.

The Dependency of Observations in a Network Before modeling the networks, this section points out why social networks cannot be modeled simply through regression models. The section largely follows Chapter Six of

105 The centralization of a network is calculated from the differences in the centrality of the nodes: The differences between the highest centrality score in the network and the centrality scores of all other nodes are added and divided by the sum of the differences that would be observed in the most centralized network possible. The centrality of a node in a network can be calculated in different ways. In-degree centralization, a measure based on the count of incoming ties of a node divided by the maximum number of incoming ties, tends to increase over the years. However, for out-degree centralization, this tendency does not apply. Betweenness-centrality measures on how many shortest connections between any two nodes a particular node lies. The centralization calculated from betweenness-centralities does not show a clear tendency. Eigenvector-centrality, a measure that captures to how many well-connected nodes a node is connected, decreases over time (plots can be found in the annex). 180

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Lusher, Koskinen, and Robins (Koskinen & Daraganova, 2013). It shows how the observations are dependent on one another in a network, in contrast to the assumptions in a regression model.

The models presented later try to predict whether or not any two nodes (dyad) are connected, based on the organizations’ characteristics and network measures. Suppose that only the organizations’ characteristics were important in organizations’ cooperation, but not their relation to other actors (e.g. edge-wise shared partners). In that case, the existence of the ties could be modeled with a logistic regression. The unit of observation would be a dyad, the dependent variable the state of the dyad (connected or not) and the independent variables the shared covariates. These covariates represent the individual characteristics of two organizations, such as i and j, and could for instance be the difference in age or a variable indicating whether i and j are both profit-oriented. These dyadic covariates are denoted by wij1, wij2, wijp for p covariates. For a general linear model, one would try to find a function of w and unknown parameters – Ө1, Ө2, Өp (logistic regression coefficients) – that best predict the probability that the tie is present.

( = 1| ) = + + + +

� �� 1��1 �2��2 �3��3 �4��4 The probability of Xij equaling 1 (the probability of i and j to be connected) is a function of some constant (α) and different covariates (wij). In such linear probability models, the dependent variable Xij can take on any value, depending on the values of the independent variables of wij. This is not very helpful if one is interested in modelling the probability of a connection, as probabilities above 1 or below 0 do not make much sense. Logistic regression models therefore transform (take the natural log of) the dependent variable so that it takes values between 0 and 1, rather than any value.

( = 1| ) = + + + ( = 0| ) � �� 1��1 �2��2 �3��3 �4��4 This ratio on the left-hand� side�� of the� equation above is called an odds ratio and can be turned into probabilities. E.g. if a probability to observe a tie is 75%, the odds ratio of observing the tie is 0.75/.25 – that is, three to one. Thus, the equation is essentially the same as the one before, except for taking the log on the left-hand side.

The equation below transforms the above equation and allows researchers to find the difference in the probability of two pairs (ij) and (hm) to be connected, given that one

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties of their covariates (e.g. profit-orientation) differs, but all the rest of their covariates is equal: i and j are both profit-oriented, and h and m differ in their profit orientation (w2). With respect to all other shared covariates, (ij) and (hm) are equal. Holding all other shared covariates equal (wij1 = whm1 etc.), it is possible then to assess the effect of sharing a profit-orientation on the probability of any two pairs being connected.

( | ) = 1(wij1 – whm1) + 2 (wij2 – whm2) + p (wijp – whmp) = 2 ( | ) �� 𝑋=1 � �� ℎ�=0 � � � � � Ө2 represents the differences in odds to observe a tie, comparing two dyads with different values for covariate 2, e.g. a pair of organizations with different profit-orientation and a pair of organizations of the same profit-orientation. All other covariates are assumed to be equal.

If the dyads in the art network were independent from one another, and if network effects were not of interest, the effect of their shared covariates (the organizations’ characteristics) on their probability to be connected (0 or 1), could be estimated relying on this equation. However, the observations are not independent of one another. In fact, the art organizations are assumed to be related in a network, in which the ties between any two organizations also depend on the ties of other organizations. Therefore, the above model does not work adequately. Instead, a model is needed where any tie is conditional on the rest of the matrix. In order to predict a tie Xij, it is necessary to take into account other ties that might be present. This conditional probability is written as

Pr (Xij=1|X-ij = x-ij, )

� The probability of Xij equaling 1 is dependent on all other ties (X-ij) and the coefficients (Ө). This equation can be reformulated into a conditional logit for any dyad:

( | , ) 1 ij1+(x) + 2 ij2+(x) +…+ p ijp+(x) ( | , = �� = 1 �−��= �−�� = 0 �−��= �−�� δ � δ � δ The log-odds of Xij equaling 1 in the above equation depend on the change statistics + (δij (x)) for any of the network measures and the corresponding coefficients (Ө). These change statistics represent how adding a tie between i and j affects the count of a particular network statistic, e.g. how many more triangles do we observe if we toggle the ij- tie from 0 to 1. These change statistics can also be interpreted the other way around: How does it affect the likelihood of observing ij if we add another triangle to the network? 182

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Instead of expressing the probabilities on the level of dyads, it is also possible to express the probability of a whole network. If we estimate an exponential random graph model, its probability function is as follows:

exp{ ( )} ( , ) = exp�{ ( )} � ℎ � ∗ � � � � � ∈� This expression represents the probability∑ density� functionℎ � of an exponential random graph model. The whole expression is the probability of observing this particular network dependent on the statistics included (in the numerator), given all the other possible networks one might have observed (in the denominator). h(N) are the network statistics that need to be specified by the researcher. They may include network measures (e.g. edgewise shared partners). is a vector of coefficients that is estimated. The symbol T indicates that a transpose is taken. The numerator, exp{ ( )}, is the exponentiated � sum of the weighted statistics of the observed network we �try to model. The denomina- � ℎ � tor, exp { ( )}, adds up these exponentiated sums of weighted statistics over � ∗ all of� the� ∈�possible� topologiesℎ � of the network.

Simulation and Estimation The problem with the above probability density function is that the denominator is too large to be calculated, even for networks with small numbers of nodes. Therefore, a simulation procedure is usually applied, MCMC-MLE, to find the coefficients one is ultimately interested in. This section, following Chapter Twelve in Lusher, Koskinen, and Robins, explains how the model coefficients are found for such network models (Koskinen & Snijders, 2013). In very general terms, one could say that, in a first step (MCMC), artificial networks are generated in order to find networks that are most likely. These networks are simulated based on the number of nodes in the empirically observed network and the network statistics specified, and some coefficients that are simply assumed in the beginning. In a second step, the coefficients that maximize the probability to generate the empirically observed network are assessed. In order to find the coefficients, the counts of the network statistics of different samples of artificial networks are compared to the counts of network statistics in the empirically observed network. The coefficients of the simulated networks that approximate the empirically observed network best in terms of networks statistics are accepted for providing the coefficients as they maximize the probability of observing the empirically observed network (MLE).

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The connection between the MCMC and the MLE is thus that the MCMC generates samples of likely networks with the same number of nodes as the empirically observed network has, which are then used to find the coefficients that maximize the chances to generate our empirically observed networks.

The sampling of networks is central in network estimation because of the large number of possible graphs. Even given the number of nodes and network measures, it is not possible to plot the exact probability distribution, nor can the properties of these distributions be calculated analytically. Therefore, it is common to rely on a sample of graphs. Sampling (or simulating) graphs is integral to ERGM inference. We generate artificial networks based on a vector of coefficients that, at the beginning, is simply chosen at random and based on the network statistics specified in the model, and based on the number of nodes that is the same as in the empirically observed network. Network sampling can be accomplished by relying on different sampling procedures (e.g. Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) sampling procedure based on Metropolis-Hastings algorithm). In such an MCMC simulation, the algorithm picks a dyad at random and toggles its state, i.e. changes it from 1 to 0, or from 0 to 1. The algorithm accepts the change if the new graph x* with the toggled dyad is more likely to be observed than the old one x(m-1) (see below on how to assess this change), and thus the old one is replaced by the new one. This generates a sequence of graphs: x(0), x(1), … x(M-1), x(M). If the new graph has a lower probability, it is discarded, but not always. Whether or not to keep the new graph depends on how much less likely it is than the old one. In case the new graph is not accepted, the next graph in the sequence remains the old graph. How is decided whether or not to keep the new graph with the toggled dyad? The move is accepted with probability

( ) Min {1, } ( ∗ ) �� −1 �� We accept the new network x* if its probability ( ) is greater than the old network ( ) ∗ . This ratio above is called the hastings�� ratio� (Koskinen & Snijders, 2013, p. �−1 147)��. This �ratio can be calculated without knowing the full probability density function. Converting the above ratio into a log-likelihood equation, results in the following expression:

( ) (m-1) (m-1) Log { = log {Pr(Xij = 1-xij | X-ij = xij ) = ( ∗ ) �� −1 �� 184

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1(z1(x*) – z1(x(m-1) 2(z2(x*) – z2(x(m-1) p(zp(x*) – zp(x(m-1))

The hastings ratioӨ corresponds to )a + ratio Ө where the probability) +…+ Ө of observing the proposed network (x*) is observed against the probability of observing the old one, (x(m-1)). This ( ) probability takes the form ( ). As the difference between the two networks x* ( ∗ ) �� −1 and xm-1 is only one toggled �dyad,�� we� can express the probability of observing the new network as the probability of not observing the old network, dependent on all of the other ties (x-ij) being the same as in the old network (log {Pr(Xij = 1-xij(m-1) | X-ij = xij(m-1))). This also means that we can compare the probability of these two networks according (m-1) to their change statistics (z1(x*) – z1(x ) and calculate a that indicates whether toggling that dyad results in a network that is more likely to be observed than the old Ө one, given the number of nodes and the network statistics included, without calculating the whole probability density function. As this hastings ratio does not involve the normalizing constant, we only need to calculate the differences in statistics that result in (m-1) (m-1) changing xij to 1-xij .

Toggling randomly picked dyads and assessing whether the change results in a more probable network, many networks are sampled that have the same number of nodes as the one we empirically observe, given the network statistics included that have a high probability to occur, without actually calculating the normalizing constant. The sampling stops, when the proposed networks do not change much anymore. It is assumed that the MCMC sampler in that stage then produces networks from the ERGM’s probability density distribution, and the Markov Chain is said to have converged.

In a second step, then, we want to find the coefficients that maximize the probability to observe the empirically observed network. We accomplish this goal by comparing the counts of network statistics of artificially generated networks with the counts of network statistics we find in our empirical network, and we then accept the coefficients that generated the network that is closest. The graphs x(1), x(2), …, x(M) generated by the MCMC (1) (2) (M) are used to calculate zӨ = 1/M (z(x )+ z(x ) + …+ z(x ), which is a sample equivalent of EӨ(z(X)) over this particular sample. We then compare whether zӨ is equal to z(xobs).

If the difference zӨ – z(xobs) is not 0, another sample is generated, with different coefficients Ө, and the process is repeated. This is done until we find a value Ө for which zӨ

– z(xobs), the Maximum Likelihood Estimator (MLE). This procedure of trying different

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106 values of Ө and determining whether zӨ - z(obs) = 0 is not very efficient.105F Importance sampler and stochastic approximation have therefore been proposed as alternative approaches. Importance sampler and stochastic approximation are ways in which to select the graphs from the MCMC chain to find the right Ө faster. The first is the default in statnet, and the second is used in Pnet and Siena. The two steps combined – generating artificial networks and sampling the right ones for deriving Ө – are called MCMC-MLE and are commonly used to estimate ergms.

The combined network for 2015 was modeled with an ergm. The ergm models presented here are based on MCMC network sampling and MLE estimation. The same model complemented by a memory term was applied to the five networks for 2011 to 2015 with a temporal ergm (tergm). A tergm uses the previous network as a lagged covariate for the following network. The tergm is estimated based on MCMC network sampling and maximum pseudo likelihood estimation. Figure 12 and 13 show how the actually observed networks (black line) compare to the networks drawn from the ergm and tergm model (confidence intervals) across different network statistics.

Results from the Models of the Combined Networks 2011–2015 The combined network for 2015 was modeled with an ergm. The ergm models presented here are based on MCMC network sampling and MLE estimation. The same model complemented by a memory term was applied to the five networks for 2011 to 2015 with a temporal ergm (tergm). A tergm uses the previous network as a lagged covariate for the following network. The tergm is estimated based on MCMC network sampling and maximum pseudo likelihood estimation. Figure 12 and 13 show how the actually observed networks (black line) compare to the networks drawn from the ergm and tergm model (confidence intervals) across different network statistics.

106 Formally, the expected value (the average count) of the statistics of the sampled graphs EӨ (z(X)) would ideally be equal to the statistics in the empirically observed network (e.g. EӨ(z(X)) = z(xobs)), xobs being the empirically observed graph. For example, we would want the expected number of triangles to equal the number of triangles in the empirically observed network, and then take the coefficients that generated the network with the equal number of triangles. The equation, EӨ(z(X)) – z(xobs) = 0, is known as the moment equation. Solving the moment equation for Ө is to find the parameter values that provide maximal support to the data. For most models, it is not possible to solve the moment equation analytically. Instead, the sampled networks from the MCMC are used. These sampled networks are compared to the one empirically observed. 186

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Figure 18: Goodness of Fit Plot for the ergm on the Combined and Dichotomized Network for 2015. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 19: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Temporal ergm for the Five Networks from 2011–2015 with a Memory Term of Type ‹Stability›. Source: Own Data.

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The plots compare the network statistics of the simulated networks to the network statistics of the empirically observed network. They indicate an adequate model fit across all parameters, as the black line representing the observed network lies within the confidence interval derived from the generated networks from the models for all of the network parameters. Moreover, the comparison of the precision recall curves (in each figure, the second graph from above, first from the right-hand side) show that the tergm correctly predicts significantly more ties and non-ties compared to the ergm on the network in 2015. However, as the model takes previous realizations of the same network into account in order to predict the ties in the next network, this predictive quality is relativized. Depending on the duration of the time steps (e.g. if one would observe separate networks every day), the changes to be predicted are not very large.

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Ergm 2015 Tergm 2011-2015 edges -8.32 *** -26.37 * (0.06) [-35.18; -16.96] nodefactor.International.1 0.09 *** 0.37 * (0.01) [0.26; 0.52] nodefactor.Profit.2 -0.03 0.08 (0.02) [-0.12; 0.34] nodematch.Profit 0.01 -0.11 (0.01) [-0.30; 0.14] nodecov.NumCom 0.13 *** 0.20 * (0.02) [0.07; 0.77] absdiff.NumCom -0.17 *** -0.06 (0.01) [-0.63; 0.09] nodecov.NumEmp 0.08 *** 0.15 * (0.01) [0.03; 0.19] absdiff.NumEmp -0.02 * -0.01 (0.01) [-0.27; 0.13] nodecov.PolContact 0.03 ** 0.04 * (0.01) [0.02; 0.07] edgecov.SharedArtistType 0.02 0.01 * (0.01) [0.00; 0.03] nodefactor.GerExpArte.1 0.19 *** 0.25 * (0.01) [0.06; 0.48] nodefactor.Location.2 0.06 *** 0.17 * (0.01) [0.06; 0.43] edgecov.SharedLocation 0.06 *** -0.01 (0.00) [ -0.22; 0.26] nodefactor.Category.2 0.05 *** 0.04 (0.01) [-0.28; 0.26] edgecov.SharedCategories 0.36 *** 0.16 (0.00) [-0.04; 0.48] nodecov.YearFund 0.00 *** 0.01 * (0.00) [0.00; 0.01] mutual 1.43 *** 1.33 * (0.00) [0.82; 1.65] gwesp.fixed.1.2 0.70 *** 0.47 * (0.02) [0.42; 0.55] gwdsp.fixed.1.2 -0.03 ** -0.08 * (0.01) [-0.16; -0.04] gwidegree -0.94 *** -0.82 * (0.00) [-1.02; -0.51] gwodegree -1.45 *** -1.54 * (0.00) [-1.83; -1.21] cycle4 -0.05 *** -0.01 (0.01) [-0.06; 0.02] isolates -0.92 *** -0.08 (0.01) [-0.93; 0.64] edgecov.memory[[i]] 2.42 * [2.31; 2.72] AIC 3865.19 BIC 4027.44 Log Likelihood -1909.59 *** p < 0.001 Num. obs. 23654 ** p < 0.01 * 0 outside the confidence interval * p < 0.05 Table 9: Coefficients for the ergm 2015 and tergm 2011 – 2015. Source: Own Data. 190

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The previous table shows that many of the variables that are significant in the ergm for 2015 are not significant in the temporal ergm. The memory term captures the connections that are constant (absent or present) over time. The coefficients that remain significant also in the temporal ergm are therefore those that are associated with the establishment of new ties.

In the following section, the results from the exponential random graph models (ergm) and temporal exponential random graph models are discussed. The section concentrates on the main explanations presented before: the character of the organizations (profit- orientation, contact to political authorities and internationalization), as well as the dynamics (reputation building, the resources argument, and exclusion (homophily)). The other factors are assigned the role of control factors and are not discussed.

Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization In the following it is analyzed whether certain types of organizations, characterized regarding their profit-orientation, contact to state authorities and internationalization are more likely to cooperate.

More international organizations are more likely to cooperate both in the temporal ergm as well as in the ergm on the 2015 network. This supports the idea that such internationalization also contributes to the formation of a local public sphere.

Contact with political authorities is significant and positive in both models. Cultural policy, and the states’ involvement seems to be related to the connection of art organizations and thus to contribute to the creation of a public sphere.

Profit orientation is neither significant in the temporal ergm, nor in the ergm for the 2015 network. It is evident that profit-oriented organizations are at least as likely to cooperate as not-for-profit organizations. This contrasts with the expectation posited in the previous section. It was thought that not-for-profit organizations might be more inclined to cooperate. A possible explanation for this finding may be that the selection of artworks by for-profit organizations are not as easily justified as artistically valuable because they are interested in commercial success. A gallery’s selection of artists needs to be commercially viable and corresponds to a market demand, which may or may not be what establishes itself as the artistically most valuable propositions over the long term. A museum, on the other hand, acquires what has proven to be relevant in the process of

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties artistic production over some time, and it preserves the collection for later generations. Its selection of artworks hence has greater validity than a profit-oriented organization’s, by definition. This means that for-profit organizations have a greater need to establish their selection as artistically valuable by presenting their artists to as many publics as possible. They create a reputation through connections to well-recognized organizations.

Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion In the following, it is analyzed which types of dynamics contribute to generate cooperation among organizations: reputation building, access to resources, and exclusion.

Reputation as measured by the number of committees is significant both in the tergm and in the ergm for 2015. Committee membership seems to be relevant also when repeated interaction is accounted for (tergm), and thus plays a role in the establishment of new cooperation. This indicates that reputation dynamics play a role in the network, and hence in the building of a public sphere. This is interesting, given that reputation is not referred to in the literature of public sphere.

Regarding resources, it can be observed that a higher number of employees increases, rather than decreases, the probability to be connected both in the ergm for 2015, and also in the model over all five years. The expectation was that smaller organizations would be more likely to cooperate. The positive coefficient in the model is surprising, given the general literature on inter-organizational cooperation which emphasizes access to resources as an important motive. Moreover, it is also surprising given the impression from the interviews that less endowed organizations actually cooperate more.

With respect to exclusion, the two models diverge. While the coefficients in the ergm for 2015 point to a tendency to cooperate with like organizations with respect to number of committee memberships, and categories, these coefficients are not significant in the temporal ergm. Similarity in profit-orientation is not significant in either model.

Results from the Comparison of the Four Different Forms of Co- operation The following section analyzes all four forms of cooperation in the year 2015 by applying a similar model to the different networks. It is particularly interesting to analyze whether profit- and not-for-profit organizations are equally likely to be connected and 192

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties whether contact to state authorities plays a role throughout all four forms of cooperation. Moreover, it is important to discuss whether the internationalization drives all four forms of cooperation to the same extent. As the two previous models indicated that a process of reputation-building is important for cooperation, it is interesting to see whether the reputation measure are equally significant compared across different forms of cooperation. The coefficient on resources was shown to be in the opposite direction than expected in the previous two models, and it will be interesting to analyze whether this would also be the case throughout the four forms of cooperation. Since the art sector is usually characterized as exclusive, it is also important to consider whether art organizations cooperate across different levels of reputation, profit-orientation, and categories.

The exogenous terms are the same as in the previous model. Endogenous terms vary from network to network so as to achieve a better fit. It is reasonable to postulate that different forms of cooperation follow different network dynamics. Apart from a GW- esp and cycles, other network dynamics are included in different combinations: mutual- ity of ties, GW-idegree, and GW-odegree, as well as isolates. Not included in any of the models was the term dyad-wise shared partners. Model fit is satisfactory for all net- 107 works,106F but is slightly off for the network regarding the circulation of content. The reason why circulation of exhibitions may not be so easy to model is that this form of cooperation does not occur often within the art circuit in Bogotá. Usually, exhibitions are circulated across cities, or internationally, but not among art organizations in Bogotá itself. The network on Circulation of Content also has the lowest density of the four networks (0.025), as compared to 0.047 for Shared Visitors, 0.038 for Organizing Events, and 0.028 for Participating in the Same Events.

The following plot indicates the size and significance (blue for insignificant, red for significant) of the coefficients, including their confidence interval for the four models.

107 See the annex for goodness of fit plots. 193

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108 109 Figure 20107F : Significance of Coefficients for the Same Model on All Four Forms of Cooperation for 2015.108F Source: Own Data.

108 Since I am interested in a comparative analysis of the drivers that form the networks, and not in assessing the size of different coefficients across networks, I include a visualization of the direction and significance of the different coefficients, rather than a table of the coefficients. The coefficient table is, however, included in the annex. 109 For better readability, the coefficients on edges were excluded. The coefficients were as follows: Organization of a joint event (-9.30), Participation in a joint event (-12.26), Circulation of visitors (-10.44), and Circulation of content (-13.13). 194

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Profit-Orientation, Contact to State Authorities and Internationalization In the following it is assessed whether certain types of organizations are more likely to cooperate in any of the four forms of cooperation specified.

In all forms of cooperation, international organizations are more likely to be connected. Similar to the previous two models, the coefficient on internationalization is positive and significant in all cooperation networks.

Contact with political authorities is significant for organizing events and for the circulation of visitors. On the one hand, this does not seem unreasonable, as organizing events and the circulation of visitors are facilitated by cultural policies and perhaps more so than for instance the circulation of content. On the other hand, this is a bit surprising, because one focus of cultural policy is to provide platforms, which would concern the participation in events.

Profit-orientation is ambiguous: It is not the case that the likeliness to cooperate depends on profit-orientation, but rather that the forms of cooperation differ. Profit-oriented organizations are more likely to connect through guided tours and to participate in joint events. Guided tours are attractive for profit-oriented organizations, since it is not a very costly form of cooperation and it potentially brings more visitors to the organizations. Participation in events such as art fairs often serves a commercial purpose and may therefore be more attractive to profit-oriented organizations. The organization of events tends to be costly, and hence, profit-oriented organizations might prefer to simply participate rather than organize a joint event. Circulating content is more interesting for not- for-profit organizations because these organizations (particularly museums) can draw from a permanent collection, which is not the case for profit-oriented organizations.

Reputation, Resources, and Exclusion In the models run on the combined networks, reputation, measured as committee membership was significant in both models. It is interesting to take a closer look at reputation in all four forms of cooperation.

Comparing the four different forms of cooperation, the effect of reputation is less clear. Cooperation through the üarticipation in and organization of events are positively influenced by committee memberships. In guided tours, and in the exchanges of exhibitions, committee membership is insignificant. It might be that the reputation is more applicable

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties to participation of and organization in events. On the one hand, it might be that the measure of status that was selected applies more to certain forms of cooperation than others. Participation in events, for instance, is upon admittance through a committee, and so it is obviously more strongly associated with the measure committee membership. On the other hand, it is not unlikely that organization and participation in events do follow a different rationale, and status considerations are more important in these two forms of cooperation. Reputation might play a more important role in selective events. In contrast, at least some of the guided tours are organized by a foundation (Arteria) and the aim is to be inclusive, as well as to establish connections for not so well-recognized organizations. This might render these forms of cooperation less attractive for well-recognized organizations seeking reputation.

More resourceful organizations are more likely to cooperate in all four forms of organization. While resources were also positive and significant both in the combined ergm for 2015, and in the model for all four years.

Art circuits tend to be exclusive. It is therefore interesting to compare the different forms of cooperation with respect to whether they connect organizations across different levels of reputation, profit-orientation, number of employees, and type of organization. In all four forms of cooperation, organizations tend to relate to the same type of organizations. The coefficient on shared categories is positive and significant throughout. There are, however, differences regarding cooperation across profit-orientation, and across different levels of reputation.

Participation in an event seems to be the least inclusive form of cooperation. It connects predominantly profit-oriented, well-recognized organizations. More recognized organizations are more likely to be connected through their participation in events, and organizations tend to cooperate mostly with other well-recognized organizations. This tendency can be explained insofar as participation in events, such as art fairs or bienniales, is usually upon application and rather selective. Organizations participating in events connect mainly to organizations of the same profit-orientation.

Networks of guided tours connect less recognized, profit-oriented organizations. More- over, enjoying the same level of recognition is not significant for cooperation through guided tours. Sharing profit-orientation is not significant either in this form of cooperation. 196

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Cooperation in the form of organization of events seems to be most interesting for recognized, not-for-profit organizations. Highly recognized organizations are more likely to be connected through the organization of events and cooperation does not take place across different levels of recognition. However, organizing events tends to connect organizations across profit-orientation.

Not-for-profit organizations are also more likely to cooperate through the circulation of content. However, in contrast to organizing events, reputation is not significant in this form of cooperation, and cooperation is more likely to take place across different levels of reputation. Moreover, sharing the same profit-orientation is not significant in this form of cooperation. Given that predominantly not-for-profit organizations cooperate in this form, and that foundations are less likely to cooperate through the circulation of content, I would conclude that it is a form of cooperation which is predominantly interesting for museums. Museums are the organizations that also tend to have collections from which a selection of artworks can be circulated.

Actors and Dynamics that Contribute to the Formation of a Public Sphere This chapter asked what network dynamics and which organizational characteristics were associated with the creation of a local public sphere in Bogotá. In order to answer this question, network and covariate data on 91 of 128 art organizations were gathered. Although the models presented do not all reach the same conclusions, certain results are robust across models.

Profit-oriented organizations are not any less likely to contribute to the formation of a local public sphere than not-for-profit organizations. Taking a closer look at different forms of cooperation in 2015, I find that profit-oriented organizations are more likely to be connected in guided tours and through participation in events, whereas not-for-profit organizations were more likely to be connected through the organization of events and the circulation of content. This finding is interesting because the literature on public sphere is usually conceptualized as a realm apart from the state as well as apart from business.

Political contacts were significant both in the ergm for the combined network in 2015 as well as in the temporal ergm for the years of 2011 to 2015. This suggests that the

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A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties creation of a public sphere is also supported by Colombian cultural policies. Comparing the influence of political contacts across the different forms of cooperation in 2015, supports this finding. The variable is significant and positive for organizing events and circulating visitors.

International organizations are more likely to be connected locally. This finding is quite robust, as it is a tendency that I find in both the model for the combined network in 2015 and the model that examines cooperation over time. The tendency is evident in all four different forms of cooperation in 2015. The recent art boom fostering internationalization of art organizations also supports the building of a local public sphere in Bogotá. Relating this finding back to the literature on public sphere, the result turns out to be quite interesting, as the literature on public sphere hardly ever mentions international dynamics as being important.

Reputation is usually seen as a key factor for cooperation in artistic sectors. Reputation is significant in the ergm for 2015 and also in the temporal model for all five years. For the four different forms of cooperation, reputation is significant and positive for participation in and the organization of events, but not significant for the other two forms of cooperation. The literature on public sphere does not mention reputation, but it seems to be a dynamic that is important in generating networks of publics.

A higher number of employees increases the likelihood of connections in the combined network for 2015, as well as in the temporal ergm. For the four different forms of cooperation, it is also significant and positive for all four forms of cooperation. That organizations with a higher number of employees are more likely to cooperate is surprising when looking at the literature on inter-organizational cooperation, as well as on cultural industries. In inter-organizational cooperation, scarce resources are seen as a key motivation for cooperation, and in the case of the literature on cultural industries, resources are not mentioned. Moreover, the result is surprising given that, in the interviews, I found that organizations which have less resources were more engaged in cooperation.

Art circuits and public spheres tend to be exclusive. However, while the coefficients in the ergm for 2015 point to a tendency to cooperate with like organizations with respect to profit-orientation, number of committee memberships, and categories, these coefficients are not significant in the temporal ergm. Comparing specific forms of cooperation, it seems that the guided tours and the circulation of content are most inclusive. In 198

A Network of Art Publics Art Organizations as Nodes and Cooperation as Ties contrast, the networks resulting from organizing events and participating in events tend to be more exclusive in the sense that organizations rarely cooperate across profit-orientation and organizations’ levels of recognition. Relating this finding to the discussion on the exclusiveness of the public sphere, it is interesting to note that different forms of interaction diverge in their exclusiveness. Thus, while certain art publics may in fact be marginalized in some circuits, they may access and cooperate in other forms.

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8 Conclusion: Building a Public Sphere It has been the purpose of this inquiry to identify the conditions required for an art scene to evolve, to specify the actors that convene publics, and to determine the factors fostering cooperation among the art organizations. In short, the aim was to find out how in Bogotá the creation of a public sphere can be encouraged, given the fact that its citizens – concerned about their security – hesitate to meet and interact in public. Against this background, how to set up a public sphere that allows people to enjoy everyday life free from fear is an important question. For the purpose of my investigation I defined ‹public sphere› as a network of art publics, in other words as physical spaces in which people feel safe, connected through shared experiences and direct interactions. This definition enabled me to translate an abstract concept into an empirically observable category: the creation and interconnection of different art publics. Shifting the level of analysis from society as an entity down to the cooperation among organizations permitted a more fine- grained analysis than earlier accounts of public sphere had provided.

However, the approach also has its limits. This thesis embraced the question as to what factors promote the expansion and connection of smaller publics to a larger public, without analyzing whether these interconnected publics feature the same dynamics as can be observed in smaller publics. The theoretical accounts describe how individuals’ peaceful interactions in small publics expand into a larger context where people feel safe to in- termingle. The thesis complemented the literature in analyzing what factors promote the expansion and connection of such small publics. I had to leave the question as to whether these same interactive dynamics that characterize small publics actually translate into larger publics also in the context of Bogotá to a next analysis. Based on the theoretical accounts, I simply assumed that the same interactions will prevail also in these larger contexts. This assumption is however supported by anecdotic evidence. When I visited Bogotá in February 2015, shows at two different galleries opened on the same evening, one in San Felipe and one in la Macarena. This posed a logistical problem, as I could order cabs with my Swiss phone through a web-app only when I had Wi-Fi. I thus did not know how I would get from the first gallery to the next. At home, I ordered a cab to visit the first exhibition in la Macarena. When I had seen all of the artworks, and left the gallery, a knot of people had assembled in front of the gallery. I joined a group, surrounding an artist I had met earlier that week in another gallery. The artist offered me a ride to the other gallery in San Felipe together with her friends. I gladly accepted. While 200

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I would never have accepted a ride with a stranger, and she would probably not have run the risk of giving a lift to a stranger, we managed to trust each other, because we had been together in the same exposition, and had common acquaintances. While this anecdotic evidence exemplifies that such interactive dynamics of small publics actually translate into a larger context, further studies are needed to explore this link in more detail. It would for instance be interesting to analyze the association between people’s sense of security and the number of inter-connected publics.

In the following, I will highlight three aspects that resulted from this study that are of interest. I will first discuss the role of the ‹economy› understood as economic conditions and profit-oriented actors, as well as the role of the state policies. Second, the international dimension in building a public sphere is analyzed. These two aspects are relevant, given that a public sphere belongs to the ‹third sector›, apart from both the state and private sector organizations and its building is understood as a predominantly domestic process. Moreover, I will discuss reputation and exclusion as general dynamics in cooperation.

The Role of the Economy and the State The ‹economy› was on the one hand analyzed in the form of economic conditions that need to be met for art organizations – and a public sphere – to establish themselves. On the other hand, the ‹economy› was taken into account in the form of profit-oriented art organizations as important pillars in the establishment of a public sphere.

Regarding economic conditions, both the emergence of a middle class over the past decade in Bogotá and in Colombia generally as well as increasing international demand for art over the past five years have been important. A Colombian middle class has been forming, and since the early 2000s has started to buy art. Moreover, the international art market has seen record prices for contemporary art, which may have guided collectors to Colombia on their hunt for more economic offers. Resources from both, a Colombian middle class and international buyers have led to the emergence of art organizations in Bogotá. That certain economic preconditions must obtain can also be seen in the fact that art organizations concentrate in certain areas within Bogotá – poorer neighborhoods do not share in the art boom nor in the associated emergence of publics. Financial resources – a middle class and international buyers – appear to be indispensable if an art scene is to establish itself. A public sphere defined in that sense only comes about if 201

A Network of Art Publics Conclusion people have spare money to spend. This resonates with the literature emphasizing that the development of a public sphere presupposes the emergence of a middle class. More- over, it evidently shows the limits of a cultural public sphere as defined in this enquiry. While a public sphere based on art organizations may counter the feeling of isolation in the richer parts of Bogotá discussed in Chapter Two, and hence contribute to a public sphere, it cannot overcome the marked economic and spatial divisions that characterize Bogotá.

Turning to economic actors, it can be observed that the recent dynamic in Colombia’s art sector has primarily benefited art galleries and independent art spaces as well as foundations. It has however, not affected museums to the same extent. Independent art spaces and foundations are particularly relevant in building publics, as they are neither too exclusively focused on serving buying customers such as galleries, nor bound to propose pedagogic offers, such as museums. Their business models are adapted to local conditions, and many of these smaller art spaces offer additional services or products that are more affordable to the still emerging local public, as they are not able to reach the international collectors. They organize film screenings and maintain bars and restaurants, activities that cater to a more popular taste. These offers are attractive also to a public that doesn’t usually buy art, and hence widens the publics of these organizations. Foundations would classify as not-for-profit actors, but independent art spaces not necessarily so. A public sphere hence does not only involve third sector actors, but profit- oriented and not-for-profit organizations alike. With respect to relating publics, the models indicate that profit-oriented organizations are equally engaged in cooperation, than for-profit organizations. The actors convening and connecting publics include thus both profit-oriented and not-for-profit organizations.

A closer look at the interviews also highlights the transformational capacity of an art scene. Art organizations not only follow after an increase in wealth, they may also alter their neighborhoods. In San Felipe, for example, art organizations considerably changed the local dynamic. While gentrification is sometimes judged negatively as it leads to rising rents, undeniably art organizations make the area a much more attractive place. While art organizations tend to seek cheap rent, they do not usually settle in the wealth- iest and safest neighborhoods, and their presence in lower-middle class zones makes these neighborhoods more appealing to citizens and businesses. Thus, while certain preconditions must be met for art organizations to establish themselves, they may then also 202

A Network of Art Publics Conclusion contribute even to intensifying these dynamics. Rather than simply to conceptualize wealth as a precondition for the establishment of a public sphere, it is perhaps more adequate to think of the relation as a mutually supporting one: Wealth is a precondition for the establishment of art publics, but these art publics in their endeavor to maintain themselves, also expand into areas and to segments of society that are not as wealthy. These reflections suggest, that economic conditions benefit (profit-oriented) art organizations, which in turn then contribute to a public sphere, both in building publics and in connecting their publics to a larger public sphere.

Moreover, the analysis provides insight into the role of the state in building a public sphere. Colombian cultural policies have, in addition to fostering reconciliation and regionalization, started to promote creative industries. In the interviews, respondents acknowledged this factor by emphasizing the impact of institutional developments such as the establishment of artBo for the art scene. This platform has helped to profession- alize the art sector and serves as an important label of quality to local and international collectors. Taking a closer look at the cultural policies, it appears that those policies supporting the art scene the most were concerned to provide basic conditions, rather than to actively build publics. While policies of long tradition, such as the Salón Nacional de Artistas aim at exactly such dynamics as described in this project – the building of community through the integration of different publics – a newer set of policies that simply provide platforms for publics of different types of art organizations seems to have been more effective in supporting the creation of a public sphere locally in Bogotá. Furthermore, the models show that contact to political authorities also encourages the cooperation among art organizations. State policies thus not only foster the emergence of art organizations, but also their cooperation.

State policies may thus contribute to the building of a public sphere in two ways. They may provide the right conditions for art organizations to emerge, which then build publics. Moreover, state policies may encourage the connection of publics, through specific policies. This finding qualifies the role of the state as a simple provider of freedom of expression as it is conceptualized in literature on public sphere.

The Two-Level Game of Cooperation The international dimension emerged in different parts of this inquiry. In the context

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A Network of Art Publics Conclusion section, it was discussed how art markets are increasingly becoming international. More- over, in the interviews, many organizations indicated that they were engaged in efforts to reach international publics. Particularly larger galleries that dispose over resources, as well as foundations and independent art spaces, that have the option to access financial support from public authorities, are engaged in international exchanges. According to the models, these more international art organizations are more likely to cooperate and conjoin their publics with the publics of other organizations. This finding is robust throughout all of the models, and is likely to be due to the fact that ‹international› is seen as a label of quality.

This observation regarding international organizations’ being more likely to connect also locally deserves further attention. The creation of public sphere, but also related concepts such as civil society, or social capital are usually seen as domestic or local processes. Only one analysis on public sphere traces a process in which international elites established a public sphere after they had experienced it elsewhere (Eley, 1992, p. 305). In contrast to the literature on public sphere, in the social psychology literature, and the literature on nationalism, the idea of an ‹other› to create a group is prominent. In social psychology, the literature has analyzed how groups, based on the result of the toss of a coin, discriminate against one another (Billig & Tajfel, 1973). The literature on nationalism also emphasizes the existing of an ‹other› against which the nation is delin- eated, as it is difficult to define a nation based on a certain set of criteria (Bloom, 1990, p. 50; Chatterjee, 1993, p. 26; Grosby, 2005, p. 98ff; Triandafyllidou, 1998, p. 593). It is easier to define a nation in contrast to others than to find a set of unique characteristics. In these bodies of literature, the ‹other› is often perceived as a threat, against which a sense of community is reinforced. In the present study, in contrast, the ‹other› plays a more positive role, being a source of recognition. International recognition of Colom- bian contemporary artists or art organizations builds a basis for their recognition within Colombia – and in consequence stimulates more cooperation and a public sphere within Bogotá. It would be interesting to see if such considerations are also important in other social contexts, and what particular characteristics – e.g. a colonial past or a long history of violence – make a society amenable to accepting recognition by an ‹other› as a central criterion for quality.

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A Double-Edged Sword: Reputation and Homophily A further reflection concerns the dynamics relevant in cooperation. Reputational dynamics in the cultural sector and exclusion from the public sphere are prominently discussed in the respective literatures. The results of the models indicate that reputational dynamics play a role, as it was significant both in the ergm for 2015 and the temporal model for all five years, as well as two of the forms of cooperation. The results were mixed with respect to exclusiveness. While all forms of homophily, except for similarity regarding profit-orientation were significant in the 2015 ergm, none of them was significant in the tergm. Comparing the four forms of cooperation some forms of cooperation proved to be more exclusive than others. Given its central position in the literature, exclusion is discussed nonetheless.

Both dynamics have an associational and an exclusive aspect, as organizations may be motivated to cooperate with highly recognized, or as is the case in homophily, similar partners, but reluctant to join less recognized or different actors. Concentrating on the associational aspect for a moment allows to see a positive side of reputation and homophily: both dynamics describe a preferential attachment, which means that cooperation is facilitated through reputational considerations, or homophily. This can perhaps be best seen when looking closer at reputational dynamics. Individuals and organizations desire to be recognized by others. It is reasonable to assume that self-interested and rational actors wish to be recognized. Yet, this self-interested and rational actors’ recognition depends upon others, and crucially so, as one cannot get confirmation of one’s existence through recognizing oneself. Recognition therefore builds an interesting bridge between self-interested actors and an orientation towards others. Reputation and also homophily may be beneficial in overcoming initial difficulties in cooperation.

Cooperating with some rather than others has of course an exclusive aspect to it, which is problematic. As the ideal of equal access for everyone is hard to reach for any public in practice, the more important question would be how different types of publics interact. While this analysis found that different forms of cooperation among art publics vary in their degree of exclusion, and thus provide opportunities for different organizations, the question how this art scene relates to others was out of scope. However, exclusion may not only concern dynamics within a specific scene, such as the art circuit. In fact, the most serious exclusion may concern those left out entirely. It has for instance been

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A Network of Art Publics Conclusion discussed that not all neighborhoods in Bogotá count with cultural organizations – what kind of publics are relevant in those contexts, and how do they relate to the ones analyzed in this project? The project had to limit its focus on one particular type of publics – art publics – and ignored others. It would however be highly interesting to analyze the dynamics of different types of public spheres, and their relations to one another. This would be an important avenue of future research.

The analysis ends here. What remains to say is that it was an extraordinary experience for me to present my results to a local audience in Bogotá in autumn 2018. I hoped to contribute, in some small measure, to the local efforts to further strengthen a local public sphere. In that sense, I wished to give back some of the generosity I was privileged to experience throughout my field research.

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9 Annex

Descriptive Data on Exogenous Variables Number of Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Committees Statistics Statistics Statistics Statistics Statistics 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Minimum 0 0 0 0 0

Maximum 4 1 1 1 4

Mean 0.15 0.05 0.09 0.09 0.15

Median 0 0 0 0 0

Std 0.51 0.23 0.28 0.28 0.51

Table 10: Descriptive Statistics on the Variable Number of Committees. Source: Own Data.

Number of Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Employees 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

1 – 5 39 47 48 54 54 (small)

6 – 10 10 13 14 16 20 (intermediate)

11 – 20 8 8 9 7 7 (large)

More than 21 7 7 9 12 12 (very large)

Total 64 75 80 89 93

Table 11: Frequency Table for the Variable Number of Employees. Source: Own Data.

International Exchange Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies of Artist or Exhibition 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

None 42 52 52 54 49

One or more 22 23 28 35 44

Total 64 75 80 89 93

Table 12: Frequency Table for the Variable International. Source: Own Data.

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Number of Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Political Con- Statistics Statistics Statistics Statistics Statistics tacts 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Minimum 0 0 0 0 0

Maximum 7 7 7 7 7

Mean 1.68 0.98 1.17 1.48 1.68

Median 1 0 0 1 1

Std 1.66 1.51 1.62 1.70 1.66

Table 13: Descriptive Statistics on the Variable Political Contact. Source: Own Data.

Number of Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Descriptive Shared Artist Statistics Statistics Statistics Statistics Statistics Types 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Min 0 0 0 0 0

Max 29 29 29 29 29

Mean 5.28 5.21 5.08 5.01 4.91

Median 4 4 4 4 4

Std 4.76 4.62 4.42 4.21 4.10

Table 14: Descriptive Statistics on the Variable Number of Shared Artist Types. Source: Own Data.

Categories Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Independent Art 12 15 16 17 20 Spaces

Foundations 22 26 26 26 26

Galleries 20 24 28 36 37

Museums 10 10 10 10 10

Total 64 75 80 89 93

Table 15: Frequency Table for the Variable Categories. Source: Own Data.

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GerExpArte Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Director has no 32 39 42 42 42 prior experience in art circuit

Director has no 32 36 38 47 51 prior experience in art circuit

Total 64 75 80 89 93

Table 16: Frequency Table for the Variable Experience of Directors in Bogotá’s Art Circuit. Source: Own Data.

Location Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

Chapinero 35 40 40 43 44

Centro 12 13 16 17 19

Norte 17 22 24 29 30

Total 64 75 80 89 93

Table 17: Frequency Table for the Variable Location. Source: Own Data.

Profit ori- Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies Frequencies entation 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

For-Profit 22 26 28 35 37

Not-for- 42 49 52 54 56 profit

Total 64 75 80 89 93

Table 18: Frequency Table for the Variable Profit Orientation. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 21: Histogram of All Organizations and Their Year of Foundation. Source: Own Data.

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A Visualization of Networks 2012–2014

Figure 22: Combined Art Network 2012 (75 organizations). Cutoff = 1. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 23: Combined Art Network 2013 (80 organizations). Cutoff = 1. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 24: Combined Art Network 2014 (89 organizations). Cutoff = 1. Source: Own Data.

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Descriptive Data on Networks 2011–2015

Figure 25: In- and Outdegree-, Betweenness- and Eigenvectorcentralities of the Combined Networks 2011–2015. Source: Own Data

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Figure 26: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2011. Source: Own Data.

Figure 27: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2012. Source: Own Data.

Figure 28: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2013. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 29: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2014. Source: Own Data.

Figure 30: Degree Distribution for Combined Network for 2015. Source: Own Data.

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Simplified Models on Combined Networks 2011–2015: A Comparison of Coefficients Across Years

Figure 31: Comparison of Coefficients Across the Networks for the Years 2011–2015. Source: Own Data.

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The Visualization of Networks according to Forms of Cooperation

Figure 32: Art Network ‹Joint Organization of an Event 2015›. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 33: Art Network ‹Joint Participation in an Event 2015›. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 34: Art Network ‹Circulating Visitors in 2015›. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 35: Art Network ‹Circulating Content in 2015›. Source: Own Data.

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Significance Plots for the ergm and the tergm on the Networks 2011 to 2015

110 Figure 36: Significance Plot for ergm on Combined Network 2015 and tergm on Networks from 2011–2015 109F . Source: Own Data.

110 For better readability, the coefficients on edges were excluded. The coefficients were on the ergm on the 2015 network was (-8.29); and on the temporal ergm with a mem ory term of type stability (-30.94). 222

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Goodness of Fit Plots for All Four Forms of Cooperation

Figure 37: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Joint Organization of an Event› in 2015. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 38: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Participation in a Joint Event› in 2015. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 39: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Circulating Visitors› in 2015. Source: Own Data.

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Figure 40: Goodness of Fit Plot for the Network ‹Circulating Content› in 2015. Source: Own Data.

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Coefficients Table of ergms for All Forms of Cooperation

Organization of Event Participation in Event Shared Visitors Shared Content edges -8.05 *** -10.65 *** -10.81 *** -11.94 *** (0.08) (0.12) (0.1) (0.23) nodefactor.International.1 0.26 *** 0.10 *** 0.04 *** 0.11 *** (0.03) (0.01) (0.01) (0.03) nodefactor.Profit.2 0.14 *** -0.06 *** -0.05 *** 0.24 *** (0.04) (0.00) (0.01) (0.03) nodematch.Profit -0.17 *** 0.15 *** (0.00) -0.02 (0.03) (0.00) (0.00) (0.02) nodecov.NumCom 0.30 *** 0.21 *** (0.00) -0.03 (0.03) (0.02) (0.02) (0.03) absdiff.NumCom -0.42 *** -0.18 *** 0.01 0.06 * (0.02) (0.02) (0.02) (0.03) nodecov.NumEmp 0.16 *** 0.07 ** 0.08 *** 0.12 *** (0.03) (0.02) (0.02) (0.03) absdiff.NumEmp 0.06 0.04 *** -0.02 ** -0.07 *** (0.05) (0.01) (0.01) (0.02) nodecov.PolContact 0.07 ** 0.01 0.04 ** 0.01 (0.02) (0.02) (0.01) (0.02) edgecov.SharedArtist Type 0.01 0.03 ** 0.02 ** 0.02 (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) (0.01) nodefactor.GerExp Arte.1 0.23 *** 0.12 *** 0.22 *** 0.32 *** (0.05) (0.00) (0.01) (0.01) nodefactor.Location.2 0.10 *** -0.09 *** -0.03 *** 0.08 *** (0.02) (0.00) (0.00) (0.01) edgecov.SharedLocation 0.22 *** -0.06 *** -0.01 ** 0.08 *** (0.01) (0.00) (0.00) (0.01) nodefactor.Category.2 0.06 -0.05 *** 0.01 ** -0.10 *** (0.04) (0.01) (0.00) (0.02) edgecov.SharedCategories 0.58 *** 0.42 *** 0.46 *** 0.15 *** (0.01) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) nodecov.YearFund 0.00 *** 0.00 *** 0.00 *** 0.00 *** (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) (0.00) mutual 1.84 *** 1.27 *** 1.14 *** 1.65 *** (0.00) (0.01) (0.00) (0.01) gwidegree -0.54 *** -0.15 *** -0.61 *** (0.01) (0.00) (0.00) gwodegree -1.87 *** -2.86 *** -2.86 *** (0.01) (0.00) (0.00) cycle4 -0.17 *** -0.35 *** -0.21 *** 0.40 *** (0.03) (0.00) -0.03 (0.01 cycle3 -0.39 *** -0.36 *** -0.74 *** (0.01) (0.00) (0.01 cycle5 -0.17 *** (0.03) gwesp.fixed.0.5 1.26 *** (0.00) gwesp.fixed.0.7 0.70 *** 0.73 *** (0.04) (0.01) gwesp.fixed.0.8 0.90 *** (0.01) isolates 2.76 *** (0.01) AIC 2128.25 1676.07 2480.34 1795.51 BIC 2283.44 1831.27 2628.48 1950.71 Log Likelihood -1042.12 -816.04 -1219.17 -875.76 Table 19: Coefficients for the ergm Models for Each of the Four Forms of Cooperation in 2015. *** p < 0.001, ** p < 0.01, * p < 0.05. Source: Own Data.

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The List of Interview Partners Galleries that were invited to ARCO Madrid in 2015, and one additional gallery that was in the process of establishing itself (El Dorado)

1. Casas Riegner: Catalina Casas (Director), October 5, 2015 2. Casas Riegner: Felipe Villada (Gallery Assistant) February 4, 2015 3. Doce Cero Cero: Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo (Director), February 9, 2015 4. LA Galería: Luis Aristizabal (Director), February 5, 2015 5. Nueveochenta: Carlos Andres Hurtado (Director), February 3, 2015 6. Instituto de Visión: Beatriz López (Director), February 17, 2015 7. Valenzuela Klenner: Jairo Valenzuela (Director), February 10, 2015 8. El Dorado: Valentina Gutiérrez (Director), October 17, 2015

Interviewed a Second Time

9. Doce Cero Cero: Mauricio Gómez Jaramillo (Director), November 2, 2016 10. LA Galería: Luis Aristizabal (Director), November 18, 2016 11. El Dorado: Valentina Gutiérrez (Director), November 24, 2016

Smaller Galleries

12. La Escalera: Patricia Ortega (Director), October 24, 2016 13. Paola Pérez Galería: Paola Pérez (Director), November 4, 2016 14. Neebex: Thierry Harribey (Director), November 6, 2016 15. Neebex: Andrea Meridiano (Curator), November 6, 2016 16. Galería Otros 360˚: Iliana Hoyos (Director), November 16, 2016 17. Nest Art Center: Ricardo Perdomo (Director), October 25, 2016

Art Fairs

18. artBo: Alejandra Sarria (Program and Content Coordinator), October 16, 2015 19. artBo: Jairo Suárez (Coordinator of Artecámara), October 16, 2015 20. Odeón: Laura Gónzalez (Coordinator Feria Odeón), November 3, 2016

Independent Art Spaces

21. KB Espacio: Angelina Guerrero (Director), November 2, 2016

Museums 228

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22. Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá: María Ardila (Curator), October 13, 2015 23. Museo de Arte Moderno de Bogotá: Gloria Zea (Director, directed the museum from 1969 – 2016), October 20, 2015 24. Banco de la República: Beatriz González (Committee of Acquisitions), October 6, 2015 25. Banco de la República: Efraín Riaño Lesmes (Director of the Subgerencia de Arte del Banco de la República), October 20, 2015 26. Banco de la República: Nicolás Gómez Echeverri (Curator), October 20, 2015 27. Museo Nacional: Daniel Castro Benítez (Director), October 21, 2015 28. Museo de Arte Contemporáneo Bogotá (MAC): Gustavo Ortiz (Director), Octo- ber 7, 2015

Foundations

29. Fundación Arteria: Nelly Peñaranda (Director), October 25, 2016 30. A Seis Manos: Christophe Vandekerckhove (Director), November 23, 2016 31. Ars+Flora: José Roca (Director), October 9, 2015

Art Market Research Organizations

32. Lado B: Javier Machicado (Investigator), November 25, 2016

Public Institutions

33. Ministry of Foreign Relations, Cultural Direction: Luis Armando Soto Boutin, November 18, 2016 34. Ministry of Foreign Relations, Cultural Direction: María Paula Maldonado, No- vember 18, 2016 35. Embajada Colombiana in Switzerland: María Andrea Torres Moreno (Division Culture), October 12, 2016 36. Instituto Distrital de las Artes (Idartes): José Alberto Roa Eslava (Coordinator Convocatorias, previously in Artes Plásticas), November 16, 2016

Code Book for the Interviews A.1 Code: Artistas Subcodes: Artistas seleccionados, Artistas pioneros, Artistas en ARCO

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1. Artistas seleccionados – Description of the selection and the process of incor- poration of a new artist into the gallery program, or into the collection of the museum. Also, if public/private organizations describe their segment in terms of the art they show, this is coded as Artistas seleccionados. If museums describe the criteria according to which they build their collection, this is coded as ‹artistas seleccionados›. In a wider sense, the selection of different entities that are not artists are also coded as artistas seleccionados: The selected galleries in artBo are assembled under this code. The description of people that are invited to artBo is coded as Artistas seleccionados. The selection of spaces visited in the tour organized by artBo for collectors are coded as Artistas seleccionados. 2. Artistas pioneros – Statements on artists that worked in the 70s/80s, but incite great interest now. Representatives of ‹modern art of Colombia› are coded as artistas pioneros. 3. Artistas en ARCO – Statements on the artists that are represented in ARCO. Also, statements with respect to whether they like the selection or not so much.

A.2 Code: Organization Subcodes: Organisation: Funktionsweise; Organisation: Zweck; Organisation: Ges- chichte; Organisation: Location, Galería: Actividades no comerciales, Institución Pú- blica: Actividades/Programas

1. Organisation: Funktionsweise – Statements on how many people work in the organization, and what activities/responsibilities different people have. Descrip- tion of the role of the organization. Descriptions of the commercial activities of the private organization, such as renting out space or coordinating shows. The financing of the organizations; e.g. Ars+Flora, MAC, explain their special forms of financing. 2. Organisation: Zweck – Descriptions of the aim of their organization. This code is used primarily for public organizations, such as the fair, museums, or independent art spaces, as the aim of galleries is straight-forward. 3. Organisation: Geschichte – Statements with respect to how the organization/museum was founded, and how the names were chosen. 4. Organisation: Location – Statements that mention where the organization is located in Bogotá; references to the neighborhood of the organization. 5. Organisation: Actividades no comerciales – Description of activities that organizations undertake which are not directly linked to selling art. E.g. some have a space where they show pieces that cannot be sold; some organize visits of school classes to their private organization, and others organize visits of international collectors that also visit other galleries.

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6. Institución Pública: Actividades/Programas

A.3 Code: Communication: Internet/Publication Subcodes: Communication: Internet; Communication: Publication

1. Communication: Internet – References that mention whether, how, and why the organization uses the internet. 2. Communication: Publication – References that mention whether and how the organization publishes catalogues and books, or gets other actors to organize a publication on their artists.

111 A.4 Code: Private110F Organizations: Relations with other Organizations Subcodes: Private Organizations: Relation International; Private Orgnizations: Relation LatAm; Private Organizations: Relation Colombia; Private Organizations: Relation Bo- gotá Auction; Private Organizations: Relation General Behavior; Private Organizations: Relation Instituciones Públicas; Relation Premios; Relation Universities; Relation Min- isterio de Cultura.

1. Private Organizations: Relation International – Description of cooperation patterns of galleries, independent art spaces and foundations with other organizations outside of Latin America. 2. Private Organizations: Relation LatAm – Description of galleries, independent art spaces and foundations’ cooperation patterns with other galleries within Latin America. 3. Private Organizations: Relation Colombia – Description of galleries, independent art spaces and foundations’ cooperation with other galleries and with other private art initiatives within Colombia. Also, if they refer to another private organization in a comparative way, or simply mention them, this is coded as ‹Re- lation Gallerien Colombia›. 4. Private Organizations: Relation Bogotá Auction – Description of Bogotá Auc- tions (used for both public and private organizations). 5. Relation: General Behavior – Description of the organization’s attitude to involve actors. Also, their involvement with other actors that are not specified under the other subcodes is coded as such, e.g. relations to curators. 6. Private Organizations: Relation Instituciones Públicasn– The mentioning of relations, such as funding from public institutions, is coded with ‹Relation Institu- ciones Públicas›. Also, if galleries, independent art spaces and foundations collaborate with public institutions such as PROCOLOMBIA, this is coded as ‹Re- lation Instituciones Públicas›.

111 Private refers here to galleries, independent art spaces and foundations. 231

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7. Relation Premios – Description of awards in relation to the artists represented. 8. Relation Universities – Private organizations describe their relation to universities. 9. Relation Ministerio de Cultura – Private organizations describe their relation to the Ministry of Culture.

112 A.5 Code: Public Institutions111F : Relations with other Organizations Subcodes: Relation Museen LatAm, Relation Museen International, Public Institutions: Relation within Colombia, Public Institutions: Relation Bogotá, Public Institutions: Re- lation to Private Organizations, Relation Universities, Relation Premios, Relation Min- isterio de Cultura

1. Public Institutions: Relation LatAm – Museums mention how they cooperate with other museums in Latin America. 2. Public Institutions: Relation International – Museums mention how they cooperate with other museums internationally. 3. Public Institutions: Relation within Colombia – Museums’ descriptions of cooperation with other museums in Colombia. 4. Public Institutions: Relation Bogotá –Museums’ descriptions of their relation to other museums within Bogotá. 5. Public Institutions: Relation to Private Organizations – Museums’ descriptions of their relation with private organizations, mostly galleries. Also, if they mention the cooperation with private persons (e.g. collectors). 6. Relation Universities – Museums describe their relation to universities in Bo- gotá. 7. Relation Premios – Description of art prizes in relation to the artists represented by the museum. 8. Relation Ministerio de Cultura – Museums’ description of their relation to the Ministry of Culture.

A.6 Code: Colombian Art Market Subcodes: Colombia culture of collecting art, Colombia art boom, Colombia reasons for the art boom, Colombia art market developments, Colombia: Political Situation, De- scription Instituciones Públicas de Arte, Description Private Organizations, Gentrifi- cación

1. Colombia: Culture of collecting art –Descriptions of the collectors in Colombia in general. Disambiguation: if interview partners talk about the relation with

112 Public here refers to museums 232

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their collectors, it is coded as Coleccionistas: Beziehung. 2. Colombia: Art boom – Descriptions of the growth of the art market in Colom- bia over the past years. Also, if interview partners describe how international museums show interest in Colombian artists. 3. Colombia: Reasons for the art boom – Reasons interview partners attribute to the growth of the Colombian art market. 4. Colombia art market developments – Institutional developments in the Colom- bian Art Market in the past and present. Also, descriptions referring to the development of Colombian art in terms of what kinds of artistic production exist, etc. Also, the balance of importance between public and private sides in art is coded with this label, as well as descriptions of the art institutions in earlier periods. 5. Colombia: Political Situation – Anything related to political circumstances: the perception of Colombia outside of Colombia; issues related to the Colombian government, as well as narcotráfico. Disambiguation: if interview partners are talking about public art institutions, it is coded as ‹Description Instituciones Pú- blicas de Arte›. 6. Description Instituciones Públicas de Arte – Description of the public institutions relating to art in Colombia. Moreover, the comparison between public institutions in Bogotá and in Medellín is coded as ‹Description Instituciones Pú- blicas de Arte›. 7. Description Private Organizations – Description of the galleries’ behavior by public institutions (often not very positive). 8. Gentrificación – Impacts of the increased number of galleries on the local communities (often negative).

A.7 Code: Art Fairs Subcodes: National Art fairs, Art fairs LatAm, International art fairs, Art fair ARCO

1. National art fairs – Description of the participation of galleries in national art fairs (artBo or La Otra). Description of the relation of different national fairs to each other (artBo, Otra, Barcú, etc.) 2. Art fairs LatAm – Description of the participation in Latin American art fairs. Also, description of participations in Latin American bienniales. 3. International art fairs – Description of participation in international art fairs, outside of Latin America. Description of procedures to access these art fairs. 4. Art fair ARCO 2015 – Description of participation in ARCO 2015 as a particular international art fair; the selection process and expectations. Disambigua- tion: if interview partners talk about the artists they represent in ARCO 2015, it is coded as ‹Artists: ARCO›.

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A.8 Code: Público/Coleccionistas Subcodes: Origin, Relation, Segment, Formación de público

1. Origin – Description of the nationality/origin of the collectors of the private organization/ visitors of the museum. 2. Relation – Description of the relation to the collectors. 3. Segment – Description of the segment in comparison to other museums. 4. Formación de público – Organizations’ descriptions of their initiatives to attract a public.

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243 Annatina Aerne

PERSONAL INFORMATION Name, First name Aerne, Annatina Nationality Swiss Date of Birth 7.7.1989 Email [email protected]

EDUCATION St. Gallen, Switzerland University of St. Gallen Sept. 2014 – Expected to Ph.D. Programme in Organization Studies and Cultural Theory (DOK) Graduate in 2018 Thesis Title: Creation of a Public Sphere Through Inter-Organizational Cooperation of Art Spaces in Bogotá. Committee: Prof. Dr. Yvette Sánchez (Universität St.Gallen), Prof. Dr. Marianne Braig (Freie Universität Berlin) and Prof. Dr. Philip Leifeld (University of Glasgow) Relevant Course Work: • Inferential Network Analysis, ECPR Winterschool, Bamberg, March 2017 (Prof. Dr. Philip Leifeld) • Social Network Analysis, Global School of Empirical Research Methods (GSERM), University of St.Gallen, June 2016 (Prof. Dr. Michael Heany) • Network Analysis, University of St.Gallen, Sept. – Dec. 2015 (Prof. Dr. Oliver Westerwinter)

St. Gallen, Switzerland University of St. Gallen Sept. 2010 – May 2014 Master of Arts in International Affairs and Governance

Medford, MA, United States The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University Sept. 2011 – May 2014 Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy Relevant Coursework: • Econometrics, Policy Analysis (Prof.Dr. Julie Schaffner) • Development Economics (Prof.Dr. Steven Block)

St. Gallen, Switzerland University of St. Gallen Sept. 2007 – May 2010 Bachelor of Arts in International Affairs

Kingston, ON, Canada Queens School of Business, Queens University Jan. 2010 – May 2010 Exchange Semester

RESEARCH AND TEACHING EXPERIENCE St. Gallen, Switzerland School of Economics and Political Science, University of St. Gallen Feb. 2018 – Chair of Prof. Dr. Patrick Emmenegger Researcher at the GOVPET Project (Governance in Vocational and Professional Education and Training)

St. Gallen, Switzerland Centro Latinoamericano-Suizo, University of St. Gallen Sept. 2014 – Dez. 2017 Chair of Prof. Dr. Yvette Sánchez Assistant at the department of Spanish culture and language

St. Gallen, Switzerland Department of Political Science, University of St.Gallen Jan. 2017 – May 2017 Program Bachelor of International Affairs and Governance Teaching assistant for the class Quantitative Methods taught by Prof. Dr. Oliver Westerwinter

St. Gallen, Switzerland Political Science Department, University of St. Gallen Sept. 2010 – Aug. 2011 Chair of Prof. Dr. Dr. Roland Kley Research assistant at the chair of political theory

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Zurich, Switzerland Swiss Re Oct. 2013 – March 2013 Intern for sustainability and political risk

Bern, Switzerland Swiss Government, State Secretariat for Economic Affairs (SECO) July 2012 – Jan. 2013 Intern for Swiss Export Risk Insurance (SERV)

Brussels, Belgium economiesuisse, Federation of Swiss Business Sept. 2009 – Oct. 2009 Intern for European policy issues

PUBLICATIONS Art’s Transformative Potential: Comparing Doris Salcedo’s Plegaria Muda and Ludmila Ferrari’s Cultus. Cuadernos de música, artes visuales, y artes escénicas, 11 (2). El comienzo de una nueva era a partir del reciclaje de los pioneros, visionarios y referentes colombianos. Mitologías hoy, (17). 65-83.

CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS AND TALKS Cooperación entre las organizaciones de arte: Creación de una esfera pública. Invited Talk. 1 November 2018. Museo del Minuto de Dios, Bogotá. Cooperación entre las organizaciones de arte: Creación de una esfera pública. Invited Talk. 30 October 2018. Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá. Cooperation Among Art Organizations in Bogotá: The Role of Reputation. 2018. Sunbelt XXXVIII Conference. Utrecht. Art Boom in Bogotá: Interorganizational Cooperation among Art Organizations. ECPR General Conference, 8 September 2017, Universitetet i Oslo, Oslo. Art Boom in Colombia: Creating a Public Sphere in Bogotá. 10th Annual Political Networks Workshops and Conference (PolNet), 14 – 17 June 2017, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. Back to the Future: From Commemorating Violence to a Past-Conflict Era in Colombian Contemporary Art. VIII Encontro Nacional de Estudos do Consumo, 11 November 2016, Universidade Federale Fluminense, Niterói, Rio de Janeiro. Art and Public Sphere in Colombia: Plegaria Muda and Cultus. ECPR General Conference, 29 August 2015, Université de Montréal, Montréal.

SKILLS MS Office R Intermediate Data analysis for PhD project SPSS Basic Data analysis for research project Stata Basic Data analysis for econometrics class

LANGUAGE SKILLS German Native English Professional Proficiency Studied in the US and Canada Spanish Professional Proficiency Conducted interviews in Spanish French Professional Proficiency Internship in Brussels. French language Diploma DELF/DALF A1- A6 Italian Intermediate Proficiency Italian classes at Kantonsschule am Burggraben for three years

SCHOLARSHIPS, AWARDS, INTERESTS Switzerland Swiss Study Foundation supporting excellent Swiss students May 2008 – Jan. 2019 Member and selected chair of activities for the St.Gallen section in 2010

St. Gallen, Switzerland University of St. Gallen Sept. 2007 – Sept. 2016 Saxophonist of the big band of the University of St.Gallen

Medford, MA, United States MacJannet Scholarship supporting interdisciplinary students Sept. 2011 – May 2012 Scholar

Zürich, Switzerland Swiss Youth Music Contest June 2007 Winner of 2nd prize with classical guitar