Paper 15: Module 17: E-Text

PAPER 15: MODULE 17: E-TEXT

UGC MHRD e Pathshala

Subject: English

Principal Investigator: Prof. Tutun Mukherjee, University of Hyderabad

Paper: 15: “Literary Translation in India”

Paper Coordinator: Prof. T. S. Satyanath, University of Delhi

Module 17: Sanskrit, Pali and Early Translation in India

Content Writer: Dr. Mrinmoy Pramanick, University of Calcutta

Content Reviewer: Prof. T. S. Satyanath, University of Delhi

Language Editor: Prof. T. S. Satyanath, University of Delhi

Introduction

Representative texts of ancient and medieval Indian culture, religion and philosophy have been

composed in Sanskrit and Pali languages. Translation of those texts into Bhasha has been started

since the medieval period and with this translation the bhasha or modern Indian languages have

been emerged in India. There were different class, caste and religious identities played role into

such translation. The awakening among the masses, people’s resistance against the ruling class,

resistance Brahmanism and caste hierarchy necessarily called for translation to be happened.

Moreover, translation was one of the powerful or only one prominent long lasting tool for the rulers to know their ruling subjects and to send their knowledge among the public life of the ruled. Sanskrit, as the language of the elites, Brahmins, philosophers, poets, rhetoricians was

appeared as only the way to be better human being for the masses who did not have access to the

Sanskrit directly. The treasure of Sanskrit knowledge, poetry, moral teachings, aesthetics, and

religion was essential to achieve to the common who did not speak Sanskrit or write Sanskrit.

In otherside Pali appeared as a language for new religious identity and knowledge. The gradual expansion of Buddhism expanded the use of Pali language too. Translation into or from

Pali rapidly grew since 100 CE. The old institution of knowledge, like Nalanda Viswavidyalaya,

which was one of the premier institution to promote Buddhist knowledge and culture engaged

itself with the exchange of knowledge among different scholars. Such activities, like intellectual

exchange, messangers sent by Ashoka for spreading Buddhisim in Srilanka, translated from/to

Pali, or prepare the ground for exchanging knowledge through translation. Later, Bhakti movement in different parts of India, took sources of knowledge from Sanskrit and Pali both to reach to the common people with their easy philosophical interpretation.

With the expansion of Mughal rule, Persian got a significant position as it was the language of the rulers and used as official language in the Mughal Empire. Since this linguistic paradigm shift with the changes of state power, translation concentration shifted towards bhasha.

One side there was already established tradition of translation from Sanskrit and in other side, new trend of translation from Persian to bhasha also was established. In this module we will mainly discuss the translation and role of it in formation of bhasha. The early translation in India is traced here from the era of formation of bhasha culture.

Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit texts have been translating in different periods in Indian bhasha as well as English (after English is introduced in India) for various reasons. Medieval Indian literature observed, a deliberate attempt of bhasha culture to translate Sanskrit, as it determined to resist against the caste hegemony and break the confinement of Hindu knowledge from the restricted zone of brahmins and other elites. Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit has primary responsibility to bring the knowledge sphere in medieval India in different bhasha traditions. In the colonial time the british encounter observed Sanskrit, especially as the key for accessing the Indian knowledge to rule better.

To discuss this topic, I took most of the examples from Bangla literature as a case study.

Advanced readers may consult their known literary history and compare the socio-political

reality with it.

Translating Sanskrit into Bhasha

“Astadasha Puranani Ramasya Charitani Cha

Bhashay Manaba Shrutwa Rourab Narakang Brajet”(Naskar 225)

Eighteen Puranas, Story of the Rama

Listening in Bhasha, led towards Rourab (worst hell) (translation mine)

“The Brahmins used their knowledge of Sanskrit as an irreducible form of power, and translation

was not encouraged since it would have diluted the role the texts could have played as a part of

such an officially sponsored ideology”.

(http://nptel.ac.in/courses/109104050/lecture33/33_2.htm)

Dash and Pattanaik in their observation which is mentioned in the second quotation rightly offers an understanding of why Brahmins used to declare warning for those who do not have access to Sanskrit (mainly lower caste); against reading the knowledge texts of Sanskrit into

bhasha. Despite the above quoted warning not to read Sanskrit texts in bhasha, and if any one

did so, the person would go to the worst kind of hell called Rourab. Yet many poets wrote or

translated in bhasha but did not claim the language to be Bengali but to be Deshibhasha,

Loukikbhasha, (Naskar 225). This revolt against the warning favoring the hegemony of Sanskrit

language over other languages was actually a revolt against caste hegemony over ‘knowledge’,

and prepared the ground for the development of Bhasha. The growth and development

translation in this era was first for Desh and then for Loka and knowledge written in Devabhasha

[language of the gods] was translated and ‘stolen’ from heaven for Desh and Loka. The

translation practice of this era leads to the localization of myth and the localization of knowledge

which were confined within a particular class for the centuries. Such translation was indeed

meant for Desh and Loka by feeding into it the knowledge of Devaloka, Devabhasha and

Devasahitya.

Complication surfaces when Maladhar Basu is congratulated by the Sultan for translating

Bhagabat into Bangla in 1473 (1480, according to Sukumar Sen 110) and the chief minister of

Hossainshah, Sanatan of Ramkeli village of Goud, used to discuss Bhagabat at the end of

15thcentury. The celebrity status of Maladhar Basu and Sanatan status as discussants of the

Bhagabat shows the public life of this text and its translation which was well-received by the

people. This helped Bangla language to get its shape.

He proposed Madhab Kandali as the first translator of the Ramayana into Assamese and

he situated him in the 15thcentury. Sen argues Krittibas’s Ramayana is influenced by the Bhakti

Rasa, which was enhanced by the powerful influence of Chaitanyadeb. Madhabkandali’s

Bhaktirasa was Vishnu Bhaktirasa. He finds remarkable difference between the translation of

Ramayana and Mahabharata in Bangla. Sen arguesRamayana was translated in Panchali style

meant mainly for singing, Mahabharata, although claimed as Panchali, was for reading. Since

the Ramayana translation became part of Hindu ritual and performed in formal programs,it

seems the translator of the Ramayana were the Brahmins and the translators of the Mahabharata

were other upper castes, mainly Kayastha (208).

In the history of different dynasties and the manners of royal courts, there existed the

tradition of reading Mahabharata. The first translation of the Mahabharata into Bangla is

Paragali Mahabharat (Pandav Bijay) by Kabindra Parameswar(1515). Kabindra Parameswar

wrote iton the order of Paragal Khan,agovernor of the Sultan Hossain Shah. As this

Mahabharata was translated by a Muslim governor’s order, there were few remarkable changes

from the source text. There were manytranslations of the Mahabharata story into Bangla,

likeAswamedha Parba (1552-53) by Ramachandra Khan, a marmanubad1of the Jaimini Samhita.

Another Aswamedha Parba (1567) was translated by Dwija Raghunath.

The translation of Purana was supported and promoted by the king Biswa Singh (1522-

1554) in the royal court of Kamta-Kamrup. This royal court promoted both Sanskrit literature

and translation of Purana into Bangla. King Samar Singha, son of the King Biswa Singha, was

the patron of poet Pitambar who translated Markendeya Purana (?) into Bangla by the order of

Samar Singha. Pitambar also wrote Usha- Aniruddher Kahini (1533) based on the Bhagabata, besidesVishnupurana and Nala- Damayanti (1544) from Mahabharata. Sukumar Sen mentions that Pitambar was not Brahmin and since translating/re-creating Purana by a non-Brahmin was not within their right, so the poet calls himself a shishuor child-like, most probably to avoid the wrath of the Brahmins.Different chapters of the Mahabharata were translated at this royal court by different poets as Dronaparba by Gopinatha, Birataparba (1611) by Bisharad Chakraborty,

Banaparba by Bisharad Chakraborty, Kirataparba (1632-1665) by Gobinda Kabishekhar,

Mahabharata(1632-1635)in Payar meter by BrahmanSrinath.

1Marmanubad is a process of translation which stands not for word to word translation but for the translation of the essence or flavor of the theme or translation of essence.

In his discussion of the development of Bengali language and literature, Sukumar Sen includes the translations of Mahabharata in Assam and Kamrup, arguing that the language in the

16th century was not shaped as distinctly as Bangla or Assamese, so he these translation should be included while tracingthe history of Bangla literature. He mentions that the language of these translations was similar to the Uttarpurbi dialect of Bangla language (219). But here I leave discussion of those translations of the Mahabharata as the translators Madhab Kandali and

Shankaradev are very prominent literary figures in the history of Assamese literature. Now

Assamese is recognized as a different language, it is no longer a dialect of Bangla.

Duta Kabyam in Sanskrit created following the style of Kalidasa’s Meghadutam, which I think is is best described as anukaran, a generic translation of Meghadutam. I believe it significant that later followers of Kalidasa and literary critics accepted the tradition of

Dutakabyam as a sub-genre. But in Indian, translation practice, generic translation is not acknowledged as translation. Only the word to word or the thematic/ narrative translations are acknowledged as translation. Another interesting regarding the translations of the Puranas,

Bhagbata, Ramayana, Mahabharatais that most translations of these texts derive from multiple sources, or the translators include small pieces, narratives, stories, incidents from different texts into the translation. Whatever details are available to the translators, are incorporated in the translation and claimed as a version of Ramayana. This process of inclusive translation which was a popular practice among the translators of the medieval Bengal, perhaps helped to reach the common people probably, this method appeared to them as easiest and logical way to circulate knowledge of great ideas already found in Sanskrit interwoven with the desi.

The ethos of medieval Indian culture is very much reflected into the translations of the

Ramayana and the Mahabharata into different Indian Languages. We have discussed about quite

a few examples from Bangla translation in medieval India. Sisir Kumar Das, brought the

centrality of medieval literary culture as the polyphonic culture and it is best reflected in the

translation of epic along with different texts produced in different religious tradition. Das says,

“Like the magnificent temples of this period, where all the human activities, including those of

sensual pleasures were represented with uninhibited joy and technical perfection, the medieval

literary world of India regulated by a deep faith in a theo-centric world though it was, made the secular and sacred quite often indistinguishable” (23).The early translation from Sanskrit was contribution towards this cultural ethos of medieval India.

Translating Pali and Prakrit Texts

History of translation of Buddhist and Jain text into Indian language was not an easy task everywhere in India, as the communities like Buddhist especially also was threaten by the

Brahmins and Muslims both. So many Buddhists had to migrate from the eastern part of India to sustain. As the community was under threat, so their literature and also the environment of translation of those texts also were under unhealthy surroundings. But Buddhist influence always was there, sometimes as a silent feature of literary culture.Dineshchandra Sen further commented

in this context,

Isolated instances of Buddhists influence were never extinct. Even the

‘Raamaayan’, by Krittibas is not entirely immune from the said influence.

The 17thcentury author of the ‘Raamaayana’, the Bengalee poet

Ramananda was in the habit of spoiling for recognition as an incarnate of

Buddha. A person of gold merchant caste, a contemporary of Lord

Chaitanya, went so far as to refuse to be a Vaisnab on the plea that ‘to

seek bliss when the whole populace is steeped in misery is meaningless.’

But then, this doctrine of misery is native to Buddhism itself. (24)

Prakrit, Pali have rich heritage of literary creations. Most of the Jain and Buddhist texts

are written into Pali, Prakrit and Apabhramsa languages. The literature written in these languages

in the Jain and Buddhist tradition has influenced other Indian literature in many ways. Most

sigficantly these two literary traditions offered different themes and genres in Indian Literature

which have translated into several Indian Languages.

This is very brief note on the introduction of literature written in these languages, “Prakrit

and Pali literature consists of the early Buddhist and Jaina canonical and non-canonical literature.

For example, the Milindapanho (1st century BCE-CE), the Nidanakatha (1st century CE), and

the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa (4th-6th centuries CE) are in Pali. The last two contain a

historical-cum-mythical account of the life of the Buddha, the spread of Buddhism, as also of the

Sri Lankan kingdom where these texts were complied. As the Mahayana school became

dominant within Buddhism, texts came to be composed in mixed Prakrit and Sanskrit, which has

been described as Buddhist Sanskrit or hybrid Sanskrit. For example, the Mahavastu (1st century

CE) and the Lalitavistara (1st-2nd centuries CE), both of which are hagiographies. (Other

Buddhist texts were entirely in Sanskrit, like the Divyavadana and Ashokavadana, which contain stories about the life and teachings of the Buddha and king Ashoka and his patronage of the

Buddhist faith and efforts to spread it beyond the borders of the Indian subcontinent. This is why

any simple equation between a religion and a language - Buddhism and Pali/Prakrit or

Brahmanism and Sanskrit - is misleading.) Late Jaina hagiographical works like the Harivamshapurana (8th century CE, the Jaina version of the Mahabharata story), the Adipurana (9th century CE), and the Trishashtilakshanapurusha (12th century CE) were

composed in mixed Prakrit and Sanskrit”.

(http://vle.du.ac.in/mod/book/print.php?id=11283&chapterid=21581)

The Jain Vetalapanchavimshate is one of the early popular texts widely translated into

Indian languages. The Charita Kavya is the one of the greatest contribution of the Jain writers.

This form of literature has been adapted into different Indian languages. Not only have that modern Indian languages practiced it since the medieval and pre-colonial era. Similarly

Apabhramsa Katha Kavya or story literature also was received by Indian poets and writers since the medieval era. Trivikrama Bhatta’s Champu kavya, completed into seven chapters, Damayanti

Katha or Nala Champu is very known popular theme in different literature of later age.

Persian and Translation into Indian Languages

“The rise of Persian as a court language offers interesting parallels for contemporaneous shifts in linguistics usage in South Asia, where, around the beginning of the second millennium CE, vernacular literary codes and forms began to replace the more translocal Sanskritic forms, which

South Asian elites had favored from the first few centuries of the Christian era”. (Flood 8)

Finbarr Barry Flood rightly pointed out the significance of the Persian in social and

cultural life being a court language. This comment is equally true for Bengal as in other parts of

South Asia. The translations from Persian and Persian as a language of power had strengthened

Islamic identity and offered people cultural prestige. In this context Islamic rule and Persian as

court language carries significance in the history of Bengali translation also. Through their

translation Islamic literature and the religious and philosophical ideas reached the common

Muslim people.

Translation from Sanskrit to Persian and Persian to Vernacular was also popular and

patronized during Mughal rule, especially in the 16th century during Akbar's time. Akbar

employed translators to translate the Mahabharata into Persian. Several texts had also been

translated from Persian into Bangla. Perhaps the most popular was the story of Laila-Majnu.

Doulat Ujir's 463 number punthi of Laila Majnu was a moving tale of love. Though the common

Bengalis could not understand the meaning of Sufism but they received it with the cultural knowledge of VaisnavLeelarasa2. The translated text lived among the people as performance.So

a text originating in another culture could easily appeal to Bengali receptors. Another story of

Yousuf Zoleikha was translated by Shah Muhammad Sagir and was claimed to have been

translated in the 14th century, even before Srikrishnakirtana. But Golam Murshid maintains that

the language and other historical evidences show it could not have been translated before 17th

century (274). If indeed Yousuf Zoleikha was translated before Srikrishnakirtana, it could well

claim to be the first text of medieval Bengal. One might say this is a deliberate ploy of religious

2Leela Rasa derives from the love of Radha and Krishna, very popular in Bengali folk life, fostering different performance traditions of Bengal.

contestation to claim itexistence before Srikrishnakritana. The first Bengali text is claimed to be

Charyapada which is written by Buddhists and the second text is Srikrishnakirtana written by a

Hindu. If these positions of precedence are contested by the Yousuf Zoleikha, then many

historical assumptions have to be rewritten. The debate is not justified as history proves Yousuf

Zoleikha wsa not translated before Srikrishnakirtana.

Besides the translation of Hindu literatures, the trend of translating Hindi and Persian

texts were established by the Muslim poets of medieval Bengal and thereby contributed different

streams of translation in Bangla in different themes. Famous poet Alaul, who’sPadmabati

became the paradigmatic text for the Muslim society, translated many other texts from Hindi and

Persian, likeTohfar, Chhayful Mulk Badi-Ujjmal, Iskandarnaamaa, and Sekendarnaamaa into

Bangla. The first romantic love narrative was the contribution of Daulat Kazi who ranslated

Sadhan’s Mainasat as Sati Mayna (17th century). Poet Nabhadas’Bhaktamaal was by poet

Krishnadas Babaji (Laldasji) in 27 volumes (146-147). Poets Sabirid Khan and Muhammad

Khan wrote stories of Hanifa and Kairapari, folk tales from Chattagram. Muhammad Khan’s book was titled, Hanifar Larai. These were translations of folk narratives into punthi in the17th

century.

Alaul’s Saifulmuluk Badiujjamal is a translation of Arabian fiction Alif Laila which Alaul

does not translate word for word but is more creative. Alaul also translated Persian Hapta

Paykar, a collection of Iranian stories by Nizami Samarkand in 1663. Nizami’s Sekendarnama

was translated by Alaul in 1673.

“During the Mughal period in India, translation practice shifted from Sanskrit- tobhaashaas towards Sanskrit-and-bhaashaas-to-Persian as Persian was “the ruler’s language”

(Mukherji 26). Akbar in the 16th century “set up a maktab khana or translation bureau in order to make available the classics of Indian thought in Persian” and got translated the Mahabharata, the

Yogavasistha, the Harivamsa, the Srimad-Bhagavat, the Singhasan Battisi, the Ramayana, and many works on Indian music into Persian (Behl 92). Badauni translated the Ramayana into

Persian in four years with much reluctance, but when the translation was complete, it was so good that Akbar gave him, again against his will, another task of the “complete Persian translation of the Atharvaveda” (Behl 93).

“After Akbar, his great grandson Dara Shikoh continued this tradition of translating

Hindu works into Persian. Dara Shikoh got fifty Upnishads (entitled Sirr-i-Akbar), the Bhagvad

Gita, and the Yogavashishtha Ramayana translated into Persian with the help of a team of translators. Aditya Behl notes that it is Sirr-i-Akbar that “became the basis of Europe’s idealist philosophers’ discovery of the East after Anquetil-Duperron translated it into Latin in 1801”.This culture of Mughal Darbar shows the strong culture of literary exchange through translation which not only helped to exchange the knowledge and share each other’s culture but also built a cultural confluence in medieval India which is by its very nature is polyphonic. It is needless to say that the polyphonic ethos of medieval literature was sustained through its continuous flow in translation.

But not only the royal court but also there were other initiatives which helped medieval

India to build cross cultural literary relations through ever increasing popular practice of

translation of medieval literature. “Baba Farid recommended the use of Punjabi for religious

writings. Shaikh Hamiduddin, before him, wrote in Hindawi. His verses are the best examples of

early Hindawi translation of Persian mystical poetry”. (The Hans)

Translation between Bhasha

Tarafdar, a historian of Bengali literature and culture from Bangladesh, refers to the Hindi romance Pranay Akhyan, Kutuban’s Mrigabat was adapted into Bangla by the five poets between seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. There are similarities between Poet Sadhan’s

Mayna Sat and Mrigabat and Alaul’s Padmabati. Alaul was the famous poet and translator of

Malik Muhammad Jaisi’s Padumabat into Bangla as Padmabati. Tarafdar opined (209). Alaul was the poet of seventeenth century in the royal court of Arakan king. Bhasha culture had been developing during the entire medieval period communicating with other newly developed languages of the East, like Hindi.

Bhakti Movement and Translation

“Undoubtedly, the supreme literary achievement of medieval India is the creation of a body of devotional poetry, by successive generations of saint – poets spread over several centuries.” (27)

This tradition was mass awakening in all over India. This tradition of Bhakti which is actually a confluence of different traditions of Bhakti emerged from different Indian cultures brings philosophy, religion, humanism, in one hand and music, performance, new themes, and revival of folk traditions in other hand.

Bhakti movement and Bhasha culture synthesized people’s belief and people’s literature which was there in oral tradition and in local language with the philosophical and religious found in scriptures and classical texts. Medieval translation always carried the traces of “raw vernacular vocabulary, riddles, secret codes, and non-rational images” (Schelling xv) which shows the deep affinity between the translation and social life, which further ensures that translation reached its target audience.

The texts which were translated during medieval period not only tried to bring knowledge from Sanskrit and later from the Persian texts but also tried to express spirituality in people’s language. According to Schelling, “Bhakti poetry occurs at the confluence of Sanskrit with

India’s vernacular traditions… Bhakti, and the poems that convey its passions, are, in A.K.

Ramanujan’s words, deliberately ‘anti-tradition” (xvii). The motivation for the development of bhasha was to oppose religious hierarchy and politics of knowledge restriction within certain caste and class. It also sought to satisfy people’s desire for spirituality. Bhakti Bhava of the creative poet-translators' ’ mind for the selection, translation and circulation of particular texts.

Krittivasa’s popularity and wide circulation of his manuscript was due to hisBhakti Bhava towards Vaisnavism and his devotion in that culture. Alaul’s Padmabati was very much influenced by his knowledge and belief on Sufism which also made this translated text acceptable to the Bengali community, most especially among the Muslims.Schelling adapts Dilip

Chitre’s term to describe the literary productions of Bhakti movement as ‘orature’. Schelling also comments that, “... bhakti is oral poetry, orature not literature, enunciated by the poet, and

written onto the page only later- often centuries later. In this sense its natural habitat has always

been performance”(xix).

In the Bengali scenario, Bhakti was not only expressed in the performative or the oral

tradition but was in written forms also, as in other cultures. It was a happy marriage between

written culture and oral tradition, as ‘local’ was reflected in the pages of the manuscripts which

were adapted by the Katha thakurs to perform. Bhakti and Bhasha, were determining factors for

the birth of medieval Indian translation and thus Indian literature too.

Schelling adds, “Bhakti poetry occurs at the confluence of Sanskrit with India’s vernacular traditions” (xvii). But the influence of Bhakti was not only limited within this culture

of Sanskrit, the influence of Sufism led the translation of Alaul’s Padmabati. Bhakti was

involved with the making of bhasha.

Krishnabhakti of Bhagabata became Vaisnava Krishnabhakti in translation in the post-

Chaitanya era, although translations of into Bangla had begun earlier to Chaitanya. Such

translations increased in number and value in post-Chaitanya era. The Vaisnavite philosophies

and other religious theories were also translated into Bangla as the Sanskrit texts from Vrindaban

for the Vaisnav leaders in Nabadwip as well as the followers in rest of Bengal. Bhagabata

interpretation, Natak, Vaisnabsmriti, Kabya, Alamkarshashtra by Sanatan Goswami, Roop

Goswami, Jeeb Goswami, Gopal Bhatta, Raghunath Das were translated in huge number through

17th and 18th century.

Conclusion

This module is a brief introduction to the medieval Indian Literature, which is a true confluence and reservoir of knowledge, culture, philosophy and practice of all these together. We have observed through whole medieval period so many races, religions, religious sects, languages, cultures and people came together to build polyphonic voices of Indian literature. They came together to know each other. The literature and other arts found in different language tradition came together despite they had their own hierarchy, both linguistic and social. Such a cultural awakening and eagerness of knowledge makes a history multiple, complex and rich. Throughout this journey of medieval Indian literature we can find several linguistic politics also; which reflects the greater politics and power games happened among the communities. Despite all these realities literary and cultural communication was continued and translation was inevitable in that tradition. Translation in broader sense. Translation of literature and music into performance, performance into sculpture, philosophy into literature, genre through adaptation and so on.

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Web Links:

http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/11238/7/07_chapter%201.pdf

The Hans India, August 27, 2015; http://www.thehansindia.com/posts/index/Hans/2015-08-

27/Importance-of-Sufi--Bhakti-movements/172822 .

http://vle.du.ac.in/mod/book/print.php?id=11283&chapterid=21581

http://nptel.ac.in/courses/109104050/lecture33/33_2.htm