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IIPCCL Graz, Austria ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 2 No. 1 AccesISSN 2410-759Xonline at www.iipccl.org IIPCCLBalkan Publishing, Journal of Interdisciplinary Tirana-Albania Research May,Vol. 5 2016No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

INTENATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR PRIVATE COMMERCIAL AND COMPETITION LAW (IIPCCL)

IIPCCLIIPCCL PUBLISHING, PUBLISHING, TIRANA-ALBANIA Graz-Austria

Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research

ISSN 2410-759X (print) ISSN 2411-9725 (online)

Vol.Vol 5,2, No.No. 1 1- May 20192016

Graz,Tirana,Tirana, Austria Albania 20162019 2017

1 1 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 2 No. 1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Tirana-Albania May, 2016 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Assoc. Prof. Endri Papajorgji

Dr. Angelika Kogler

Dr. Dejan Vujtan

Vol.Vol 2,5, No. 11 - MayMay 20192016

This work is licensed under a CC License of Attribution-Noncommercial-Noderivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). Based on a work at iipccl.org.

This Journal is published in Partnership with Tirana Business University College.

PUBLISHER © IIPCCL- International Institute for Private, Commercial and Competition Law Schönbrunngasse 12, 8043 Graz, Austria Email: [email protected], [email protected] Web: http://www.iipccl.org/ This Journal is printed for IIPCCL by Drimm Publishing House Vienna, Austria 2

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Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research

VolVol 2, 5, No. No. 11 -- MayMay 20192016

ISSN 2410-759X (print) ISSN 2411-9725 (online)

About the Journal

Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research is an international peer- reviewed journal published three times a year by International Institute for Private, Commercial and Competition Law. The need for different approaches in science, such as in business, economics, law, social sciences and other fields is a must in the whole field of scientific research. Academics, Professors, Researchers, Students and the whole world is in a new era of communication, which causes fast changes and gives birth to scientific and cultural debates. Our Journal is interested in promoting the exchange of idea, and to bring together researchers and academics from all over the countries. In this sense, we welcome papers not only in the above cited fields, but also in other fields of scientific research. Welcome to BJIR, which is open for the academic world, universities, research institutions, PhD students, academic and non-academic researchers. Aiming at scientific excellence and quality, this journal will promote the best inputs in scientific- and academic research, on the prospective of local, international, global developments in business, economics, law, social-, but also natural sciences. All manuscripts will be double blind peer reviewed by the members of the editorial board who are noted experts in the appropriate subject area.

Editor in Chief, Assoc. Prof. Dr. (PhD Uni Graz) Endri Papajorgji

3 ISSNISSN 2410-759X2410-759X BalkanBalkan Journal Journal of Interdisciplinary of Interdisciplinary Research Research Vol.Vol. 2 5No. No.1 1 AccesAcces online atat www.iipccl.orgwww.iipccl.org IIPCCLIIPCCL Publishing, Publishing, Tirana-Albania Graz-Austria May,May, 20162019

Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Editor inin Chief, chief, Prof.assoc. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Dr. PhD(PhD (Uni Uni Graz) Endri Endri Papajorgji Papajorgji Tirana Business University International Editorial Board

Prof. Dr. Jürgen Wolfbauer Prof. Dr. Ilia Kristo Montanuniversitaet Leoben (Austria) University of Tirana (Albania)

Prof. Dr. Rajmonda Duka Prof. Dr. Azem Hajdari University of Tirana (Albania) University of Pristina (Kosovo)

Prof. Dr. Horst-Dieter Westerhoff Prof. Dr. Abdylmenaf Bexheti Universität Duisburg-Essen (Germany) University of SEEU (Macedonia)

Dr. Afërdita Berisha-Shaqiri Prof. Dr. Joseph Mifsud University of Pristina (Kosovo) University of East Anglia, London (UK)

Dr. Mladen Andrlic Prof. Dr. Lindita Milo-Lati Croatian Diplomatic Academy (Croatia) University of Tirana (Albania)

Prof. Ass. Dr. Naim Baftiu Dr. Hans-Achim Roll University of Prizren (Kosovo) Rechtsanwalt (Germany)

Prof. Dr. Iraj Hashi Prof. Ass. Dr. Evis Kushi Staffordshire University (UK) University of Elbasan (Albania)

Prof. Dr. Nabil Ayad Prof. Dr. Mimoza Karagjozi (Kore) University of East Anglia, London (UK) University of Tirana (Albania)

Dr. Eda Bezhani Prof. Em. Heinz Dieter Wenzel University of Durres (Albania) University of Bamberg (Germany)

Prof. Ass. Dr. Arsena Gjipali PhD (Argosy University) Gerti Dajçi University of Tirana (Albania) Tirana Business University (Albania)

Prof. Dr. Bektash Mema Dr. Sasha Dukoski University of Gjirokastra (Albania) University of Bitola (Macedonia)

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

The impact of microfi nance institutions in Kosovo society ...... 7 Blerta Aliu

Teoria e atashimit te nenes me femij en sipas john bowlbyTe menduarit feminor, prespektivat dhe arritjet ...... 14 Jonida Cerekja

Koncepti mbi shtetin sipas teorisë së kontratës ...... 25 Abla Xhaferi

Modern Trends in English Language Teaching ...... 37 Kadri Krasniqi

The Process of Legal Approximation with EU Acquis in Republic of Kosovo ...... 47 Qëndresa Hyseni

The emergence of the concept of rape as an atrocity in international law ...... 61 Agim Nuhiu Ajten K. Ramadani

Albanian MAPs Sector development with focus on international trade ...... 74 Merita Gecaj

Mësimdhënia e diferencuar në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj ...... 81 Sidorela Bushataj

The support of Italy in the proclamation of the Albanian monarchy in 1928...... 88 Antoneta Hoxha

Pasojat psikologjike të fëmij ëve të lindur në një familje me nënën toksikomane ...... 100 Valbona Kaja Astrit Bali

Swiss Citizenship ...... 106 Tanusha Selimi Darjel Sina

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The impact of microfi nance institutions in Kosovo society

Blerta Aliu

Abstract

Microfi nance is increasingly being considered as one of the most eff ective tools of reducing poverty. It has a signifi cant role in bridging the gap between the formal fi nancial institutions and the rural poor. Historically, microfi nance institutions have played the role of catalyst for certain categories of population that have been excluded from the fi nancial support of other institutions. The economy of Kosovo is a transitional economy. The primary sector is based on small to medium-sized family-owned dispersed units. Bearing in mind that in Kosovo, the population still faces a relatively high level of unemployment (around 30.7% based on KAS -Kosovo Agency of Statistics, Labor Force Survey Q3 2018) it is worth noting that the importance of these institutions can be signifi cant. Through fi nancial assistance from these institutions, people can build assets, create new jobs and increase their livelihoods. As these institutions in our country are regulated by CBK and their main goal is to provide access to fi nancial services in the social aspect, I found it reasonable that through this research to highlight their impact in our society. Within the framework of the research, will be addressed the impact of the microfi nance institutions operating in Kosovo. In the fi rst part of this paper is described what microfi nance is, which are benefi ts of it and the development of microfi nance sector in Kosovo. Meanwhile, the second part belongs to the empirical analysis carried out to fulfi ll the purpose of this paper. Through descriptive and comparative statistics, this research emphasizes the impact of these institutions to the fi nancial support provided to this category of population and their impact on Kosovo society.

Keywords: impact, microfi nance, Kosovo, society, loan, employment.

Introduction

Microfi nance, also called microcredit, is a type of banking service that is provided to unemployed or low-income individuals or groups who otherwise would have no other access to fi nancial services. Ultimately, the goal of microfi nance is to give impoverished people an opportunity to become self-suffi cient. 1 Microfi nance institutions or MFIs, come in all shapes and sizes. They can diff er in scale, experience, legal statute, strategy and budget.2 Additionally, the goals for microfi nance institutions, and hence the function of microfi nance is to: • Be a viable fi nancial institution developing sustainable communities. • Mobilize resources to provide fi nancial and support services to the poor, particularly women, for viable productive income generation enterprises enabling 1 https://www.investopedia.com/terms/m/microfi nance.asp 2 https://www.microworld.org/en/news-from-the-fi eld/article/what-microfi nance-institution 7 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

them to reduce their poverty. • Learn and evaluate what helps people to move out of poverty faster. • Create opportunities for self-employment for the underprivileged. Train rural poor in simple skills and enable them to utilize the available resources and contribute to employment and income generation in rural areas.3

Benefi ts of Microfi nance

There are literally dozens of benefi ts for microfi nance, but the key pluses involve the role of microfi nance in economic development:

1. It allows people to provide for their families. Through microfi nance, more households are able to expand their current opportunities so that more income accumulation may occur. 2. It gives people access to credit. "By extending microfi nance opportunities, people have access to small amounts of credit, which can then stop poverty at a rapid pace. 3. It serves those who are oft en overlooked in society. About 95 percent of some loan products extended by microfi nance institutions are given to women, as well as those with disabilities, those who are unemployed, and even those who simply beg to meet their basic needs. 4. It creates the possibility of future investments. Microfi nance disrupts the cycle of poverty by making more money available. When basic needs are met, families can then invest in bett er housing, health care, and even, eventually, small business opportunities. 5. It can create jobs. Microfi nance is also able to let entrepreneurs in impoverished communities and developing countries create new employment opportunities for others. 6. It encourages people to save. "When people have their basic needs met, the natural inclination is for them to save the left over earnings for a future emergency. 7. It off ers signifi cant economic gains even if income levels remain the same. The gains from participation in a microfi nance program including access to bett er nutrition, higher levels of consumption, and eventually, growing economies, even in small and impoverished communities. 8. It leads to bett er loan repayment rates. "Microfi nance tends to target women borrowers, who are statistically less likely to default on their loans than men. So these loans help empower women, and they are oft en safer investments for those loaning the funds. 9. It extends education. Families receiving microfi nance services are less likely to pull their children out of school for economic reasons.

Microfi nance, then, may involve very small loans and fi nancial services, but it has a worldwide impact over the last four-plus decades. For a small business that needs just a bit of extra cash or credit to secure a new opportunity, microfi nance may be just the ticket. And for a small lending or banking business looking for new opportunities, 3 https://smallbusiness.chron.com/role-microfi nance-institutions-13233.html 8 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 microfi nance literally off ers a world of opportunities – one small loan or fi nancial service at a time.4

The Microfi nance Sector in Kosovo

The Microfi nance Sector in Kosovo supports the Legal Framework aimed at regulating the functioning and development of Microfi nance Institutions. MFIs are licensed as microfi nance institutions and are supervised by the Central Bank of the Republic of Kosovo (CBK). They report on monthly and quarterly basis to the CBK, and also submit the audited annual fi nancial statements. The main instruments governing the MFI fi nancial activities are the Law on Banks, Microfi nance and Non-banking Institutions and some CBK Regulations. Since most MFIs in Kosovo have an NGO status, they are regulated by the Law on Freedom of Association in Non-Governmental Organizations. And, like any other NGO and MFIs, make proper annual reports at the NGO Offi ce at the Ministry of Public Administration. Microfi nance Institutions (MFIs) in Kosovo have started operating immediately aft er the war, as fi nancial aid and micro-credit programs in support of small business initiatives in Kosovo. Their contribution has been important to begin economic growth in the post-war period, when the fi nancial sector was almost non-existent. Aft er initial donor support, MFIs were fi nanced by commercial loans from international fi nancial institutions with an interest rate of between 6.5% and 9% per annum. In general, these institutions are development banks and socially responsible investors who support certain activities and sectors of economies in development, which contribute to improving the living standards of marginalized groups of society. The benefi ts that the microfi nance industry off ers to the people of Kosovo and the economic development of the country are numerous. However, the most important is the impact of MFIs on the involvement of the fi nancial sector of the poorest sections of society. The microfi nance sector serves a population layer that, otherwise, is not served by commercial banks. Involvement in the fi nancial sector of all tiers of society reduces the need for people to address their fi nancial needs in informal credit markets, where funding conditions are unfavorable, illegal and end up with severe consequences. The microfi nance industry also plays an important role in fi nancial education of clients who receive guidance on how fi nancial products function, allowing customers to move from informal to formal economy to post-war Kosovo and giving them and their families venture opportunities. Microfi nance has a powerful eff ect on the community as its eff ects aff ect customers and their small businesses, customer families (eg, extra income is oft en used to improve food and education for children) as well as other individuals who benefi t from the additional employment opportunities created by business growth. Kosovo's MFIs play an important role in empowering women through small loans. Today, MFIs continue to meet Kosovo's market needs, with lending to small businesses and individual entrepreneurs, including farmers. Interest rates, although apparently high, are roughly at a level of cost recovery and are comparable to the region. Competition, the abolition of restrictions on services 4 https://smallbusiness.chron.com/role-microfi nance-institutions-13233.html 9 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 and the involvement of the private sector will signifi cantly aff ect the reduction of interest rates. The operating model in Kosovo is similar to other countries where interest rates are at a level to cover fi nancing costs, lending risk to small and informal businesses and the administrative cost of lending, which is higher for small loans (AMIK- Association of Microfi nance Institutions of Kosovo).

Purpose of the research

The main purpose of this research is to present the impact of microfi nance institutions in Kosovo society. More precisely: • The pace of growth and dissemination of these institutions in Kosovo; • Their impact on opening up new jobs; • Financial support of households and small businesses.

Analysis and fi ndings

To analyze the impact of these institutions in Kosovo society, I have compared statistical data published in the CBK website (December 2014-December 2018), which outlines some indicators regarding the structure and activity of these institutions in Kosovo.

December 2014-December 2018 Number of Loans branches Family eco- Number of Number of nomy Interest MFIs employees Enterprise rates 2014 18 111 763 49.1 mln 25.3 mln 23.3 % 2015 18 111 814 53.1 mln 29.3 mln 22.3 % 2016 16 117 917 73.0 mln 35.9 mln 21.3 % 2017 18 123 979 92.4 mln 51.8 mln 22.6 % 2018 22 145 1221 120.8 mln 62.9 mln 21.7% Table 1. CBK monthly reports (December 2014- December 2018)

According to the data in the table above, it is noticed that every year there was a growth trend. More precisely, the number of these institutions operating in Kosovo has increased from 18 ( December 2014) to 22 (December 2018). The network of dissemination of these institutions across the country has also grown from 111 branches to 145.

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Figure 1.Number of MFIs and their branches in Kosovo (December 2014-December 2018)

According to these statistics, MFIs have also contributed to increase the employment in our country, by employing 458 more employees compared to 2014.

Figure 2.Number of employees in MFIs (December 2014-December 2018)

The number of loans disbursed for this period was also noticeable. It is evident from these data that MFIs in Kosovo pay particular att ention to the support of households and small businesses.

Figure 3.Type of MFIs loans (December 2014-December 2018)

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Despite the fact that the interest rates of these institutions are considered high compared to those of commercial banks, during the years there is a slight movement that reaches an average of 22.84%. However, that which somehow justifi es these norms is the risk that MFIs derive from the fi nancing of this category of society, the smaller administrative requirements that they have and rapid disbursements of funds.

Figure 4.Interest rates of MFIs loan (December 2014-December 2018)

Conclusion

1. Based on the aformetioned statistics, we can conclude that the growth and distribution rhythm of MFIs in Kosovo is in a growth trend. It is noted that for 5 years, there was an increase in the number of new branches opened in Kosovo; 2. Also, positive trend has been noted regarding the opening of new jobs, respectively 458 more employees from 2014 to 2018; 3. Further, a positive trend is seen regarding the fi nancial support these institutions off er to households as well as to small businesses. This comparative analysis, lets us understand the importance that MFIs have gained in our society. It is diffi cult to come to the conclusion that these institutions contribute negatively or positively to the economic growth of the country since in many cases they are institutions that help fi nance the informal economy but taking into consideration the economic diffi culties faced by a high percentage of the population in Kosovo, then these MFIs are an acceptable alternative for quick solutions to their requirements. Moreover, according to CBK, 2018 is considered as a successful year in terms of fi nancial stability and recent development of the fi nancial system in Kosovo. This is more or less noteworthy that access to fi nance has improved since microfi nance institutions have also increased lending and continued to be an important source of funding especially for certain categories of households and small businesses.

References

Central Bank of Kosovo (2014-2018),Monthly reports December 2014- December 2018. Kagan Julia, (2018, 7 June). What is Microfi nance? Retrieved from htt ps://www.investopedia.com/terms/m/microfi nance.asp 12 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Mathieu Marika (2010, 12 January).What is a Microfi nance Institution? Retrieved from htt ps://www.microworld.org/en/news-from-the-fi eld/article/what- microfi nance-institution. Teeboom Leon (February 04, 2019). Role of Microfi nance Institutions. Retrieved from htt ps://smallbusiness.chron.com/role-microfi nance-institutions-13233.html The Kosovo Agency of Statistics (December, 2018).Labour force survey Q3 2018.

List of tables and fi gures Table 1. CBK monthly reports (December 2014- December 2018). Figure 1.Number of MFIs and their branches in Kosovo (December 2014-December 2018). Figure 2.Number of employees in MFIs (December 2014-December 2018). Figure 3.Type of MFIs loans (December 2014-December 2018). Figure 4.Interest rates of MFIs loan (December 2014-December 2018).

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Teoria e atashimit te nenes me femij en sipas john bowlby Te menduarit feminor, prespektivat dhe arritjet

Jonida Cerekja Gjimnazi “Tomorr Sinani”

….OH, My litt le and beautiful baby! You born and the cradle looks like for you an enormous space… You grow up and the spaces looks like for you very claps.” Friedrich V.Schiller.

Absrakt

Problemi i rritjes së fëmij ës i përket çdo momenti historik, çdo kulture dhe shoqërie, në nje lidhje te forte me bindjet fi lozofi ke, fetare, shkencore, ekonomike dhe politike. Çdo epokë e ka pikturuar Foshnjen dhe rrjedhimisht rolin e prindërve, veçanërisht rolin e gruas-nëne në mënyrën e vet. Çdo gjeneratë e re është transgresive ndaj prindërve dhe shoqërisë. Është një kontrast pozitiv me rritjen ekzistuese, në kuptimin e ideve të reja dhe burimeve të reja. Megjithëse shumë herë krahas këtyre ndryshimeve pozitive, lindin dhe perendojne shumë probleme,të cilat për fat të keq shpesh kthehen kundër vetë femij eve dhe të rinjve. Në një kontekst historik të ndryshimeve të forta, edhe Planeti i Fëmij ërisë ndihet i çorientuar dhe i frikësuar. Dhe rrjedhimisht edhe të qenit një nënë nuk do të jetë e lehtë. Në fakt, fëmij a gjithmonë është njohur dhe shihet si bartës i vlerave dhe është i integruar në nje shoqëri ku parimet baze, modelet e bashkejeteses ,etika dhe toleranca mbizotërojnë për të ndërtuar një shoqëri më të drejtë. A është e mundur të shpresosh një të ardhme që mund t'u japë më shumë fëmij ëve? Më shumë jo në kuptimin e "objekteve" për të poseduar, por në kuptimin e dëgjimit të lotëve, zërit të tyre, mendimeve të tyre,ne kuptimin e sigurisë, mbrojtjes, cilësisë së jetës? Sa fëmij ë dhunohen sot, sa janë abandonuar ... nga pakënaqësitë e shfrytëzimit famëkeq apo të boshllekut edukativ që i bën ata te corientuar dhe të pakënaqur? A është ky imazh i frikshme çmimi për të paguar përparimin? Ne ditet e sotme,këto pyetje dhe shumë të tjerë së bashku me faktorë të tillë si fi gura e gruas- nëne, stili i jetës (që nga këndvështrimi im është më pozitiv se në të kaluarën) shprehitë, virtytet morale, sjelljet, marrëdhëniet relacionale, dashurise, fazat e zhvillimit të fëmij ës të trajtuara gjatë rrjedhës së pedagogjisë dhe aspekte të lidhura me fi gurën e nënës, që është pikembeshtetja kryesore e jetës së fëmij ës,(pare si aspekti mbizotërues i teorise se Bowlby- it;)pasi dashuria e nënës,aspekti “afektiv-relacional” është baza ee rritjes së fëmij ës. Sipas psikologeve, përvojat e para të fëmij ës janë me natyrë afektive. Nëse kjo marrëdhënie mungon ose neglizhohet nga nena, fëmij a do të krij ojë gjendje të mungesës emocionale që do të ndikojnë negativisht në zhvillimin e tij psikofi zik,biopsikologjik dhe psikosocial. Shpresoj qe keto pak faqe,por me peshe te madhe,tu vine sadopak ne ndihme nenave te reja.

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Hyrje

Dikush mund të pyesë pse fl asim kaq shumë për fëmij ët dhe nënat? A ka fund refl ektimi ynë? Cilet janë fëmij ët që kërkojmë? Cila do të jetë drejtimi i tyre i zhvillimit? Cfare formë do te marrin prespektivate tyre? Si do të përparojë bota e femij eve? Për të kuptuar dinamikën dhe prespektivatqë lëvizin dhe drejtojne fëmij ën drejt botës (kopështit, shkollës,integrimi ne shoqeri, takimi me njerëz të rinj, etj ..) duhet të kemi parasysh dhe të përpiqemi te shpjegojme nje sërë rrethanash dhe situatash që e cojne ne marrjen e njohurive, sjelljes, vlerave, dështimet dhe arritjet, ekspozuar drejt maturimit apo autostimes shoqeruese ne rritje.Fëmij ët janë rreze drite, ata janë mesazhi ngushëllues që Perëndia nuk është ende i lodhur prej nesh. Te mbrojmë fëmij ët nga ajo që mund të shqetësojë dhe të shkatërrojë rritjen e tyre. Te mbikqyrim pafajësinë e tyre dhe le të lejojmë që të edukohemi me ta.Emergjenca edukative është sfi da e momentit dhe nëse një i rritur nuk e veren,atehere ai nuk mund ta quaj veten te rritur. Në agim të mij ëvjeçarit të tretë, ndërsa jemi përballur me periudha krize dhe rreziku, detyra arsimore eshte me e nevojshme se kurre. Fëmij ëria kërkon kujdes material dhe psikik nga ana e nënës, por kjo e fundit, për të realizuar më mirë "detyrën" e saj, ka nevojë gjithashtu për shoqërinë dhe të gjitha institucionet që merren me edukimin social.Te investosh per femij et,do te thote te investosh per te ardhmen,do te thote te besosh ne te ardhmen,ne progres dhe paqe.Te edukosh nje femij e do te thote te besosh ne nje te ardhme me te sigurt;ti hapesh zemren kuriozitetit dhe mrekullise,te arrish te kesh trasparence dhe aft esi emocionuese perballe nje perendimi qe perhap drite, ngjyra,ngrohtesi dhe rilindje.

John Bowlby - Teoria afektive mbi lidhjen nene-femij e

John Bowlby lindi në Londër më 27 janar 1907 në një familje viktoriane dhe vdiq më 2 gusht 1990 në Isle of Skye.Ishte një nga fi gurat me kryesore te shek.XX ne fushen e psikologjise dhe psikoanalises.Nje nga studimet e tij me te rendesishme eshteTeoria afektive e lidhjes nene-femij e, duke vënë në dukje veçanërisht aspektet që karakterizojnë marrëdhëniet emocionale mes nënës dhe fëmij ës. Në tezën e tij ai trajton një sintezë origjinale dhe të frytshëm midis shkencave sociale dhe biologjike, duke përfshirë psikologjine dhe etologjinë, ri-vlerësimin e aspekteve që janë konsideruar te kota.Nepermjet eksperimenteve dhe njevëzhgimi të kujdesshëm hodhi drite mbi to. Bowlby i dha psikologjise,mekanizmat baze se si kjo lidhje e forte nene-femij e ka të bëjë me "moshën e zhvillimit të fëmij ës lidhjet emocionale dhe efektet e dëmshme të shpërthimit të tyre, janë aspekte thelbësore për një rritje të shëndetshme mendore te femij es dhe për formimin e personalitetit.Sipas Bowlby-it në këtë teori individit për të strukturuar lidhje të forta emocionale me dikë,apo si shumë forma të çrregullimit mendor; shqetësimit emocional, ankthi, zemërimi i shprehur në agresion, depresioni dhe çrregullimet e personalitetit mund t'i atribuohen dy aspekteve; a) devij imet në ndërtimin e lidhjes me personin më të afërt të fëmij ës dhe b) mos arritjen e ketij raporti. Sipas Bowlby-it këto dy aspekte; ndërtimi dhe thyerja e lidhjeve emocionale të fëmij ës me nënën e kanë rrënjën e tyre ne një instinkt të lindur që psikoanalisti e quan atë “Afeksion”, bazën e lidhjes se sigurt me nenen”. 15 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Thelbi i lidhjes afektive. Bowlby bazuar në studimet e tij , punën dhe përvojën klinike dhe studime mbi etologjinë1 nderthurur në psikologji, ai thotë se "çdo qenie e gjallë, sidomos qenia njerezore ka një predispozitë biologjike për të zhvilluar një lidhje të “ngjitjes” me një person të vetëm i cili do te merret me kujdesenin për të.Meqenese nëna është e para qe merret me kujdesin e fëmij ës, është shumë e mundshme që ky instinkt i lidhjes do të vendosë me të”. Ai thekson se termat “ngjitje”,”afeksion” mund të interpretohen në tre mënyra të ndryshme që ndërthuren me njëra-tjetren, duke forcuar ose thyer lidhjen afektive me nënën. 1-sjellje = instinkt i lindur 2-nevojë = kujdesi fi zik i nënës 3-lidhje afektive = ndjenjën e mbrojtjes dhe empati, sferën emocionale, Niveli i ndërveprimeve midis nënës dhe fëmij ës gjatë fazave të zhvillimit si;zhvillimi i refl ekseve te lindura,kujdesi ne kurat fi zike,atashimi, së bashku me dy kategoritë e konfl iktit,intra-psikik dhe ekstra-psikik luajnë një rol vendimtar në ndërtimin ose thyerjen e lidhjeve afektive të fëmij ës me nënën i cili kalon ne dy drejtime; 1-Lidhja e sigurt 2-Lidhja e pasigurt

Lidhja e sigurt nene-femij e

Lidhja e Sigurt është ndërtuar kur nëna perceptohet si një fi gurë e besuar, e gatshme, e dashur,esigurt dhe në gjendje të ofrojë fëmij es përgjigjen e duhur për secilin lloj të nevojës, që e shoqërojnë ate ne çdo hap të ciklit të jetës. Ne momentin qe nëna njihet si ajo që i jep fëmij ës një bazë të sigurtë që u krij ua gjatë vitit të parë të moshës,formohet një marrëdhënie reciprokisht solide mes tyre. Marrëdhëniet e tyre duken të qeta dhe të sigurta, të shprehura me përqafi me të ndezura ose shkëmbime të shikimeve dhe vokalizimeve në distancë, një shenjë e mirë për marrëdhëniet e tyre në të ardhmen. Qëndrueshmëria e padiskutueshme e një lidhjeje përjetohet si një burim sigurie dhe një burim gëzimi. Përvojat që një fëmij ë akumulon gjatë fëmij ërisë përcaktojnë shumicën e pritjeve të tij ose të saj për të gjetur ose jo gjetjen e një baze të sigurt personale më pas. Natyra e pritjeve që një person ka dhe niveli i tij i aft ësisë luajnë një rol të rëndësishëm në përcaktimin e llojeve të njerëzve që do t'i qasen dhe se si do të sillen me të. Efektet pozitive të lidhjes së sigurt në fëmij ë; • Zhvillimi i shëndetshëm psikofi zik, duke fi lluar nga zhvillimi kognitiv, afektif- relacional, fusha psiko-motorike, emocionale dhe gjuhësore. • Besimi i tij në vetvete është në rritje • Aft ësia e tij për të ndërvepruar me të tjerët në çdo fazë të rritjes; i mitur, djalë- adoleshent, i rritur • Zhvillimi i një personaliteti të shëndetshëm që nuk zbulon pavarësinë e një individi, por i referohet një personi të aft ë për të reaguar në mënyrë të përshtatshme në situata të ndryshme që i paraqiten. Çdokush që është fëmij ë, (duke përjashtuar rastet specifi ke) thotë Bowlby, i cili krij on një lidhje të sigurt me nënën e tij gjatë gjithë jetës së tij , do të tentojë të tregojë të njëjtat modele të sjelljes, duke u larguar nga personat me të dashur për periudha të shkurtra 1 Ambivalente-ekzistenca tek nje individ i impulseve dhe sentimenteve te kunderta kundrejt te njejtit person. 16 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 ose të gjata,duke mbajtur me vete ndjenjen e "dashurise" dhe “ngrohtesise” si një sinjal që herët a vonë do të kthehet tek ajo strehes e ngrohte,familja me ne qender “nenen”.

Lidhja e pasigurt nene-femij e

Lidhja e pasigurt. Sipas Bowlby-it, përvojat e fëmij ërisë së hershme kanë një ndikim të veçantë në zhvillimin e çrregullimeve psikike të fëmij ës. Teza e tij afi rmon dhe shpjegon efektet negative që çojnë në mungesën e kujdesit fi zik të femij es nga ana e nënës ose në humbjen e angazhimit te nënes për kujdesin e fëmij ës gjate fazave te zhvillimit mendor dhe personalitetitt e foshnjës. Shumë nga çrregullimet psikologjike, psikopatologjike dhe formimit te nje karakteri me tendenca antisociale kanë si burim humbjen e një lidhjeje të qëndrueshme dhe të dashur me fi gurën e nënës në foshnjëri nga 6 muaj deri në moshën 6 vjeçare. Por kjo humbje mund ta shoqeroje jetën e fëmij ës edhe për shumë vite, duke e cuar drejt nje disfunksionesh pak a shumë të rënda. Duhet të merret parasysh, thekson Bowlby, se sjellja instinktive e qenies njerëzore përfaqësohet nga dy makanizima të lindura; njëri i cili kontrollon aktivizimin e tij , tjetri ndërprerjen e këtij impulsi. Dhe të dyja këto mekanizma, ndërsa fëmij a rritet, janë shumë të lidhura me zhvillimin e fazave te ndjeshmerise, rritjen emocionale sidomos në periudhën e parë të jetës. Zgjidhja më e përshtatshme për të balancuar këtë zhvillim instiktiv të impulseve është Nëna. Por edhe këtu është e rëndësishme që nëna të ketë një sjellje të besueshme dhe të qëndrueshme në mënyrë që këto impulse të mos bëhen shumë të forta dhe të zhvillohen në mënyrë joproporcionale. Kur një fëmij ë rritet në këto kushte, lindin konfl ikte që nuk kanë asgjë patologjike, por ato shfaqin dy aspekte të lidhjes së pasigurt; lidhja ambivalente2 dhe lidhja e ankthit (frika e humbjes se nenes). Lidhja ambivalente në fëmij ërinë e hershme ka si shkak privimin e kujdesit amesor si nga ana fi zike dhe biologjike dhe turpin e fëmij ës për impulset dhe emocionet që ai i percepton dhe nuk mund t'i kontrollojë ato. Ky pershkrim ka te beje me një nënë te dashur dhe te disponueshme vetëm kur dëshiron ajo dhe jo kur ka nevojë fëmij a. Këtu një nga pasojat më të rëndësishme do të ishte konfl ikti kontradiktor midis dy ndjenjave ndaj nënës; Urrejtja dhe Dashuria. Fëmij a është në një gjendje të hutuar, tregon shenja të zemërimit ndaj saj dhe në të njëjtën kohë dëshiron të jetë gjithmonë me të. Foshnja në këtë fazë ushqen rreth vetes ndjenja të fajit për këtë marrëdhënie me nënën që e percepton atë si pozitive dhe krij on një imazh negativ të vetes. Per rrjedhoje, fëmij a vepron duke sulmuar nënën, duke e shtyrë atë, duke e goditur si mënyrën më të mirë për të pasur kontakt fi zik me të.Për të kontrolluar këtë konfl ikt kontradiktor te impulseve që fëmij a shfaq, Bowlby këshillon qe femij a të shprehë lirshëm ndjenjat e tij . Përdorimi i frustracionit ose bindja e fëmij ës për mosmirënjohje ndaj nënës nuk zgjidh asgjë. Të dyja tentojnë te rritin tek fëmij a ndjenjen e frikës dhe te fajit përballe impulseve duke shkaktuar jolumturi brenda tij . Lidhja e ankthitlidhet kryesisht me "ankthin e ndarjes" me fi gurën e nënës. Fëmij a jeton me shqetesimin dhe me "frikën" e braktisjes nga nëna e tij dhe e ndien veten te abandonuar. Çrregullimi rrjedh nga problemet që lindin gjatë zhvillimit të fazave të 2 A.Phillips,”I NO,che aiutano a crescere”,Feltrinelli,Milano 2003.fq.95. 17 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 ndjeshmerise dhe perceptimit qe femij a posedon nga lindja. Nëna perceptohet nga fëmij a si e pasigurtë dhe jo garante, duke rritur tek femij a ankthin dhe impulsin e "frikës" së humbjes së saj sa herë që ajo largohet ose mungon për disa arsye te ndryshme si, puna,pazare,trajnime,apo aspekte te tjera te jetes se perditshme, etj. Në fëmij ën, mbetet i fi ksuar,mendimi i kthimit te saj duke stepur reagimin e tij në mjedis, duke rritur ankthin e perceptimit te te ndjerit jo i dashur nga personi që ai e do më shume. E gjithë kjo, thotë Bowlby, lidhet me mungesën e strukturimit të një lidhjeje të fortë “ngrohtesie-afektive” për shkak të paaft ësisë së nënës për t'i ofruar fëmij ës sigurinë dhe dashurinë që i nevojitet. Efektet negative të lidhjes së pasigurt në fëmij ën; • Formimi i një personaliteti të vështirë, të paqëndrueshëm dhe të trazuar. • I pa lumtur, hidherim dhe trishtim • Depresion,shfaqja e disa tipareve te stresit • Zemërim, inat-furi, agresivitet • Neurotik (nervos), i renduar nga shtypja e ankthit dhe sensit te fajit • Ai nuk ka besim te vetja dhe te të tjerët • Nuk mund të strukturojë lidhjet te qëndrueshme emocionale me bashkemoshataret dhe të tjerët • Psikopatia (subjekti kryen veprime negative kundër vetes, kundër familjes dhe kundër shoqërisë). Fazat nëpër të cilat fëmij a kalon për të rregulluar lidhjen e pasigurt, që mund te jete ambivalente ose e ankthit, janë me rëndësi kritike për zhvillimin e personalitetit të tij . Nëse një zhvillim i tillë nuk do të ketë mundësinë për të korrigjuar ose për të krij uar një marrëdhënie të qëndrueshme dhe te sigurt me nënën (ose personin që kujdeset për të në mungesë të fi gurës së nënës) ai nuk do te arrij e të ketë nje kontroll adekuat mbi impulset por do tëjete i mbizotëruar prej tyre. Kjo gjendje është e rrezikshme dhe krij on një seri problemesh për rritjen e tij /te saj. Nga ana tjetër, nëse ky zhvillim ndjek një rrugë të sigurt dhe të qetë në marrëdhënien atashuese me nënën, fëmij a jo vetëm që do të rritet i vetëdij shëm ne lidhje me eksistenzen e impulseve te kunderta,por do te jete i aft e ti mbikqyre dhe kontrrolloje ato. Edhe pse kjo teori emanon J.Bowlby mund te duket e ngjashme me te tjerat,efi kasiteti i saj konsiston ne gjetjen e shkaqeve dhe ballafaqimit te patologjive te ndryshme te shfaqura tek femij et ne periudhen e pare te femij erise ne lidhje me mungesen e kujdesit fi zik dhe afektiv nga ana e nenes,apo ne rastet e humbjes dhe largimit te kesaj fi gure.Synimi i psikoanalistit ne teorine etij eshte te theksoj edhe njehere se si eksperiencat amesore te binomit nene-femij e ne dy vitet e para te jetes se femij es infl uenciojne maredheniet e ardhshme te femij es ne nje bote ende te panjohur per te.Ai nenvizon se:”....nje lidhje e forte e qendrueshme me nenen,zhvillon nje prezantim pozitiv te Vetes(UNI-t).Femij a ndihet i pranuar,i respektuar,i dashur,i sigurt dhe i gatshem tu manifestoj te tjereve keto tipare”. Se fundmi nuk me mbetet te them se “ impulsi i afeksionit” nuk eshte gje tjeter vecse nje “refl eks ndjeshmerie i lindur” i cili lidh ne nje skeme te vetme nenen dhe femij en,ku sipas teorive psiko-pedagogjike eshte themeliper rritjen dhe formimin e karakterit dhe te temparamentit te femij es.

18 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Bota e fëmij ës Prespektivat dhe arritjet

Nuk do të jetë e lehtë për të thënë shumë gjëra në nevojat më të dukshme dhe më te komplikuar te fëmij ëve që shkojnë nga një marrëdhënie atashimi me nënën, tek marrëdhëniet jashtë binomit te tyre. Një nga karakteristikat e moshës midis tre dhe pesë vjec, thotë Asha Phillips3, psikoterapiste per fëmij ë, është se bota përjetohet nga fëmij a si diçka magjike. Fantazi dhe realiteti nuk janë ende të ndara dhe të përcaktuara mirë. Ideja e hapesires ku vepron, fëmij ës i duket si një mikrokozmos, gjithçka sillet rreth nënës dhe familjes se tij (e saj) e perbere ne ditet e sotme jo më shumë se 3 apo 4 persona. Problemet që dalin para tij shpesh kanë të bëjnë me ndjenjat dhe nevojën për t'iu përshtatur rregullave të caktuara të sjelljes. Me vendosjen e kufi jve, nëna,e cila në pjesen me te madhe te kohës është afër me fëmij ën, mund ti ofrojë një model që do ta ndihmojë atë të pershtatet kur ndjehet kaotik ne nje ambient te panjohur apo situata jo te manovrueshme nga ai. Kështu, fëmij a do të jetë i sigurt për vendin e tij në familje dhe do të fi llojë të zhvillojë burimet dhe prespektivat4 e tij . Gjatë vitevene vazhdim fëmij a do të vazhdojë të përparojë. Deri tani fëmij a ka pasur kontakte me pak,me te cilet eshte mjaft i familjarizuar dhe nuk shfaq komplekse,pasi Ai eshte mësuar me ta,dhe njeh shume mire skemat5 e veprimeve te realizuara prej tyre.(J.Piaget) Ai është i njohur me sjelljete caktuara dhe me detyra të caktuara. Prindërit shikojnë zhvillimin e fëmij ëve të tyre dhe janë të habitur. Ç'gjë e çuditshme! Disa javë para se të ishte fëmij ë, ai fi lloi të ndërmerrte hapat e tij të parë, tani ai është pak vite (2 ose 5 vjeç), dhe nesër do të shkojë në çerdhe ose në shkollë. Gjithçka duket kaq e ngadaltë, por në të njëjtën kohë gjithçka ndodh në një blic. Megjithatë, nëse secili prej nesh kthehet për të rifi lluar fëmij ërinë e tij , ai do të kuptojë se pesë vjet janë pothuajse asgjë. Fëmij a po del dalengadale nga një zonë e rrethuar, e cila përfaqëson krahët e nënës që e mbrojnë atë dhe e mbështjellin kur ai ishte ende i pavarur. Por tani, për fëmij ën është koha për të njohur hapësirat e reja. Rreth tre dhe pesë vjet, fëmij ët përjetojnë një transformim të fortë. Kalimi nga shtëpia në një mjedis ose më mirë në një botë më të gjerë; kopshtin dhe shkollën. Cilado qoft ë përvoja e mëparshme, ajo e kopshtit dhe e shkollës janë krejtësisht të reja. Prespektivat tani rriten dhe kanë drejtime te tjera krahasuar me skemat e kordinimit te meparshmet.. Edhe pse për shumicën e fëmij ëve ndryshimi është mjaft dramatik, sepse ata do të duhet të përshtaten me rregullat e aft ësive mbizotëruese sociale dhe arsimore. Në ditët e para në fi llim të shkollës, fëmij ët janë shumë të shqetësuar me rregullat dhe ndjenjën e kohës. Edhe një rregull i thjeshtë si ajo e “rreshtimit”mund të shkaktojë parehati. Koha për të bërë pushimin e caktuar ju duket shumë e gjatë. Kopshti i fëmij ëve dhe shkolla nuk do të jenë kurrë të ngjashme me shtëpinë. Ata nuk arrij ne te kuptojne mundësine qe do tjuofrohet për një numër të madh eksperiencash dhe përvojash të reja qe te mbushin boten e tyre egocentrike. Së pari, lindin vështirësi; nga ndryshimet mjedisore, se dyti; nga modifi kimet që po ndodhin tek fëmij a në kalimin e nje faze pavaresietë zhvillimit të saj. Në kopesht femij andihet më ilirë,pasi mund të lëvizi lehtë, duke ndryshuar

3 Me termin “prespektiva” ne kontekstin e temes duhet te kuptojme;mendimet,deshirat,imagjinaten,pritjen,p arandjenjat dhe qendrimin apo sjelljen e femijes. 4 Skema-etiomologjia e fjales eshte “veprim i kordinuar”.

19 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 aktivitetet, këndojnë duke luajtur,ngjyrosin dhe fl asin me njeri –tjetrin,mbajne ne dore lodren e tyre te preferuar,etj. Ndersa në shkollën fi llore femij a,tashme ne nje moshe me te rritur, duhet të marrë më shumë vetëbesim dhe vetë-kontroll te vetes se tij . Në klasë, ai duhet të ulet, relativisht i qetë dhe pa levizur, ai nuk mund të ngrihet sa herë që i vjen diçka në mendjen e tij .Duhet te dëgjoje dhe te përqendrohet. Për një fëmij ë ky ndryshim nuk është një çështje e parëndësishme. Nuk është e lehtë të harrohet se sa energji merr për një fëmij ë që të përshtatet me këtë situatë të re. Mënyra se si të reagojë ndaj rregullave, të cilat kanë të bëjnë me "kufi jtë", do të përcaktojë aft ësinë e tyre për tu përshtatur, për tu integruar, për të mësuar dhe per të zene miq të rinj në këto mjedise të reja. Kur një fëmij ë fi llon kopështin ose shkollën,shpesh pyesim veten(nena) a do të jete ne nivelin e duhur per tu pergjigjur kerkesave që do ti bëhen, a do të pershtatet lehte me mjedisin qe e rrethon?A do te jete në gjendje të zere miq? A do ta duan shokët e rinj? A do ta dëgjoj mësuesja zerin e tij dhe a do ti jape ngrohtesine si nëna e tij ? Asha Phillips bazuar në përvojën e saj të punës në shkolla të ndryshme, thotë se mësuesit e klases së parë të arsimit fi llor shpesh degjojne fëmij ët ti fl asin ne te njejten kohe dhe në të njëjtën kohë ata duan të përgjigjen apo të thonë fj alën e tyre në një temë. Kjo ndodh sepse fëmij a duhet të ndiejë se ka marrëdhënie me mësuesin. Ai duhet të ketë përshtypjen se ai kujdeset për të, ashtu si ai bën në shtëpi me nënën e tij ose anëtarët e tjerë të familjes. Është një taktike e arte,shprehen psikologet per nje mesuese apo edukatore të siguroj që të gjithë ndihen dëgjuar, për të mos përmendur ata qe jane duke pritur për nga ana e tyre për të folur me të, dhe te vëresh me kujdes,madje edhe ata që nuk bejne përpara por rrine ne heshtje. Nga ana tjetër, fëmij a që ka dorën e ngritur dhe nuk është thirrur mund të ketë përshtypjen se nuk shihet. Është sikur, pasi ishte gjëja më e çmuar për prindërit deri tani, ajo papritmas ndihet e padukshme. Kështu qe, fëmij a që përpiqet të shprehë dhe reagojë sipas pritshmërive të tij mund të jetojë konfl iktet te brendshme te forta. Në të njëjtën kohë mund të ndihet njëkohësisht i shtyrë për të ecur përpara ose për tu terhequr. Fëmij a mund të jetë frikësuar,nga kendveshtrimi i tij i një dite të gjatë larg nga shtëpia dhe sidomos larg nga nëna që shërben si ndërmjetësuese dhe mbikëqyrëse e tij ne kontakt me të tjerët. Ai mund të ndihet i humbur dhe i vogël nga njëra anë, por edhe i madh, sepse tani ai shkon në shkollën e të rriturve dhe në të njëjtën kohë është i pasigurt se si të sillet. Është një periudhë tensioni të madh, por gjithashtu shqetësuese. Për një fëmij ë tensioni është për shkak të deshires për ti bërë gjërat më shpejt, për një tjetër eshte deshira apo shtytja për të nxjerre ne pah “unin” e tij . Ndërkohë që njeri vazhdon me guxim,krenari dhe kuriozitet drejt hapësirave të reja, një tjetër tenton të rri i fshehur dhe ka frikë të ecë përpara. Ajo që duhet llogaritur thotë D.D. Winniccott , është fakti se të dalesh nga nje ambient i njohur tingellon shumë emocionuese për fëmij ën, por në të njëjtën kohë edhe pak 'e frikshme, sepse tani jeta e tij do te jete nje seri daljesh, takimesh, rreziqeshte reja dhe sfi da entusiasmuese. Edhe nëna më e mirë mund sillet ne menyre te gabuar dhe nuk merret me këto përvoja të reja të fëmij ës me entuziazëm të barabartë. Ajo shfaq shenja shqetesuese dhe ankthi me shume se vete femij a qe tërhiqet prapa këtyre kontakteve dhe ndryshimeve. Disa elemente te frikes dhe te ankthit qe lindin tek nena lidhen me shqetësimin realist për fëmij ën qe po perballen me mjedisin e ri. Të tjerë mund të lidhen me kujtimet e tyre të shkollës. "Rritja nuk është e gjitha mjaltë për fëmij ën, dhe për nënën eshte shpesh trishtim i 20 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 thelle," shkruan D.Winnicott . Për këto situata disa nëna veprojnë në dy drejtime: 1-Disa prej tyre deshirojne që fëmij ët e tyre të rriten, të dalin nga “krahet” e tyre mbrojtese; të shkojnë në shkollë, dhe te mesojne te perballen me botën. 2- Te tjera nena,( jo plotësisht të ndërgjegjshme) nuk mundet të realizojne aktin e shkeputjes nga femij a i tyre dhe ta lënë ate te njoh realitetin e vertete.Shpesh jua tregojne jeten bardh e zi. Fëmij a e percepton këtë qendrim te nenes shumë lehtë. Eshte me e thjeshte dhe e lehtë për fëmij ën të ambientohet në kopeshtdhe shkollën fi llore në qoft ë se nëna është në gjendje të jetë e kënaqur për ta "hequr qafe" larguar, dhe e lumtur njekohesisht që ta ketë atë përsëri. Gëzimi i një fëmij e, zhurmat e tij në shtëpi ka qenë gjithmonë një tonik i mirë. Në këtë mënyrë, një nënë i trembet boshllëkutt e shtëpisë dhe boshllekut te saj në mënyre te natyrshme, kur vjen koha në të cilën fëmij a duhet të shkoj në shkollë. Më vonë fëmij a do të elaborojë "ikjet" duke shkuar në shkollë dhe përpiqet të lidhet me shokët e tjerë jashtë shtëpisë. Në të njëjtën kohë shkolla mund të përfaqësojë imazhin simbolik të shtëpisë dhe rruga për tu kthyer tek nënën mbahen gjithmonë present në vetëdij en e femij es. Familja ekziston si diçka që është çimentuar nga ky fakt për çdo individ të vetëm. Nëna eshte gjithmonë e gjallë në realitetin intim psikik të çdo fëmij e. Kështu maturimi "afektiv" i fëmij ës drejt botësse re nuk mund të arrihet vecse nëpermjet një strukturë në të cilën nëna ka ngritur“urën”. Shumica e fëmij ëve kanë një sjellje shumë të ndryshme në shtëpi krahasuar me kohen kur ata janë në shkollë ose në çerdhe. Shpesh një nënë ose prindër e kanë të vështirë të besojnë, se fëmij a i tyre për të cilin po fl asin është fëmij a qe ata njohin. Fëmij a në shkollë ka pasur vështirësi dhe i sforzuar gjatë gjithë ditës, dëshiron të rebelohet kundër rregullave të shtëpisë, për shkak se ai mendon se mund të shfryj me më shumë besim ngarkesa negative mësuar në shkollë. Ose ai mund te ketë qenë shumë i "mirë" në shkollë, dhe kur ai kthehet në shtëpi ndihet i lirshem dhe fi llon te bertas, të shqelmoj lodrat e tij duke shkarkuar energjite pozitive apo negative. Disa fëmij ë duan të trajtohen site vegjël kur kthehen në shtëpi, regresohen6 dhe kërkojnë nënën për shërbime të të gjitha llojeve. Përballë këtyre sjelljeve, fëmij a po kërkon nga nëna ose nga prindërit konfi rmimin se në shtëpi me ta ndihen te sigurt. Kjo përpjekje vazhdon në grupmoshat e ndryshme. Në shkollë në përgjithësi problemi i pozicionit ne grup zgjon tek fëmij a ndjenjën e pasigurisë, e cila mund të ketë pasoja në shtëpi. Gjërat që ne presim nga fëmij ët tanë dhe qe ju lejojme që ata të bëjnë varet pjesërisht nga konsiderata që lidhen me moshën e tyre dhe pjesërisht në atë që një i rritur bën, (nena, babai, gjyshërit, xhaxhallarët, etj.) Për të kapërcyer pasigurinë apo një vështirësi e veçantë që përjetojnë fëmij ët, ne duhet të përpiqemi të gjejmë një qasje specifi ke, jo globale, në mënyrë që t'i bëjmë ata të ndihen të ndihmuar dhe jo teparagjykuar. Fëmij a normal që jeton në një shtëpi normale ka tashmë pritjet dhe e pranon shkollën në mënyrë të qetë dhe shpreh interes në atë që ky i fundit do t'i mësojë. Për fëmij ën që është pak i hutuar dhe i cili ka vështirësi në përshtatje me ambiente te reja, do te ndodhe e kunderta. Ai do ti jap më shumë rëndësi trajtimit sesa mësimit, dhe shkolla sipas tij nënkupton "hotel". Pjesa didaktike ka pak vlerë për të. Megjithatë, shumica e fëmij ëve sipas Phillips, përballen lehtësisht me fi llimin e shkollës ose kopshtit, me gëzim duke marrë identitetin e tyre të ri. Ata janë të lumtur 6 Regresohen-kthehenmbrapa ne vite. 21 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 me simbolet e statusit të ri; uniforme, cantes se shpinës, libra-fl etore, lapsave, penes, fi lialit didaktik etj. Ai tani është pjesë e një grupi dhe duhet të plotësojë kërkesa më shumë se më parë. Tani, fëmij a shpenzon më shumë kohë në shkollë sesa në shtëpi. Bota e tij bëhet e mbushur me rregulla dhe detyra. Në grupmoshën ndërmjet 3 dhe 5 vjetësh del në pah aspekti i kontrollit dhe vetëkontrolli. Rregullat i ndihmojnë që të largohen nga ndjenjat e tyre më fëminore. Në këtë moshë fëmij ët përjetojnë kënaqësi në përdorimin dhe eksplorimin e gjuhës, arsyes, aft ësive intelektuale. Për të hapur marrëdhënie të reja, mendime të reja, aft ësi të reja dhe gjëra të reja për të bërë perparesi, duhet të fi llojë nga një bazë e sigurt. Dikush duhet të ndiejë një individ të dallueshëm nga prindërit, duhet të besojë në veten e tij dhe të jetë i bindur se bota ka shumë për të ofruar. Ndonjëherë, duke i thënë "jo" kërkesave të tij , ne e ndihmojmë atë të kuptojë kufi jtë dhe dallimet, duke krij uar në të një hapësirë midis dëshirave, mendimeve, veprimeve dhe për të fi tuar aft ësinë për të vendosur se si të lidhen me botën. Siç thuhet nga A. Phillips, Winnicott dhe N. Paparella, bota e fëmij ës nuk përkon me botën tonë të rritur. Secili element në mënyrë individuale gjen korrespondencë të saktë në dy "universet", por pika qendrore e domethënieve dhe pritjeve, që është pozita e subjektit që vëzhgon dhe interpreton, është shumë ndryshe. Konfi gurimi i përgjithshëm i përvojës dhe rekrutimi i tij në universin personal është i ndryshëm. Ajo që për një nënë mund të jetë një rrezik, per fëmij en bëhet kuriozitet, njohuri, gëzim, argëtim. Fëmij a i jep mendimit të tij , veprimtarisë dhe veprimit të tij , imazhe dhe simbole që modifi kojnë marrëdhënien mes realitetit dhe irreales. Ekziston një distancë e konsiderueshme midis faktit dhe veprimit, ndërmjet asaj që veprimi tregon dhe dëshmon dhe çfarë subjekti përjeton dhe percepton. Fakti është dimensioni objektiv; Akti është dimensioni i përqendruar në subjekt, mbi vete personin. Fëmij a, ndërsa prek gjërat dhe eksploron botën, ,eshte i zhytur ne veprimet e ndergjegjes se tij . Ai investon veten në ato aktivitete dhe vë në lëvizje nivelet e tij të aft ësive, mundësive, qëllimeve, dëshirave, vullneteve ...

Konkluzione

Kjo ngjyrosje esenciale e jetës së fëmij ërisë jo vetëm që karakterizon botën private të fëmij ës, por i jep një kuptim të veçantë gjithë përvojës së tij . Nga njëra anë, fëmij a përjeton gëzimin, habinë e këmbënguljes, në anën tjetër përjeton qenien e tij , si një person. Prandaj, përvoja nuk është një aktivitet i thjeshtë i fëmij ës, por është një aktivitet i pasuruar me kuptime; ai është një faktor i rritjes dhe i hapjes së personit me boten dhe ambientin qe e rrethon. Në këtë kuptim shkruan Nicola Paparella; "... fëmij a është një person [...] sepse ai manifeston nje pasuri me te madhe se ajo qe na ofron teoria bihevioriste [...] dhe studimet mjedisore; zotësi e tij e veçantë për dialog, aft ësia e tij për të kapërcyer natyrën, liria e tij e brendshme shpirtërore, gatishmëria e tij e pashtershme,i cili te lejon te mrekullohesh dhe te habitesh, madje edhe aft ësitë e tij medituese dëshmojnë për vitalitetin e pasur të botës personale, qe në fëmij ëri, te cilat konfi rmojnë që fëmij a është "PERSON". Për të pranuar fëmij ën, si një person do të thotë të qenit i vëmendshëm ndaj tij , në mundesite e aft esivete tij në konfront me nevojat e tij , sidomos kur fi gura e 22 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 referencave në këto faqe është nëna, të bëhet e vëmendshëm për vlerat e personit dhe te kuptuarit te efektshemte kerkesave në rritje qe vij en nepermjet saj.Duhet të permendim sipas pedagogjistes Nicola Paparela se zhvillimi i fëmij ës, karakteri dhe personaliteti i tij edukohen brenda nje maredhenie te forte familjare dhe dialog. Afrimiteti me nënën e tij , thotë pedagogjistja, në rast të një mirëseardhje të qetë, fëmij a gjen mbështetjen fondamentale për rritjen e personalitetit të tij dhe autonomisë. Në këtë kuptim, Paparella emanon për të gjitha nënat, të jenë të vetëdij shme për atë që e bën fëmij ën një person dhe specifi kat e strukturave neper te cilat kalon fëmij a gjate rritjes. Duhet gjithmonë të perpiqemi te ruajme tek fëmij a moshen e tij pa e ndrydhur dhe pa e privuar abstraksionin brenda nje shpirti te pavarur,si nga ana shpirtërore ashtu edhe kulturore. Kthimi i fëmij ërisë tek fëmij a dhe me të, identiteti, dinjiteti dhe specifi citetin e “qenies”, lirine. Dashuri do të thotë të investosh edhe për një shoqëri më të drejtë. Për një gjendje më njerëzore të ekzistencës së qenies njerëzore dhe për një cilësi të jetesse njeriut dhe nevojat e tij më të thella; nga fëmij a tek personi. Për këtë perspektivë, studimi mbi zhvillimin e fëmij ës nga zero në gjashtë vjet lidhet dhe me kerkesat e nevojat e rritjes së personit. Në nevojën e saj themelore për të ndërtuar individin si një qendër e vendimeve etike, selia baze e vlerave morale- kulturore dhe te faktorëve te bashkejeteses dhe te integritetit. Fëmij a nuk rritet vetëm nga impulsi dhe energjia e tij , por nga vëmendja dhe kujdesi i nënës, në bashkëpunim me shkollën, me shoqërinë. E gjithë rruga që përfshin zhvillimin dhe rritjen e fëmij ës nga 3 në 6 vjet mund ta cilesojme si nje "detyrë revolucionare", e cila nga pikëpamja deskriptive, ndryshe nga termat që shpesh përdoren si "fazë" ose "stad" , eshte e lidhur me nismat e subjektit, aft ësitë, angazhimin dhe synimet e tij ne marrëdhënie me botën. Ky nocion kap origjinalitetin e fëmij ës dhe specifi ken unikete profi lit të tij si rezultat i konfrontimit të vazhdueshëm me mesazhin mjedisor; kujdesit dhe nxitjes. Termi "detyrë revolucionare" gjithashtu kujton idenë e "pergjegjesise" që do te thotedetyrat e ndryshme janë vendosur para fëmij ës. Në këtë pikë është e nevojshme të kihet parasysh se një fëmij ë realizon disa aft ësi para ose pas tjetrit. Për këtë aspekt të "pergjegjesise" dhe të "detyrës revolucionare" vëmendja gjithmonë është kushtuar për të kuptuar dhe zbuluar konstantet dhe koefi cientet e zhvillimit te femij es, që lejojnë të formulohen vlerësime në mënyrën e ecurise se subjektit dhe të perceptojme nevojat e tij evolucionare. Çdo hap i fëmij ës drejt botës përfshin periudha kohore. Nuk duhet të harrojmë se ritmet e kohës ndryshojnë nga fëmij a në fëmij ë dhe mund të jenë të shkurtra ose të gjata dhe zakonisht përfshij në investime energjetike, me mundesi të gjera të ndryshueshmërisë personale si në kohëzgjatje ashtu edhe në vështirësi të ekzekutimit. E gjithë kjo etape evolucionare mund të rezultojë e qartë dhe e dukshme, nëse mbahen brenda linjave të nxjerra nga dy procese themelore; diferencimi dhe integrimi. Çdo herë që fëmij a arrin mënyrën e re të integrimit arrin pozitat që i sigurojnë vazhdimësinë, sepse në unitet dhe integrim " vazhdon" procesi i marrjes së njohurive të reja. Së fundi, duhet të kuptojmë dallimet që vërehen midis moshave të ndryshme; Ky aspekt është një pikë e rëndësishme për të vlerësuar tek fëmij a cilësite dhe sidomos se sa varet ai nga organizimi i përgjithshëm që i jep përvoja. Synimi i nje pedagogjisti është që të nxjerr vlerat e nje femij e nepermjet vezhgimit , "çelësi mjeshtër" për të kuptuar dhe të ndërhyjë në rritjen dhe hapjen e fëmij ës drejt risive te jetës . Krakteristikat e moshës merren si te dhena orientuese, udhëzuese, sidomos në atë 23 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 faze te moshes,kur ndodhin disa ndryshime të vlefshme për të rindërtuar historinë evolucionare dhe për të percaktuar se cila duhet te jeta shtysa "e re" e ndihmës që duhet t'i jepet fëmij ës në varësi të situatës dhe nevojësse tij aktuale. Për këtë arsye është e këshillueshme ( nënave, edukatorëve,personi i cili kujdeset për fëmij ën) për ti dhënë një vëmendje të veçantë femij es në moshën e kopshtit, pas zhvillimit nga lindja, për shkak se,sa më kompleks dhe sfi duese është "detyra"perballe femij es,aq me e veshtire eshte pershtatja e femij es me te. Hapja deri në botë supozon dhe kërkon një shkëmbim të ngushtë të marrëdhënieve ndërmjet fëmij ës dhe mjedisit rrethues. Kjo është një marrëdhënie që supozon dhe i referohet kontekstit mjedisor te brendshëm dhe te jashtëm (shtëpi, kopsht, shkolle, kopshte teatrore, parqe, etj.) brenda së cilës fi llon dhe depositohen tek ai ndjenja e mrekullisë dhe çudisë, përvojat e iniciativës dhe gëzimit etj. Megjithatë, në hapjen e tij ndaj botës, fëmij a nuk has vetëm objekte dhe njerëz, por plotëson një univers kulturor plot kuptime. Kur fëmij a arrin moshën e shkollës, tendenca e tij për të kërkuar, marrë dhe për t'i atribuar pritje t e tij me kuptime të reja, sigurisht që është më e dukshme. UNI, i fëmij ës në moshën 5-6 vjeçare, është forcuar edhe më shumë duke fi lluar me rezultatet e raporteve dhe qëndrimin origjinal të marrë në lidhje me të tjerët. Gjërat, natyra, sjelljet njerëzore nxitin kureshtjen e fëmij ës duke e shtyre në habi, çudi, pyetje që hapin pikepyetje dhe presin përgjigje kuptimplote dhe konfi rmime nga i rrituri. Kjo e vë fëmij ën në nevojën për të refl ektuar mbi pritjet e tij , për të maturuar strukturat integruese gjithnjë e më të gjera dhe më gjithëpërfshirëse ndaj shoqërisë.Te mbeshtetes edukimin e femij eve sot,sjell vazhdimesine e vlerave morale,identitetit njerezor,lirine,kompetenca dhe pergjegjesine e qytetarit.Edukimi i brezave te rinj drejt se ardhmes nenkupton jo vetem te njohesh format e kushtet e te jetuarit te kultuaruar e shoqeror,sa konsiderimin e dij eve dhe detyrave per te cilen do te permenden ne te nesermen.Historia e njerezimit gjithmone eshte ekspozuar drejt progresit te evenimenteve shoqerore.Pare nga ky kendveshtrim,edukimi nuk duhet te jete vetem nje bagazh njohurish dhe sjelljesh kortese,por duhet te formoje nje indivit te kulturuar dhe te aft e te kontrrolloje pasigurite,te mirepres te papriturat e te shikoj me kthejtesi problemet e botes ne te cilen jeton.

Bibliografi a

Bowlby J.Costruzioni e rott ura dei legami aff ett ivi,Editore Raff aello,Milano,1982. N.Paparella,Sviluppo del bambino e crescita della persona,Editore Scuola,Brescia,1994. Phillips A.SayingNO,Why is important for you and for your child,Editore Feltrininelli,Milano,1999. Piaget J.Lo sviluppo mentale del bambino,Einaudi,Torino,1967. Winnicott D.La famiglia e lo sviluppo dell’individuo,Editore Armando,Roma, 1994.

24 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Koncepti mbi shtetin sipas teorisë së kontratës

Dr. Abla Xhaferi

Abstrakt

Një nga teoritë e shtetit me ndikim më të madh është teoria e kontratës, e cila zëvendësoi marrëdhëniet natyrore me ato civile. Ajo u bë një doktrinë përgjithësisht e pranuar nga udhëheqësit e mendimit fi lozofi k gjatë fundit të shekullit XVII dhe pjesës më të madhe të shekullit XVIII1 dhe dukej si arsyeja e vetme alternative e së drejtës hyjnore. Kjo teori pati një ndikim të madh në Evropë dhe Amerikë.2 Kontratualizmi modern paraqet një pikë të vërtetë kthese në historinë e mendimit politik të dominuar nga organizimi, sepse përmbysi raportin midis njeriut dhe shoqërisë, e bëri shoqërinë jo më një fakt natyror, që ekziston pavarësisht nga vullneti i individëve, por një trup artifi cial, të krij uar nga individët në imazhin dhe ngjashmërinë e tyre, për të kënaqur interesat dhe nevojat e tyre dhe për ushtrimin më të gjerë të të drejtave të tyre.3 Kjo teori e shikon shtetin si një trup politik të themeluar në bazë të një kontrate ndërmjet popullit dhe mbretit, nga e cila varet autoriteti i sovranit dhe garanton ushtrimin e të drejtave natyrore të njeriut. Me teorinë kontratuale Hobsi, Loku dhe Rusoi sollën një konceptim politik modern të shtetit, me një formë sistematike dhe komplekse.

1. Koncepti i Tomas Hobsit (Thomas Hobbes)

Tomas Hobsi (1588 - 1679) ka qenë një nga protagonistët më të rëndësishëm të fi lozofi së politike të Rilindjes. Ai është një nga përfaqësuesit e teorisё sё kontratёs dhe paraqiti në Leviatanin modelin e tij të shtetit në mënyrë të plotë dhe sistematike. Hobsi (shteti absolut) i përshkruante njerëzit në gjendjen e tyre natyrore, siç ishin para se të krij ohej shoqëria, kur ata ishin të barabartë dhe me të drejta të barabarta mbi gjërat që ishin të nevojshme për të jetuar. Njerëzit janë më shumë të ngjashëm se të ndryshëm, ata janë mosbesues ndaj njëri - tjetrit, dhe kjo i çon në grindje. Sipas Hobsit, tri janë shkaqet që çojnë në grindje: konkurrenca, mosbesimi dhe dëshira për triumf.4 Drejtësia lidhej me kuptimin e lirisë së njeriut “për të bërë atë çfarë mundej, ndaj atyre që mundej, duke zotëruar përdorur dhe gëzuar të gjitha ato që merrte”.5 Dëshira për mbij etesë e njeriut në gjendjen e tij natyrore e lejonte të mbrohej me çfarëdolloj veprimesh,“luft a e të gjithëve kundër të gjithëve” dhe e çlironte atë nga detyrimet.6 Hobsi mohon të drejtën mbi pronën, sepse nuk ka prona, autoritet suprem apo dallim midis “times” dhe “tëndes”. Gjithkush që ka forcën, mund t’i marrë dhe t’i mbajë për aq kohë sa është i aft ë t’i mbajë.7 Pra, gjendja e natyrës nënkupton më shumë dëme sesa përparësi, sepse njeriu jeton gjithmonë në gjendje luft e, gjithmonë nën një rrezik të 1 Raymond G. Gettell, History of Political Thought, George Allen & UNWIN Ltd, London, 1923, f. 217. 2 James Wilford Ganrer, Introduction to political science, a treatise on the origin, nature, functions, and organization of the state, American Book Company, Chicago, f. 93. 3 Norberto Bobbio, Liberalismo e democrazia, Simonelli, Milano, 2007, f. 33 – 34. 4 Tomas Hobs, Leviatani, IPLS & DITA 2000, Tiranë, f. 78. 5 Po aty, f. 79. 6 Samuel Enoch Stumpf, Filozofi a: Historia dhe probleme, “Toena,” Tiranë, 1998, f. 224. 7 William Archibald Dunning, A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu, MACMILLAN & CO, London, 1916, f. 270. 25 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 vazhdueshëm për të humbur të mirat thelbësore, d.m.th., paqen dhe jetën. Megjithëse njeriu është vendosur në kushte të ashpra,8 ai nuk ka mundësi të dalë nga gjendja e natyrës duke përdorur pjesërisht pasionet dhe pjesërisht arsyen. Pasionet që e udhëheqin njeriun drejt paqes, janë frika nga vdekja, dëshira për të siguruar ato gjëra që janë të domosdoshme për të jetuar në mënyrë komode, si dhe shpresa për t’i siguruar ato prej industrive. Kështu arsyeja na sugjeron marrëveshje të favorshme, mbi të cilat mund të bazohen njerëzit për të arritur paqen. Këto marrëveshje janë ato që quhen ligje të natyrës. Me arsyen natyrore Hobsi kupton aft ësinë për të siguruar nevojat e tij dhe për të krij uar mjetet për ta arritur këtë, të njohura si tri ligjet themelore të natyrës. Ligji i parë pohon se njeriu duhet të kërkojë paqen për të siguruar ekzistencën e vet, për të shmangur luft ën, për rrjedhojë, është një normë apo rregull i përgjithshëm i arsyes që “secili duhet të përpiqet për paqe sa kohë ka shpresë për ta arritur atë dhe, kur nuk e arrin dot, të kërkojë e të përdorë të gjitha përfi timet e të mirat e luft ës."9 Ligji i dytë konfi rmon që njeriu duhet të heqë dorë nga e drejta mbi gjithçka në bazë të arsyes natyrore, këshillon njerëzit të bëjnë marrëveshje ose kontrata për krij imin e një komuniteti, duke i dhënë vetes një sovran: secili, nëse edhe të tjerë janë për këtë, të jetë i gatshëm të heqë dorë nga e drejta për të bërë çdo gjë, në atë masë që kjo është e nevojshme për paqen e vetëmbrojtjen dhe të kënaqet me liri ndaj të tjerëve aq sa ai do t’u lejonte të tjerëve ndaj vetes së tij .10 Ligji i tretë pohon se njerëzit duhet të ruajnë marrëveshjen, gjë që do të ishte kontraditore, sepse duhej që njeriu të dorëzonte të drejtat e tij dhe në të njëjtën kohë të donte t’i mbante. Të braktisësh të drejtën që ke për të bërë diçka, do të thotë ta zhveshësh veten nga liria për të penguar tjetrin të përfi tojë nga e drejta e tij në të njëjtën gjë.11 Megjithatë, për Hobsin, ligjet natyrore janë të përjetshme, sepse padrejtësia, mosmirënjohja, arroganca, krenaria, favorizimi i personave e të tjera si këto nuk mund të bëhen të ligjshme. Kurrë nuk mund të ndodhë që luft a të ruajë jetën dhe paqja ta asgjesojë atë. Dhe shoqëria lind pikërisht nga këto kushte, sepse njeriu nga frika se humbet jetën dhe të mirat e tij materiale, bie dakort me të tjerët (bën marrëveshje) për të gjetur qetësinë. Kjo është një shoqëri politike ose, thënë ndryshe, shtet dhe individët që e përbëjnë, duke hequr dorë nga të drejtat natyrore, shndërrohen në subjekte të saj, ndërsa personi apo asambleja që e ruan atë, merr funksionin e sovranit. Ky i fundit zotëron një formë të parezistueshme, që me superioritetin e vet dominon gjithë të tjerët, duke e bërë të pamundur luft ën natyrore dhe vendos për të gjithë çfarë është “e drejtë ose e gabuar”. Për Hobsin qëllimi i shtetit është siguria e të gjithëve, siguri të cilën njeriut nuk mund t’ia japin ligjet e natyrës. 12 As njeriu i vetëm, as bashkimi i një numri të vogël njerëzish apo edhe një masë më e madhe njerëzish nuk janë të aft ë të garantojnë sigurinë e tyre përballë sulmeve të një armiku të përbashkët apo kundrejt njëri - tjetrit. E vetmja mënyrë për të vendosur një fuqi të përbashkët, të aft ë që t’i mbrojë njerëzit

8 Po aty, f. 269. 9 Tomas Hobs, Leviatani,…, vep. e cituar, f. 81. 10 Po aty, f. 81. 11 Po aty, f. 81 – 82. 12 Massimo Mori, Storia della fi losofi a moderna, Laterza & Figli, Bari, 2005, cap.7. 26 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 nga pushtimet e huaja e që të mos dëmtojnë njëri - tjetrin, që t’u garantojë që me frytet e punës së tyre e të tokës të mbajnë vetveten e të bëjnë një jetë të kënaqshme, është t’ia kalojnë tërë pushtetin e forcës së tyre një njeriu ose një kuvendi, që me shumicë votash t’i përqëndrojnë të gjitha vullnetet në një vullnet të vetëm.13 Kalimin nga gjendja primitive në atë shoqërore e bënte nënshkrimi i marrëveshjes midis individëve, “i tillë sikur çdo njeri t’i thoshte çdo njeriu tjetër: unë e autorizoj këtë njeri ose këtë kuvend njerëzish dhe i jap të drejtën të më qeverisë, me kusht që edhe ti t’i japësh atij po këtë të drejtë e po kështu t’i autorizosh të gjitha veprimet e tij ”.14 Dy janë pikat kryesore në përcaktimin e Hobsit për marrëveshjen: e para, ajo kryhet midis individësh, pra, jo midis sovranëve dhe shtetasve dhe, e dyta, ky sovran mund të jetë një individ ose një asamble individësh. Nё teorinё e Hobsit shteti është produkt i një kontrate, përmes së cilës qytetarët i japin fund gjendjes së luft ës “të gjithë kundër të gjithëve”15 (karakteristikë e gjendjes natyrore), duke i dhënë lirinë e tyre shtetit në këmbim të paqes dhe sigurisë së tyre. Individët bien dakort t’ja dorëzojnë të drejtën e qeverisjes një sovrani të vetëm, vullneti i të cilit përfaqëson vullnetin dhe gjykimin e të gjithë individëve. Sipas tij , sovraniteti i shtetit duhet të bazohet në bindjen e padiskutueshme.16 Prej këtej del se nuk mund të ketë një rezistencë kundër sovranit, sepse kjo do të thoshte rezistencë kundër vetes dhe se, gjithashtu, rezistenca do t’i çonte në primitivizëm apo anarki. Në fund të fundit, sipas Hobsit, fuqia e sovranit duhet të jetë absolute që të garantojë rregullin, paqen dhe ligjin; nga themelimi i shtetit rrjedhin të drejtat dhe fuqitë e tij .17 Hobsi pёrcakton vetëm tri modele shtetesh: monarkinë, kur përfaqësimi është një njeri i vetëm; demokracinë, kur është kuvend i të gjithë atyre që duan të mblidhen së bashku apo shtet popullor; aristokracinë, kur është kuvend vetëm i një pjese të njerëzve. Nuk mund të ketë asnjë lloj tjetër shteti, sepse pushtetin sovran në tërësinë e tij (dhe ai është i pandashëm) mund ta kenë ose një person, ose më shumë, ose të gjithë. Dallimi midis shteteve të Hobsit nuk qëndron në pushtetin, por në volinë për t’i dhënë popullit paqen dhe sigurinë (për çka ato janë ngritur) dhe fuqia e shtetit varet nga fuqia e tij materiale dhe nga aft ësia e tij për të ruajtur paqen e brendshme. Parimet themelore të Hobsit janë uniteti i shtetit dhe detyrimi i bindjes ndaj ligjeve të ushtruara nga sovrani. Të dyja bashkë, edhe pushteti i sovranit, edhe bindja politike duhet të dalin nga vullneti i individëve përmes paktit të tyre, që çon në formën e politikës shtetërore. Pra, ai e sheh shtetin si një institucion të themeluar mbi pëlqimin e individëve, i cili duhet të jetë absolut për të ruajtur paqen midis njerzëve, që nga natyra janë të prirur të jenë gjithmonë në gjendje luft e. Hobsi nuk e konsideronte shtetin si promotor të mirëqenies, ai e përcaktonte ligjin si komandën formale të sovranit, duke dalluar qartë moralin dhe politikën. Sovrani kishte fuqinë për të hartuar ligje dhe për t’i shfuqizuar ato, por vetë ishte mbi ligjet dhe jo subjekt i tyre.18

13 Tomas Hobs, Leviatani ...,, vep. e cituar, f.109. 14 Po aty, f. 109. 15 “Teoricienët politikë, veçanërisht ata që dëshironin të zmadhonin fuqinë e mbretit, e konsideronin gjendjen natyrore si një barbarizëm dhe konsideronin një shoqëri politike të rregulluar dhe të qeverisur mirë si veprën më fi snike të njerëzimit. Kjo ishte pikëpamja e Hobsit”. Raymond G. Gettell, History..., vep. e cituar, f. 216 16 Po aty, f. 218. 17 Samuel Enoch Stumpf, Filozofi a…, vep. e cituar, f. 225. 18 Raymond G. Gettell, History..., vep. e cituar, f. 220. 27 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

2. Koncepti i Xhon Lokut (John Locke)

Xhon Loku ( 1632 - 1704) është njё tjetёr pёrfaqёsues i teorisё sё kontratёs. Ai e kupton pushtetin politik si produkt të kontratës, por u njeh individëve “të drejtat natyrore”, si lirinë dhe të drejtën e pronës, të drejta që duhet t’i sigurojë shteti. Në shoqërinë e kontratës, sipas Lokut, individi përjeton tri gjendje: si “qytetar”, si “anëtar” dhe si “subjekt” dhe, duke iu nënshtruar vullnetarisht paktit, u nënshtrohet edhe ligjeve të tij . Pjesëmarrja në pakt përcakton një detyrim për bindje, duke i shndërruar “subjektet” që nënshkruajnë kontratën në individë “subjekt” të ligjeve që lindin nga kontrata. Pra, të gjithë “anëtarët” e trupit politik kanë dhënë pëlqimin e tyre për kontratën. Duke qenë se të gjithë njerëzit në gjendjen e natyrës janë të lirë, të barabartë dhe të pavarur,19 askush nuk mund t’ua heq këtë kushtëzim dhe t’i nënshtrojë ata ndaj ndonjë pushteti politik pa miratimin e tyre. Të gjithë individët, kur pranojnë të themelojnë shoqërinë, zhvishen nga të drejtat natyrore, dhe në këtë mënyrë ua nënshtrojnë veten kufi zimeve të ligjeve të shoqërisë që themeluan. Thënë shkurt, ky akt, pra arritja e paktit, u siguron atyre jetën, paqen reciproke dhe pronën. Situata është e vlefshme vetëm për ata individë që nënshkruajnë paktin dhe jo për të tjerë që ngelen jashtë këtij pakti, të cilët mbeten sërish të pavarur në gjendjen e tyre të natyrës. Duke nënshkruar paktin, individët bëhen anëtarë të trupit politik, ku shumica ka të drejtë të vendosë për pjesën tjetër. Komuniteti i themeluar nga pakti ka të drejtë të mendojë si një trup i vetëm, vetëm bazuar në vullnetin dhe vendimin e shumicës. Nëse vendimet nuk kanë mirëkuptimin e individëve, trupi politik vendos në bazë të forcës së shumicës. Loku me veprën e vet i dha jetë teorisë kontratualiste, sipas së cilës vetëm ushtrimi vullnetar i pëlqimit të një individi mund ta lidhë atë me një organizëm politik, duke iu kundërvënë absolutizmit, se ëshë më mirë një pushtet i bazuar mbi mirëkuptimin e lirë dhe vendimet e shumicës së atyre që kanë nënshkruar paktin, përkundrejt pushtetit absolutist. Prandaj individët me anë të një kontrate shoqërore formuan një trup politik,20 duke hequr dorë nga e drejta e tyre personale për të interpretuar dhe administruar ligjin e natyrës, në këmbim të një garancie të ruajtjes së të drejtës natyrore të jetës, lirisë dhe pasurisë. Në këtë mënyrë, kontrata e Lokut ishte specifi ke dhe e kufi zuar dhe jo e përgjithshme si te Hobsi, për më tepër, fuqia nuk i ishte veshur vetëm një njeriu, por tёrё bashkësisë. Edhe sovraniteti i bashkësisë politike apo i shtetit nuk ishte absolut, kishte vetëm pushtetin për të mbrojtur ligjet natyrore. Fjala “sovranitet”, në fakt, nuk shihet në traktatin e Lokut.21 Kjo lloj kontrate nënkuptonte sundimin e shumicës. Derisa individi i dorëzohet komunitetit, pakica duhet t’i nënshtrohet vullnetit të shumicës.22 Loku nuk bëri ndonjë dallim të veçantë midis shtetit dhe qeverisë, ai nuk zhvilloi teorinë e ndarjes së pushteteve, por konsideroi një demokraci në duart e delegatëve, të kontrolluar përmes zgjedhjeve, si forma më e mirë e qeverisë. Fuqia e legjislaturës, si organ suprem i qeverisë, nuk është absolute, qeveria duhej të bazohej mbi pëlqimin. 23 Një nga qëllimet e Lokut në librin “Dy traktate mbi qeverisjen civile” është të provojë se 19 Norberto Bobbio, Liberalismo e democrazia, Simonelli, Milano, 2006, f. 31. 20 Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë për qeverisjen dhe shkrime të tjera, IPLS & DITA 2000, Tiranë, f. 140. 21 Raymond G. Gettell, History..., vep. e cituar, f. 225. 22 William Archibald Dunning, A History ..., vep. e cituar, f. 350. 23 Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë…, vep. e cituar, f. 142. 28 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 pushteti civil i lindur për të garantuar lirinë dhe pronën e individëve, që bashkohen për t’u vetëqeverisur, është i dallueshёm nga qeverisja paternaliste.24 Idetë e tij të shprehura në librat “Dy traktate mbi qeverisjen civile” dhe “Një ese në lidhje me mirëkuptimin njerëzor” kishin ndikim të fuqishëm në mendimet e asaj epoke. Për shkak të shprehjeve që përmbanin, disa nga ato gjetën mbështetje shumë të fuqishme te brezat në vazhdim, si për shembull, që njerëzit janë “të gjithë të barabartë dhe të pavarur”dhe zotërojnë të drejtat natyrore të “jetës, shëndetit, lirisë dhe pasurisë”; disa u përdorën në Deklaratën e Pavarësisë dhe ndikuan në formulimin e Kushtetutës Amerikane. Loku e zhvilloi teorinë e tij politike në traktatin e dytë për qeverinë dhe pikërisht me primitivizmin. Sipas tij , “njerëzit jetojnë së bashku, mbështeten tek arsyeja e tyre, pa asnjë sundimtar të përbashkët dhe të drejtën e gjykimit dhe të autoritetit mbi ta e ka vetëm natyra”.25 Ai besoi në një gjendje të natyrës dhe për këtë arsye ligji i natyrës ishte i detyrueshëm dhe në të njëjtën kohë ishte fara e grindjeve dhe konfl ikteve të panumërta në karakterin e papërkryer të natyrës njerëzore.26 Edhe në gjendjen primitive njerëzit janë të aft ë të njohin ligjin moral. Sipas tij , arsyeja (vetë ky ligj) i mëson njerëzit se të qenët të barabartë dhe të pavarur do të thotë se nuk duhet ta prekin njëri - tjetrin në jetën, shëndetin, lirinë dhe veçanërisht pronën.27 Për tё qeveria duhet të bazohet mbi kontratën e individëve të shtetit natyror (mbështetur mbi pëlqimin e njerëzve), që në një bashkësi politike krij ojnë qeverinë, përfaqësimi i së cilës përbëhet nga dy organe: një organ përfaqësues që diskuton dhe një person fi zik ose një kolegj që ushtron pushtetin ekzekutiv. Të dyja këto organe, si legjislativi, edhe ekzekutivi janë të rrezikshëm, nëse përdoren kundër bashkësive politike dhe individëve që e krij ojnë atë. Loku e pranon rëndësinë e ndarjes së pushteteve,28 sidomos për të bërë të qartë se ata që administrojnë ligjet, nuk janë krij uesit e tyre, pasi ata mund të përjashtojnë veten nga bindja për ligjin dhe e përshtasin në mënyrë të tillë, që e kthejnë zbatimin e tij sipas interesave të tyre private. “Por, - shkruan ai, - meqë ligjet, që bëhen një herë dhe në një kohë të shkurtër, kanë fuqi të njëjtë e të përhershme dhe duhet të zbatohen vazhdimisht ose të mbikëqyren gjatë këtij zbatimi, lind nevoja të ketë një pushtet të gatshëm gjithë kohën, i cili ndjek zbatimin e ligjeve në fuqi. Prandaj pushteti legjislativ dhe pushteti ekzekutiv shpesh ndahen”.29 Duke qenë se fuqia legjislative është mbështetur te besimi, ajo nuk është absolute, prandaj fuqia supreme mbetet prapë në duart e popullit, i cili ndryshon ligjin, kur shikon se aktet legjislative janë në kundërshtim me besimin që kanë brenda tyre. Kontrata e Lokut e paraqitur në këtë formë nuk korrespondon me paktin qeverisës, pasi ajo jo vetëm që krij on autoritetin e monarkut, por e bashkon edhe me anëtarët e bashkësisë së ndërsjelltë në një trup politik. Nga ana tjetër, diferencohet nga kontrata e Hobsit në atë që monarku është pjesë e saj dhe mban zyrën e tij vetëm për shkak të pajtueshmërisë së tij me termat e kontratës. Nëse mbreti i thyen ato,

24 Norberto Bobbio, Liberalismo…, vep. e cituar, f. 40. 25 Xhon Loku, Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë…, vep. e cituar, f. 151. 26 Sterling Power Lamprecht, The moral and political philosophy of John Locke, New York, Russell & Russell, New York, 1962, f. 130. 27 Samuel Enoch Stumpf, Filozofi a…, vep. e cituar, f. 256 – 263. 28 Po aty, f. 174. 29 Po aty, f. 174. 29 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 kontrata shpërbëhet.30 Loku nuk e pranoi që njerëzit i kishin kaluar njëherë e përgjithmonë të drejtat e tyre te sovrani, por e justifi kon këtë kalim vetëm kur qeveria nuk funksionon (nuk zbaton legjislaturën e saj). Për Lokun ishte “populli” që gjykon. “Me shtet gjithmonë kuptoj jo demokracinë apo ndonjë formë tjetë qeverisjeje, por çdo komunitet të pavarur, të cilin latinët e tregonin me fj alën “civitas”. Këtij termi në gjuhën tonë i përgjigjet më mirë termi commonwealth (shtet).”31 Këta janë kufi jtë që i kanë vënë besimi i shoqërisë, e drejta hyjnore dhe e drejta natyrore pushtetit legjislativ të çdo shteti, në të gjitha format e qeverisjes: qeverisje nëpërmjet ligjeve të shpallura e të qëndrueshme, që nuk duhet të ndryshojnë për çdo rast të veçantë, përkundrazi, duhet të jetë veç një ligj për të pasurin e për të varfrin, për favoritin e oborrit dhe për fshatarin që punon me parmendë; ligjet nuk duhet të jenë të paracaktuara për asnjë qëllim tjetër, në fund të fundit, përveç së mirës së popullit; nuk duhet të ketё tatime për pronat pa pëlqimin e popullit, dhënë prej atij vetë ose deputetëve të tij ; legjislativi nuk duhet dhe nuk mund t’ia kalojë pushtetin për të bërë ligje ndonjë tjetri ose të vendosë atë diku tjetër, veç atij ku e ka vënë populli. Pushteti legjislativ është ai pushtet që ka të drejtë të përcaktojë se si duhet përdorur forca e shtetit për mbrojtjen e komunitetit dhe anëtarëve të tij . Salus Populi Suprema Lex (E mira e popullit është ligji më i lartë) është pa dyshim një rregullë kaq e drejtë dhe themelore, saqë ai që e ndjek sinqerisht nuk mund të bjerë në ndonjë gabim të rrezikshëm.32 Loku e njihte rrezikun e një pushteti absolut dhe mendonte se pushteti qeveritar kufi zohej më mirë duke e ndarë në degë të qeverisjes. Sipas tij , trupi i qeverisjes duhet të largohet nëse e shkel ligjin e natyrës. Kjo ishte edhe baza teorike e revolucionit amerikan. Por si mund ta justifi kojmë shtetin? Sipas Lokut, pushteti politik konsiston në të drejtën për të vendsour ligje dhe për të ndëshkuar ata që nuk u binden atyre.33 Prandaj çdo njeri, për hir të së drejtës që ka për mbrojtjen e gjendjes natyrore në përgjithësi, mund të ndalojë ose, në qoft ë e nevojshme, të shkatërrojë sendet e dëmshme për njerëzit. Në këtë mënyrë mund t’i shkaktojë të keqe cilitdo që e ka shkelur këtë të drejtë në atë masë sa ta detyrojë atë të pendohet për ç’ka bërë e ta frikësojë dhe me shembullin e tij të bindë edhe të tjerët që të mos kryejnë prapësi të ngjashme. Mbi këtë bazë çdo njeri ka të drejtë të ndëshkojë kriminelin dhe të jetë ushtrues i së drejtës natyrore. 34 Shteti i natyrës te Loku përfshin disa koncepte: lirinë brenda kufi jve të ligjit të natyrës; barazinë, gjendjen e natyrës, të rregulluar nga ligji i natyrës, i cili është i barabartë me arsyen që kërkon paqen dhe mbrojtjen e të gjithëve, sepse njerëzit janë krij uar nga Perëndia të gjithë të barabartë. Në shtetin e natyrës çdo individ është zbatues i ligjit të natyrës dhe gjyqtar i shkeljve që lidhen me këtë. Shteti i natyrës është shteti i luft ës, prandaj shoqëria është krij uar për të shmangur gjendjen e luft ës. Shoqëria politike nënkupton se njerëzit japin fuqinë e natyrshme35 që ata gëzojnë në gjendjen e natyrës, për të bërë drejtësi, Sipas Lokut, “Për t’i detyruar njerëzit që të mos 30 Stephen Leacock, Elements of political science, 1906, Miffl in CO, Boston, 1906, f. 29. 31 Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë…, vep. e cituar, f. 164. 32 Po aty, f. 172 – 182. 33 Michael Rosen & Jonathan Wolff, Mendimi Politik, UFO Press, Tiranw, 2007, f. 55. 34 Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë…, vep. e cituar, f. 82. 35 William Archibald Dunning, A History…, vep. e cituar, f. 350. 30 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 shkelin të drejtat e të tjerëve, që të mos i bëjnë dëm njëri - tjetrit dhe të respektojnë të drejtën natyrore, e cila kërkon paqe dhe ruajtjen e gjithë gjindjes njerëzore, në gjendjen e natyrës është në duart e çdo njeriu të verë në jetë të drejtën natyrore”.36 Loku i përkufi zon kështu format e shtetit: kur pushtetin e ka shumica, forma e qeverisjes është një demokraci e plotë; kur pushteti legjislativ kalon në duart e disa njerëzve të zgjedhur dhe trashëgimtarëve ose pasardhësve të tyre, forma e qevrisjes është oligarki; kur pushteti kalon në duart e një njeriu të vetëm, ajo është monarki. Në qoft ë se pushteti është në duart e një njeriu dhe të trashëgimtarëve të vet, kjo është një monarki e trashëgueshme, por, në qoft ë se pushteti i kalon atij vetëm sa është gjallë, kurse pas vdekjes së tij e drejta e caktuar për pasardhësin i rikthehet shumicës, atëherë kjo është një monarki me zgjedhje. Sipas Lokut, forma e qeverisjes varet se kush e ka pushtetin suprem. Pushteti legjislativ është e pamundur të konceptohet një pushtet suprem më i ulët, që mund të urdhërojë një pushtet më të lartë apo që ndonjë pushtet, përveç pushtetit suprem, të bëjë ligje. Në pajtim me këtë, forma e shtetit përcaktohet nga fakti se kush ka pushtet për të bërë ligje.37 Njerëzit u organizuan në shoqëri për të gëzuar në paqe dhe të sigurtë në pronat e tyre.38 Instrumenti për të arritur këtë ishin ligjet e vendosura në shoqëri. Ligji i parë dhe themelor pozitiv i të gjitha shteteve është ngritja e pushtetit legjislativ, sikundër e drejta natyrore e parë dhe themelore, së cilës duhet t’i nështrohet legjislativi vetë, është mbrojtja e shoqërisë (në atë masë sa kjo do të përputhet me të mirën publike) dhe e çdo anëtari të saj. Ky pushtet ishte suprem, i shenjtë dhe i patjetërsueshëm dhe asnjë vendim i pamiratuar prej tij nuk ka forcën e ligjit. Megjithëse ai është pushteti suprem në çdo shtet, gjithsesi, nuk është dhe nuk mund të jetë krejtësisht arbitrar ndaj jetës dhe pasurive të njerëzve, nuk mund të marrë mbi vete të drejtën për të qeverisur nëpërmjet vendimesh të improvizuara arbitrare.39 Shteti i Lokut bazohet në mirëkuptimin e individëve, pushteti sovran nuk mund të qeverisë në mënyrë arbitrare, por nëpërmjet ligjeve. Për Lokun, individi është i lirë si në shtetin e natyrës, ashtu edhe në shtetin e së drejtës. Ai hedh poshtë konceptin e Hobsit për luft ën e të gjithëve ndaj të gjithëve, megjithatë, në fund ai pranon se, për shkak të dobësisë dhe viciozitetit të shumicës së njerëzve, gjendja e natyrshme është e patolerueshme. Kështu ai arrin në procesin ku të këqij at zhduken nga zëvendësimi i shoqërisë natyrale me atë civile.40 Loku modifi kon në kuptimin liberal raportin midis individit dhe shtetit, sepse sovraniteti nuk është eskluzivitet vetëm i shtetit, por, së pari, i individëve, duke qenë se është një kontratë e bërë nga njerëzit. Jashtë kësaj marrëveshjeje, individi është në gjendjen e natyrës, ku njerëzit janë të barabartë. Në shtetin ligjor konfl ikti natyror rregullohet nga normat juridike. Teoria e Lokut bënte fj alë për dy kontrata: e para ishte ajo e individëve me njëri - tjetrin, që çoi në kontratën sociale dhe tjetra ishte me personin e mbretit, që çoi në formimin e qeverisë, të cilin mund ta rrëzonin, nëse ai nuk zbatonte kontratën.

36 Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë…, vep. e cituar, f. 81 37 Po aty, f. 163 38 “Thelbi i doktrinës së tij është se, ndërsa kryesisht të gjitha gjërat janë të përbashkëta për të gjithë njerëzit, sa më shpejt që çdo individ përfshin punën e tij në çdo objekt të veçantë e bën atë pronën e tij të veçantë”. William Archibald Dunning, A History…, vep. e cituar, f. 347 39 Xhon Loku, Traktati i dytë…, vep. e cituar, f. 165 40 William Archibald Dunning, A History…, vep. e cituar, f. 349 31 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

3. Koncepti i Zhan Zhak Rusoit (Jean Jacques Rousseau)

Rusoi ( 1712 - 1778) me kontratën sociale hartoi një traktat ligjor. Edhe ai i referohet gjendjes natyrore të njeriut, në të cilën ai është i lumtur, sepse zotëron një pavarësi absolute dhe jeton vetëm për veten e vet. Ai pohon se njeriu në gjendjen natyrore shtyhet në vetëmbrojtje, nuk mund të jetojë vetëm, sepse shumimi i tij e bën të domosdoshëm të jetuarit së bashku, pra, në një shoqëri. Por kjo krij on një problem, sepse njeriu ka lindur i pavarur. Atëherë si mund të rregullohet kjo pavarësi e lindur në një shoqëri? Mundësia do të ishte “inkuadrimi i plotë i secilit, së bashku me të gjithë idetë e tij , brenda një komuniteti të përbashkët”41 dhe kjo, sipas bindjes së Rusoit, ishte rruga drejt lirisë. Kontrata sociale, e parë si një realitet jetësor, është parimi bazë i bashkimit politik, ku individi në përpjekje për të përshtatur sjelljen e tij me lirinë legjitime të të tjerëve, mposht paligjshmërinë e vendimeve absolute dhe siguron lirinë. Me këtë kontratë sociale individi humbet lirinë natyrore dhe të drejtën e pakufi zuar mbi gjithçka, në këmbim të lirisë civile dhe të së drejtës mbi pronën që zotëron. Qëllimi i Rusoit në kontratën sociale është të gjejë zgjidhjen e këtij paradoksi, ku “njeriu lind i lirë, por kudo ai është nën zinxhirë”. 42 Kontrata sociale bazohet mbi dy pika kryesore: tjetërsimin e vullneteve individuale drejt një organi politik (vullneti i përgjithshëm) dhe përcaktimin e privilegjeve të një sovraniteti të tillë, duke specifi kuar rastet kur ai reduktohet në subjekt të fuqive të natyrës private. Kjo kontratë prodhon një subjekt të ri politik, duke i dhënë një vullnet të orientuar nga e mira e përbashkët dhe duke e ligjëruar e duke i dhënë të drejta të reja përmes ligjeve. “Vullneti i përgjithshëm është gjithmonë i drejtë dhe ka tendecë gjithmonë në dobi publike …”43 Pëmes kontratës sociale individi tjetërson lirinë e tij , autoritetin e tij të përgjithshëm, në përpjekje për të përshatur sjelljen e tij me lirinë e të tjerëve. Në themel të kontratës qëndron tjetërsimi i pushtetit, i cili bëhet nën garancinë që të gjithë të heqin dorë nga liria e tyre në të njëjtën kohë, bashkimi i tyre në marrëveshje krij on shoqërinë. Pra, barazia e të gjithëve para ligjit është garancia e lirisë civile. Në këtë kuptim, sipas Rusoit, liria është shndërruar në një barazi të dyfi shtë: barazi politike dhe barazi civile.44 “Por rendi shoqëror është një e drejtë e shenjtë, e cila shërben si bazë për të gjithë të tjerët. Megjithatë, kjo e drejtë nuk vjen nga natyra; prandaj është e bazuar në konventën”.45 Bashkimi arrihet nëpërmjet autoritetit dhe lirisë së secilit. Ky bashkim do të mbronte të mirat e secilit individ. Pra, duke bashkuar lirinë e tij me atë të të tjerëve, ai sërish mbetet i lirë. Kjo është edhe zgjedhja që jep kontrata sociale. Në këtë bashkim të gjithë i nënshtrohen “vullnetit të përgjithshëm”. Pasoja e parë e këtij bashkimi është se vetëm “vullneti i përgjithshëm” mund të drejtojë të mirën e përgjithshme dhe për këtë arsye ai është i patjetërsueshëm dhe i pandashëm. Problemi themelor që 41 Samuel Enoch Stumpf: Filozofi a…, vep. e cituar, f. 286. 42 Po aty, f. 285 – 286. 43 Jean Jacques Rousseau, Du contrat social, ou principes du droit politique, de l’Imprimiere de C. Glisau & J. Pierret, Paris, M. DCC.XCI, f. 25. 44 Georges Beaulavo, Introdusion në Du contrat social, Société Nouvelle de Librarie et’Édition, Paris, 1903, f. 45 45 Jean Jacques Rousseau, Du contrat …, vep. e cituar, f. 3. 32 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 duhet të zgjidhë kontrata është “Të gjesh një formë shoqate që mbron dhe favorizon me të gjithë forcën e përbashkët personin dhe pasurinë e secilit partner, dhe me anë të të cilit secili bashkohet me të gjithë, i bindet vetëm vetes dhe mbetet aq i lirë sa më parë”.46 Të qenët pjesë e kësaj kontrate përbën një angazhim reciprok të publikes dhe të së veçantës dhe çdo individ kontraktues është i angazhuar në një marrëdhënie të dyfi shtë: si anëtar i sovranit drejt së veçantës ose si një anëtar i shtetit të sovranit. Kalimi nga gjendja natyrore në një bashkësi kontratuale, pra, në një shtet, zëvendëson sjelljet e tij me drejtësinë, duke e pajisur individin me moralin që nuk e ka pasur më parë.47 Por këtu, sipas Rusoit, duhet bërë dallimi midis lirisë natyrore, e cila nuk i kufi zon forcat e individit, me lirinë civile, e cila vetë kufi zohet nga vullneti i përgjithshëm. Marrja e lirisë morale të shtetit e bën individin vërtet zot të vetes, sepse bindja e tij ndaj ligjit është liri. Sipas konceptit të lirisë morale të Rusoit, shteti u konsiderua në lidhje me këtë liri, e cila nënkuptonte të drejtën e çdo individi ndaj vullnetit dhe detyrën e domosdoshme për të bërë një detyrë të vetëvendosur.48 Po si mund të ushtrohet vullneti i përgjithshëm? Së pari, ai duhet të jetë vullneti i të gjithë qytetarëve, të cilët duhet të konsultohen në mënyrë të barabartë dhe të drejtpërdrejtë, pikërisht për këtë arsye, është sovran, i pandashëm, i pakufi zuar dhe i pagabueshëm. Pra, vetëm vullneti i përgjithshëm mund të drejtojë forcat e shtetit për të mirën e përbashkët, sepse është kontrata që e siguron këtë. E përbashkëta e këyre interesave të ndryshme krij on lidhjen sociale, sepse duhet që të gjithë interesat të mirëkuptohen që një shoqëri të ekzistojë vetëm mbi këto interesa të përbashkëta për të mbrojtur lirinë dhe sigurinë e të gjithëve49. Kontrata sociale e Rusoit është një traktat ligjor dhe politik. Qëllimi i saj është të përcaktojë a priori kushtet ekzistencës së çdo shoqërie të organizuar në mënyrë racionale, sipas së drejtës natyrore.50 Postulati i të gjitha veprave të Rusoit është: Nëse dikush dëshiron të njohë njeriun e vërtetë, duhet ta konsiderojë atë në gjendjen e natyrës. Po cili është shteti i natyrës dhe cilat janë instrumentet për ta rindërtuar atë? Në gjendjen e natyrës njeriu udhëhiqet nga instiktet natyrore ose nga ndjenjat që janë “gdhendur në zemrën e njeriut në shkronja të pashlyeshme”. “Ligji i parë i njeriut është të sigurojë veten e tij dhe kujdesi i parë i dedikohet vetes”.51 Ndërsa instiktet vij në nga natyra dhe e marrin fuqinë prej saj, ai njeh domosdoshmërisht nevojën dhe për pasojë legjitimitetin, duke i ngritur në ligjin natyror. Rregullat e ligjit natyror justifi kojnë të drejtën themelore të njeriut për liri. Ai ka të drejtën e jetës dhe është “gjykatës i mjeteve të duhura për ta ruajtur atë”. Megjithatë, kjo liri nuk është pa kufi dhe Rusoi bën dallimin midis lirisë dhe pavarësisë. “Ka dy lloje varësish: nga gjërat dhe nga njeriu. Varësia nga gjërat pa moral nuk prek lirinë dhe nuk shkakton vese, varësia nga njeriu, duke qenë e çrregullt, i prodhon të gjitha”.52 Vullneti njerëzor, i udhëhequr nga arsyeja dhe i nënshtruar ndaj rendit universal, është liria natyrore. Shoqëria ka çuar në shkatërrimin e gjendjes natyrore të njeriut të privuar nga të drejtat e tij natyrore. Por a ishte e nevojshme kjo? A mund të kemi një organizim shoqëror që nuk bazohet 46 Po aty, f. 22. 47 Kapur, A. C., Principles of Political Science, S. Chand & Company LTD, New Delhi, 1997, f. 126. 48 Raymond G. Gettell, History..., vep. e cituar, f. 313. 49 Kapur, A. C, Principles…, vep. e cituar, f. 127. 50 Georges Beaulavo, Introdusion …, vep. e cituar, f. 12. 51 Jean Jacques Rousseau, Du contrat …, vep. e cituar, f. 4. 52 Georges Beaulavo, Introdusion …, vep. e cituar, f. 15. 33 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 mbi dhunën dhe presionin, për të rregulluar arsyen dhe për të siguruar realizimin e skajeve të shtetit natyror? Vazhdimisht forca e gjërave tenton ta shkatërrojë barazinë, ndërsa mbrojtjen e saj duhet ta bëjë forca e legjislacionit. 53 Atëherë, në cilat kushte ekziston një shoqëri njerëzore, pa shkatërruar lirinë dhe barazinë natyrore? Rusoi për këtë sygjeron gjetjen e një forme shoqërimi që mbron dhe ruan. Liria dhe barazia duhet të ngjajnë me lirinë dhe barazinë natyrore dhe, ndërsa liria civile do të jetë fuqia që do të bëjë gjithçka që ligji civil e lejon, barazia do t’i vendosë të gjithë njerëzit në pozitë të barabartë për të ushtruar të drejtat që njihen me ligj. Prandaj është e nevojshme të imagjinohet një shoqëri ku “ligji të jetë mbi njeriun”, ku njerëzit t’i binden absolutisht vetëm atij , duke kaluar nga gjendja natyrore në shtetin social, “i barazvlefshëm me të gjitha ato që humbim dhe me shumë forcë për të mbajtur ato që kemi”. Po si mund ta ruajmë lirinë e individit? Përgjigja e kësaj pyetjeje është pakti social.54 Rusoi është kundër shtetit të organizuar si një familje, sepse familja është e organizuar sipas një skeme hierarkike, e ruajtur në mënyrë vullnetare nga pjesëtarët e vet, ndërsa sistemi i propozuar nga Rusoi bazohet në barazinë midis individëve.55 Liria natyrore ndryshon nga liria civile, nga pavarësia e plotë, sepse e liria natyrore është e kufi zuar nga arsyeja, ndërsa liria civile nga ligji. Kështu, ligji nuk e shkatërron lirinë e individit, kur bazohet në vullnetin e tij individual dhe, duke iu bindur ligjit, ai i bindet vetes. Nëse veshja e autoritetit shoqëror është ligji dhe, nëse ky ligj ka gjithë fuqinë e vet, mirëkuptimi ose pëlqimi i lirë i individit do të jetë vartësia dhe nënshtrimi për liri. Prandaj është e nevojshme që shteti të krij ohet nëpërmjet një pakti të lirë, si vullneti i lirë i qytetarëve, vetëm kështu kjo mund të jetë e ligjshme. Parimet e ligjit natyror domosdoshmërisht çojnë në teorinë e kontratave. Po cilat do të jenë përcaktimet e këtij pakti themelor?56 Sipas tij , kontrata sociale është një realitet jetësor, i cili është prezent kudo që ekziston një qeveri e ligjshme.57 Vullneti i përgjithshëm shprehet përmes sovranitetit, i cili, nga ana e vet, shprehet përmes shpalljes së ligjeve. Secili vë personin dhe fuqinë e tij në një vullnet të përgjithshëm që buron nga një trupë morale dhe kolektive, që është krij uar nga bashkimi i të gjithëve, prej nga merr unitetin e tij , identitetin i tij të zakonshëm, jetën e tij dhe vullnetin i tij . Ky mekanizëm i ri shoqëror do të ishte burimi i të gjithë pushtetit politik. Për Rusoin, përmes kontratës sociale individët japin të drejtën e pakufi zuar për gjithçka dëshirojnë dhe në vend të saj jetojnë lirinë civile, që i bën ata pronarë të vetes dhe i garanton kundër çdo varësie personale. Kjo krij on një person kolektiv, sovranitetin popullor, i cili është i pazëvendësueshëm, është themeli. Organizimi dhe funksionimi i njohur i çdo shteti më parë quhej qytet, tani quhet republikë apo organ politik, dhe, nga anëtarët e tij quhet shtet, kur është pasiv, quhet sovran ,kur është aktiv dhe fuqi, kur krahasohet me të ngjashmit e tij .58 Pra, për Rusoin një rend shoqëror legjitim nuk mund të bazohet në forcë, por në një pakt të përbashkët, në një pakt social që të bën qytetar dhe pjesë të të njëjtit trup, ku çdo qytetar bëhet pjesë në marrjen e ligjeve, i ndjek ato, duke u bërë në të njëtën kohë edhe sovran, edhe vartës. 53 Po aty, f. 16. 54 Po aty, f. 18 – 19. 55 Po aty, f. 18 – 19. 56 Po aty, f. 20. 57 Samuel Enoch Stumpf: Filozofi a…, vep. e cituar, f. 286. 58 Jean Jacques Rousseau, Du contrat …, vep. e cituar, f. 24 – 25. 34 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Shteti i krij uar nga pakti është shprehje e vullnetit të përgjithshëm dhe si qëllim të tij parësor ka të mirën e përbashkët. Nëse qytetarët i respektojnë detyrat e tyre publike, shteti është i suksesshëm, por, nëse qytetarët vënë interesat e tyre private mbi ato kolektive, shteti do të kalbet. Thelbësore për shëndetin e shtetit është që të gjithë respektojnë shenjtërinë e kontratës sociale (l’obéissance à la loi qu’on s’est prescrite est liberté, pra, bindja ndaj ligjit është liri). Në shoqërinë e kontratës vullnetet e të gjithë individëve janë të njëjta dhe, derisa ekziston vetëm një vullnet, ai i përgjithshëm, ligjet janë produkt i tij dhe, meqenëse çdo individ është autor i këtyre ligjeve, kur ai i bindet ligjit, i bindet vetëvetes. Rusoi bën dallimin midis vullnetit të përgjithshëm dhe vullnetit të të gjithëve, i cili qëndron te qëllimi që arrin secili.59 Problemi që trajton kontrata sociale është se në cilat kushte një shoqëri mund të ekzistojë në mënyrë legjitime, pra, bazuar në ligjet natyrore dhe në arsyen. Rusoi, duke pranuar të këqij at në jetën shoqërore,60synon të gjejë nëse këto të këqij a janë të nevojshme apo mund të ekzistojë një orgnanizëm politik në përputhje me të drejtën dhe arsyen. Rusoi besonte se kontrata sociale ishte e zbatueshme në shtete të vogla, me kusht që të bazoheshin në fakte dhe në një kombinim të favorshëm të rrethanave. Në përcaktimin e kushteve universale dhe të domosdoshme të një shteti të bazuar në ligjin e natyrës, Rusoi tregoi se cilat parime duhej të frymëzoheshin për të futur drejtësinë dhe lirinë në shtet. Objekt i kontratës është përcaktimi a priori i kushteve të ekzistencës së çdo shoqërie të organizuar në mënyrë racionale, sipas parimeve të së drejtës natyrore.61 Teoria e Shtetit e Rusoit është ngritur mbi parimet e ligjeve natyrore. Që ligji të mos shkatërrojë lirinë e individit duhet të bazohet mbi vullnetin e tij , në këtë mënyrë liria civile bashkohet me lirinë natyrore. Njeriu vërtet i lirë, sipas Rusoit, kërkon atë që mund dhe bën atë që pëlqen. Ky është parimi themelor i Rusoit, prej nga tërheq nga kontrata sociale pasojën kategorike “bindja ndaj ligjit është liri”. Pra, nëse autoriteti shoqëror është ligji, i cili merr të gjithë fuqinë e tij nga vullneti i lirë i vetë individit, bindja ndaj tij nuk është as varësi e as nënshtrim, por liri. Prandaj shteti duhet të krij ohet vetëm nga bashkimi i lirë dhe nga vullneti i lirë i individëve. Në këtë mënyrë ai është i ligjshëm. Po cilat do të jenë përcaktimet e kontratës? Baza e kontratës sociale të Rusoit është vullneti i lirë i individëve “që secili prej nesh vendos vullnetin dhe gjithë fuqinë e tij nën drejtimin suprem të vullnetit të përgjithshëm dhe, në këtë bashkim, ne e shikojmë çdo anëtar si pjesë të së tërës”; ajo është dëshira e tyre dhe si parim ka lirinë, e cila do të thotë “tjetërsim i plotë i secilit me të gjitha të drejtat e tij për komunitetin”. Dorëzimi me vullnet i të drejtave të tij te komuniteti e zhvesh individin nga të drejat natyrore. Marrëveshja nënkupton se ai që refuzon t’i bindet vullnetit të përgjithshëm, do të detyrohet ta bëjë këtë pikërisht nga kjo lidhje e bashkuar, pra, me pak fj alë, do të detyrohet të jetë i lirë. Kjo sakrifi cë e tij është e favorshme edhe nga pikëpamja e lirisë, sepse, duke e dhënë atë (lirinë) tërësisht, do të ishte “po aq i lirë sa më parë”. Sistemi i kontratës përbëhet nga dy pjesë kryesore: nga njëra anë, teoria e përgjithshme e themeleve të shoqërisë, pra, doktrina e kontratës, e sovranitetit popullor, vullnetit të përgjithshëm dhe e ligjit dhe, nga ana tjetër, nga shumë teori të veçanta politike 59 Samuel Enoch Stumpf: Filozofi a…, vep. e cituar, f. 287. 60 Stephen Leacock, Elements…, vep. e cituar, f. 30. 61 Georges Beaulavo, Introdusion …, vep. e cituar, f. 11 – 12. 35 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 në lidhje me institucionin dhe organizimin e qeverive, të cilat janë të përcaktuara, veçanërisht në dy librat e fundit të kontratës si mjet për të siguruar realizimin e parimeve.62 E përmendëm më lart që përcaktimet e Rusoit janë a priori, pra, përmes arsyetimeve ai pretendon që nga parimet të nxjerrë mënyrat për t’i zbatuar ato. Gjithsesi, vlerat praktike të kontratës nuk janë objekt i këtij artikulli, ndaj nuk do të zhvillohen më tej. Rusoi e ka çuar parimin e vullnetit të përgjithshëm deri në pikën që të mohojë nevojën e kufi jve të pushtetit shtetëror: atributi është autorësia e “demokracisë totalitare”63

3. Përfundime

Nga sa u vu në dukje më sipër, mund të themi se koncepti mbi shtetin ka evuluar gjatë zhvillimit historik të këtij të fundit. Fryma e re e Rilindjes Evropiane solli qëndrime të reja edhe lidhur me orgjinën e shtetit dhe konceptin ndaj tij . Ndikim mjaft të madh pati teoria e kontratës, një nga teoritë më me peshë në teorinë politike. Kjo teori e shikon shtetin si një trup politik të themeluar në bazë të një kontrate midis popullit dhe mbretit (nga e cila varet autoriteti i sovranit dhe garanton ushtrimin e të drejtave natyrore të njeriut). Përfaqësuesit e saj bashkoheshin në një qëndrim: Shteti është produkt i një kontrate, e cila bazohet mbi bashkimin e vullneteve individuale drejt një organi politik. Shteti i jep fund gjendjes natyrore “të luft ës” midis individëve, u njeh atyre “të drejtat natyrore”, si lirinë, të drejtën e pronës etj. dhe ka si qëllim të mirën e përbashkët, garanton barazinë midis individëve, rregullin, paqen dhe ligjin.

Bibliografi

Beaulavo, Georges, Introdusion en Du contrat social, Société Nouvelle de Librarie et’Édition, Paris, 1903. Bobbio, Norberto, Liberalismo e democrazia, Simonelli, Milano, 2006. Dunning, William Archibald, A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu, MACMILLAN & CO, London, 1916. Ganrer, James Wilford, Introduction to political science, a treatise on the origin, nature, functions, and organization of the state, American Book Company, Chicago,1910. Gett ell, Raymond G., History of Political Thought, George Allen & UNWIN Ltd, London, 1923. Hobs, Tomas, Leviatani, IPLS & DITA 2000, Tiranë. Kapur, A. C., Principles of Political Science, S. Chand & Company LTD, New Delhi, 1997. Lamprecht, Sterling Poëer, The moral and political philosophy of John Locke, New York, Russell & Russell, New York, 1962. Leacock, Stephen, Elements of political science, 1906, Miffl in CO, Boston, 1906. Loku, Xhon, Traktati i dytë për qeverisjen dhe shkrime të tjera, IPLS & DITA 2000, Tiranë. Mori, Massimo, Storia della fi losofi a moderna, Laterza & Figli, Bari, 2005, cap.7. Rosen, Michael & Wolff , Jonathan, Mendimi Politik, UFO Press, Tiranë, 2007. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Du contrat social, ou principes du droit politique, de l’Imprimiere de C. Glisau & J. Pierret, Paris, M. DCC.XCI. Stumpf, Samuel Enoch, Filozofi a: Historia dhe probleme, “Toena,” Tiranë, 1998.

62 Georges Beaulavo, Introdusion …, vep. e cituar, f. 38 – 39. 63 Norberto Bobbio, Liberalismo…, vep. e cituar, f. 28. 36 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Modern Trends in English Language Teaching

Kadri Krasniqi PhD candidate of SEEU

Abstract

Being a global language, English enables people to travel in style around the modern globalized world, to do business from one corner of the world to another as well as to keep in touch. As a result of this, teaching and learning English has become an uncompromised importance and defi nitely a huge decision for people to make. Since the development of the modern trends of English language teaching, which have been gaining tremendous signifi cance and support according to many theorists, however the introduction of modern trends has caused numerous changes and innovations in educational systems, as stated by a few other theorists. The question arises that, are we really gett ing any benefi ts from new trends or wasting our time learning and preparing the trends in English language teaching process? The main purpose of this theoretical paper is to identify the most useful modern trends in English language teaching and the eff ects they are having in the English language teaching process itself. This theoretical paper is based or referenced on previous and current studies conducted by many researchers regarding current modern trends in English language teaching, who tried/are trying to off er best tools for teachers to teach and learners to learn, but still are faced with various dilemmas and a huge mountain with full of issues concerning the English language teaching.

A short history of English Language Teaching

English Language has its origin long before the teaching of it began to take place. The history of English Language Teaching should be divided into three main periods, according to Howatt & Widdowson (2004); Period one from (1400-1800), which starts with the re-emergence of English as a national language aft er three centuries of hard subservience to French and concludes with the interests of schools in Europe and elsewhere teaching it along other modern foreign languages. During this period English began challenging at last the long-held monopoly of classical languages and the urgency among refugees who needed a measure of spoken fl uency in English contributed to the challenge; Period two from (1800-1900), which started with the changes and developments both in Europe and in the British Empire overseas. During this period English language began being taught as a foreign language to children in schools which was rarely seen before 1800, but the most remarkable progress and reform came from the application of theory drawn from linguistics and psychology; Period three from (1900 - to the present day), which brings the subject up to date with the development of English Language Teaching throughout the century and with particular emphasis on the emergence of English language teaching as an autonomous profession in its own right.

Keywords: trend, modern, English, language, and teaching.

37 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Introduction

Since the fi ft eenth century, when English re-emerged as a national language, English Language Teaching has undergone through tremendous changes over the centuries and decades, especially in the last twenty years. We live during an era, where so many books have been published in English about the English language in general and the English Language Teaching in particular. Every single one of them views the subject diff erently by presenting an amount of views much greater than they are needed, and who try to liberalize themselves from the clutches of traditional methods of teaching. Nevertheless, more English language teaching resources are growing rapidly and newslett ers on English language teaching are being used more and more by both the teachers and students. On one hand, opportunities to learn English are provided in diff erent ways such as through formal instruction, traveling, studying abroad and above all through the media and the internet. On the other hand, there are large numbers of modern trends in the English Language Teaching that are being developed, and which are trying to off er new ways or methodologies for teaching English. As a result of this, a fi erce competition is being created with an enormous demand for quality language teaching and language teaching materials and resources, but the result is not very promising because most of the new trends or approaches are rediscoveries of the old methods neglected but re-illuminated. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper is to identify the most useful modern trends in English Language Teaching and the eff ects they are having in the English Language Teaching.

What is a modern trend in English Language Teaching? A modern trend in English Language Teaching is a general tendency or direction towards change in approach or methodology provided for teachers to teach and learners/students to learn. “There is nothing permanent except change”, says Heraclites, the pre Aristotelian Greek philosopher. Change is the law of nature. The worldwide demand for English has created an enormous demand for quality language teaching and language teaching materials and resources. People or learners around the world have set themselves demanding goals to master English at a high level of accuracy and fl uency. Employers, too, insist that their employees have good English language skills and fl uency in English in order to succeed and advance in their employment career. As the result of the high demand for eff ective teaching practices, teachers need to change their role from authoritative into facilitators’ role, because students learn best by doing things in pairs and groups. Therefore, the demand for an appropriate teaching methodology/trend is as strong as ever.

Main current trends in English Language Teaching Most of the modern current trends in English Language Teaching being used nowadays employ similar language teaching practices and methodologies around the world. The main aim of the modern trends in English language teaching, listed and elaborated below, is to make teachers lifelong learners and students autonomous learners. They also enable teachers and students how to use teaching or learning 38 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 strategies in order to improve their teaching or learning eff ectiveness. So in other words, teachers learn how to teach and students/learners learn how to learn. Some of the most useful current trends in English Language Teaching are: • Change in the goal of teaching English – in this trend there are two key changes in the purpose of teaching English to be considered. Firstly, according to Penny Ur (2009, p.5) the goal is,” to produce fully competent English-knowing bilinguals rather than imitation native speakers.” The purpose is not to inspire students to become native speakers of English, because they are already native speaker of their mother tongue, but to inspire them on learning English as a way of communication. Secondly, English should not be viewed as an end in itself but as a means to learn other contents such as science and mathematics. This is an approach called Content and Language Integrated Learning, where English teachers should be using it, so that the students can learn both the content and language at the same time. Unlike the teaching of other subjects which by large remained the same, the English language teaching tradition has been subject to tremendous change, especially throughout the twentieth century. • Early start in teaching English – early start in teaching English to children is crucial for them and their future education. The age is the critical factor in successful English language learning, as an early start will enable ‘natural mastery’ of English. On one hand, there are studies confi rming that parents believe that their children became, more confi dent, more active and more opened-minded through learning English and it will give them a bett er world perspective. This brings us to the world widespread belief that there is a critical period in language learning and that children are bett er second language learners. On the other hand, there are a handful of further studies that contradict the premise/saying of “the earlier, the bett er.” There is more than enough evidence to suggest that language learners, who have a fi rm foundation in their native language, will fare or improve bett er in second language learning. Nonetheless, there is no shortage of over-eager parents sending their children to language schools or bilingual kindergartens to obtain an English education at a very young age. Some parents are even prepared to ignore the possibility that their children might be disadvantaged for being deprived of basic knowledge in their fi rst language. In reality, research highlights that, age is only one of the many factors that contribute to an individual’s language learning. • Change in the approach to teaching culture – the role of teaching culture in the language classrooms should be seen as a vital role or as a fundamental part of the second language learning. The approach to teaching culture promotes student motivation and engagement that can help overcome past issues of stereotyping and lack of intercultural awareness. Therefore, professional conferences and journals should focus on cultural learning “as an instructional objective equally as important as communication” (Moore, 2006, p. 4). Research on teaching culture has shown that language and culture are closely related (Brown, 2007; Kramsch, 1998; Kuang, 2007; Schulz, 2007; Tang, 1999) and are best acquired together. Brown (2007, p.p. 189-190) describes the interrelatedness of language and culture stating “that one cannot separate the two without losing the signifi cance of either language or culture. The acquisition of a second language, except for specialized, instrumental acquisition [….], is also the acquisition of a 39 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 second culture.” Based on these fi ndings, it is clear that language and culture are inextricably linked, but what role does culture play in language teaching and how is it being taught? Lafayett e (1988) noted that teachers spend the greatest amount of time and eff ort on teaching grammatical and lexical components of the language, leaving the culture as the weakest component in the curriculum. Strasheim (1981) concluded earlier that teachers spend approximately 10% of teaching time on culture, whereas a study conducted 25 years later by Moore(2006) found that at least 80% of teachers surveyed indicates they were teaching culture more than half of their instructional time. Although, nowadays teachers have begun to incorporate more culture in the lesson and every language teacher has recognized the need to incorporate more cultural activities in order to promote students’ cultural and intercultural understanding, but the major concern/question still remains as to, how much cultural teaching should and could, most eff ectively, occur at the classroom level? • Changing view of an English teacher – good practices conducted around the world agree and support that good and qualifi ed teachers are essential for effi cient functioning of educational systems and for enhancing the quality of learning in every environment or country. The qualitative analysis indicated that teachers perceived the features like mastery of the target language, good knowledge of pedagogy and the use of particular techniques and methods as well as a good personality to make an Eff ective English Language Teacher. Whereas, learners gave more weight to characteristics relating to a teacher’s personality and the way he behaves toward his students. Research supports this belief that a good teacher and actions to be taken on his part in the classroom play a vital role in provoking eff ective and effi cient learning on the part of the students (Markley. 2004). Teachers also have a fundamental role in their learners’ academic achievement and their quality can highly infl uence student outcomes (Campbell, Kyriakides, Muij sc & Robinsona, 2004), (Lasley II, Siedentop & Yinger, 2006), (Rockoff , 2004). This confi rms the worldwide spread recognition that the quality or eff ectiveness of teachers is determined by their linguistic, teaching and intercultural competence rather than their being a native speaker of English. Although, eff ective teachers in general may share some characteristics, but there are certain qualities that diff er among them depending on the subject or type of curriculum they teach. Some researchers believe that it is the nature of the subject matt er that makes language teachers diff erent from teachers of other fi elds (Hammadou & Bernhar, 1987). Some others even go beyond this and claim that diverse subject matt ers are not the only distinction between teachers of various subjects (Borg, 2006). It is also important to study the perceptions of learners about learning and teaching. Their beliefs about language learning seem to have obvious relevance to understanding their expectations of the course, their commitment to the class as well as providing them with the opportunity to be successful and satisfi ed with their language learning program (Horwitz, 1988). However, with regard to main characteristics of a professionally competent teacher, Pett is (1997) identifi ed three main characteristics for a professionally competent teacher. According to her, an eff ective teacher must fi rstly be principled and knowledgeable in addition to being skillful. Secondly, professional needs and interests of an eff ective language teacher must change over time and develop during his/her 40 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 teaching. Thirdly, a teacher must be personally committ ed to his/her professional development. • Change in teaching content and test design – most teachers nowadays use a range of local texts or English translations of literature in the classroom. The use of mother tongue appropriately as well as the use of a variety of accents in listening activities and tests are encouraged in English language classrooms. In order for students to master and prepare themselves for an increasingly complex life and workforce, they need to posses the following learning skills; critical thinking, communication, collaboration and creativity. Therefore, teacher cannot just teach students how to understand a particular content, but they must also teach students how to think and how to learn that particular content. Unlike mathematics, where one skill builds upon another, the process of developing literacy skills is a diff erent matt er and it requires repeated application of skills, continual learning, practice and further practice. English language teachers should encourage students to adopt a repeatable approach to literacy such as; returning to a passage aft er a fi rst reading, focusing on key passages and details, then identifying patt erns and asking questions. Besides the changing of teaching content, English language teachers should be encouraged to change the test design, too. This is as a result of the enormous increase in the demand for profi ciency in the use of English language around the world in the last two decades. Despite this enormous increase, teacher training programs oft en pay very litt le att ention to the role, purpose and nature of testing in the classroom. As a result many teachers, including myself, feel insecure about the principles and practice of testing and so we put together test based on what we have always done or in many cases we just use tests from published sources. Finding out what students can do is rather more diffi cult. Using multiple-choice test is the best way fi nding out what students know and how well they can actually speak or write. If we want to fi nd out how well students have understood a reading text, we could ask them some questions on the text and let them answer the questions in their own language. With regard to speaking test, English language teachers should focus on skills such as; communication (does the student get his/her message across?); accuracy (is the language the student uses accurate and correct?); range (is the student able to use a good range of vocabulary and grammar?). In addition, English language teachers should never turn a speaking test into a form of grammar test and punishing the student for every grammar mistake but should look at other aspects of his/her performance. Thus, before we design a test, we as teachers should always ask ourselves questions such as; how can we design bett er tests in our own context and for our own purposes? • E-learning – learning is defi ned as a process where knowledge is created through transformation of experience (Arthurs, 2007; Kolb, 1984). Whereas, e-learning is a process of learning utilizing electronic technologies to access educational curriculum or materials outside of a traditional classroom. E-learning in most cases refers to a course, program or degree delivered completely online. As a result of advancement in internet and multimedia technologies we believe that the textbooks will disappear in few years time and would give way to e-learning trend. This modern trend in English language teaching would be very useful for every teaching environment, in particular to low-resource environments. Apart from utilizing 41 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 electronics and allowing access to educational materials and creating a convenient learning environment for e-users, e-learning would help students to create/form e-forums or learning environments allowing students to exchange their views with speakers of the target language. It also would allow students to exchange views via reading articles on topics of their own culture and communicate their responses with speakers of another culture. It also could be used by students to link to articles of similar topics for further explorations of culture and language learning opportunities. Although, e-learning systems with adaptable functions have been developed to solve these fl exibility problems by changing the presentation of materials to suit each individual user, they do not satisfy all adaptive related needs in theory and application. Therefore, more research and studies are needed to be able to use e-learning environments effi ciently as an alternative to traditional ones. • Strategic teaching and learning – strategic teaching is a process or a way of making decisions about a course, an individual class or going as far as an entire curriculum. We all know that, the process of planning a course, an individual class or even an entire curriculum is not an easy one, and it takes a lot time, eff ort and dedication in order to come up with a very purposeful and strategic teaching plan. Apart from time, eff ort and dedication, the process of planning should consider the following variables or characteristics such as; the characteristics of the learners, the learning objectives and the instructional preferences of the teacher. Once these variables or characteristics have been analyzed, then decisions can be made about course content, structure, methods of assessment and any other key components that might aff ect the outcome of the teaching strategy within an English language teaching environment. As teachers or instructors, we need to make appropriate decisions about what topics to include and which ones to leave out; the order in which those/these topics will be presented; which pedagogical methods to use (for example: lecture, discussion or any other methods); appropriate means of assessing the students; what materials and technology to employ and how to get feedback from students. Why is it important to do a Strategic Teaching Analysis? On one hand, planning or undertaking a strategic teaching analysis increases the likelihood / possibility that the course objectives will be met. Bear in mind that there is no guarantees course objectives will be met. Even the best analysis cannot assure that the course will be successful, but it only increases the chances that the course objectives will be met. On the other hand, despite no guarantees made, it makes the work or planning that much easier, by identifying the unique characteristics of the course, by creating criteria by which you can make informed decisions about how the class should be organized and taughtIn contrast to strategic teaching, strategic learning is a process that involves the learners’ thoughts and actions in order to achieve a learning goal. There are several issues in language learning strategy that aff ect teachers and learners or students of foreign languages such as; identifi cation procedures of learning strategies, terminology and classifi cation of strategies, the eff ects of learner characteristics on strategy use, the eff ects of culture and context on strategy use, explicit and integrated strategy instruction, language of instruction, transfer of strategies to new tasks and models for language learning strategy instruction. Identifying language learning strategies is a very complex issue 42 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 because strategies are identifi ed through self-reports. Although, self-reports may be inaccurate if the learner does not report truthfully, it is still the only way to identify learners’ mental processing. As Grenfell and Harris (1999, p.54) have so likely stated:” […] it is not easy to get inside the ‘black box’ of the human brain and fi nd out what is going on there. We work with what we can get, which, despite the limitations, provides food for thought […].” Thus, purposeful strategy of teaching is the key to a purposeful learning strategy. • Teachers as life-long learners – like doctors, lawyers and many other professionals who never stop learning new techniques and strategies to sharpen their craft and remain on the cutt ing edge in their fi eld, so should teachers do, too. We as teachers or instructors should consider the concept of “lifelong learning”, because it is a great frame of mind for us to have. Lifelong learning is an essential tool or challenge for inventing the future of our societies. It should be considered as a necessity rather than a luxury challenge. It is a mindset and an uncompromised habit for teachers to gain or possess. It creates the challenge for English language teachers to understand, explore various topics and support new dimensions of learning such as: self-direct learning, learning on demand, informal learning and above all, collaborative and organizational learning. In order for teachers or instructors to progress and integrate new theories, practice and being able to assess appropriately, they need to adopt a lifelong learning mindset for the following benefi ts, such as: - lifelong learning helps teacher to face challenges. Teachers who adopt lifelong learning have access to information and use it to collaborate with others, and they view mistakes and challenges as part of the learning process rather than as failures; - lifelong learning helps teachers best learn on the job. The best teachers are willing to learn from their students, so when students see their teacher’s enthusiasm for learning, students might be more inclined to learn from them; - lifelong learning makes the big transitions on the job easier to process, because teaching is one of the career that demands the most fl exibility as schedules, students, standards and regulations that keep changing every day. Teachers have to think on their feet because you never know what the next question would be, and the only way to approach the daily challenges their career is to be a lifelong learner; - lifelong learning fosters creativity and positively infl uences creativity in individuals, groups, organizations and as far as countries. For teachers to thrive in the 21st century they must have the ability to use new technologies and media, which is the key component of lifelong learning process; - lifelong learning enhances technology usage, as the result of technology being the essential part of teaching and learning today. Fortunately, teachers who adopt a lifelong learning mindset are not intimidated by technology in their classroom because they are willing to learn about technology from their students and other fellow teachers and adapt their teaching practices to meet the demands of their twenty fi rst century students; - lifelong learners are innovative teachers, because they adopt a lifelong learning mindset to push themselves continually to learn new ways of facilitating learning and increasing student engagement. Taking into account all these benefi ts and advantages that lifelong learners accumulate, teachers who adopt this mentality are more than excellent educators and above all are excellent models for their students. However, can a teacher successfully educate students without becoming a lifelong learner? This question still remains to 43 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 be answered! • Changing roles and increasing responsibilities of teachers – this modern trend is one of the most important trends and should refl ect the case of Kosovo where teachers, in particular English language teachers, should change their role and increase their responsibilities in any teaching or learning environment. Teachers should get their good role modeling back as they used to be a decade ago and should be accountable for eff ective classroom teaching and learning. Along with the new trends, the role and the responsibilities of the teachers have been increasing and made accountable for. Nowadays, teachers have multiple roles and responsibilities as facilitators of student learning and as creators of a productive classroom environment in which students can develop and enhance the skills they will need for the 21st century workforce. Therefore, more teachers are asked to use collaborative, content and project-based curriculum to help students develop higher and order thinking skills, eff ective communication skills as well as knowledge of technology. Another noticeable change is that, many teachers no longer teach in isolation. They have the opportunity to co-teach, team-teach and collaborate with other teachers from other disciplines. These opportunities are achieved only if teachers get or receive institutional support, such as funding and time release to att end professional development activities, so that they are able to implement new ways of teaching and assessing learning appropriately. These changes are essential, anywhere in the world, if we as teachers are to prepare our students to become eff ective users of English language and responsible global citizens, as well as prepare ourselves in the mean time to be refl ective practitioners and critical social agents in this globalized English world. So in other words, change is a needful skill for teachers, but not a luxury one by any means.

The eff ect of modern trends in English Language Teaching “Language teaching and learning is dynamic and fl uid. There is nothing fi xed about them” (Larsen – Freeman & Anderson, 2011, p. 186). The eff ect of modern trends in English language teaching has been enormous, because it provides learners with open access to a large amount of learning materials and with well trained language instructors at anytime and anywhere basis. The audio- visual impact of modern technological tools, have made language learning easier than ever before, whereas the changing and challenging needs of the day cannot be expected to be achieved with traditional methods. Therefore, the researchers made and still are making analysis of the subject and fi nding it necessary to adopt new methods or trends in English language teaching.

Conclusion

As conclusion, we all are aware that the theories and methods in English language teaching are constantly changing and improving. It is imperative that as teachers we are aware so that we can draw from best practices and benefi t our students in the pursuit of acquiring English. We do not need to change and adopt for every single new idea, but should know and understand current research and evaluate what that means for the learners we are responsible. 44 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Despite of many theorists, linguists, language researches, educational psychologists and an ocean of teachers have contributed to our knowledge and understanding of the language teaching and learning processes, as well as the methodologists who have ever been in search of more eff ective method for teaching foreign languages or second languages, so far no method has been a panacea for the solution of English language teaching problems. As a result of this despair, a pessimistic view has been developed among the methodologist themselves. Another noticeable despair is that, there is less focus on teaching the culture of native speakers of English unless there is a specifi c purpose for doing so. This could have come as a result of lacking coherent models for international culture. There is still a lot of work to be done, and a lot of studies to be conducted by researchers in order to compete with the demands of the 21st century English language teaching and learning.

References

Arthurs, J. (2007). A juggling act in the classroom: Managing diff erent learning styles. Teaching and learning in nursing, 2,1. 2-7. Bairwa, V.K. (2016). Modern and emerging trends n English langauge teaching. Retrieved on the 10th of January, 2017 from, htt p://puneresearch.com/media/data/issues/56ceef3023dc4.pdf Borg, S. (2006). The distinctive characteristics of foreign language teachers. Language Teaching Research. 10(1), 3-31. Brown, H. Douglas. (2007). Principles of language learning and teaching. New York. Pearson Longman. Campbell, R. J., Kyriakides, L., Muij sc, R. D. & Robinsona, W. (2004). Eff ective teaching and values: Some implications for research and teacher appraisal. Oxford Review of Education, 30(4), 451 - 465. Chang, J. (2013). Who profi ts from an early start in English? Retrieved on the 13th of January, 2017 from, htt p://www.languageonthemove.com/who-profi ts-from-an-early-start-in-english/ Chauvin, R., Theodore, K. (2015). Teaching content-area literacy and disciplinary literacy. Retrieved on the 15th of January, 2017 from, htt ps://www.sedl.org/insights/3-1/teaching_ content_area_literacy_and_disciplinary_literacy.pdf Hammadou, J. & Bernhar, E. B. (1987). On being and becoming a foreign language teacher. Theory into Practice, 26(4), 301-306. Howatt ,A.P.R. & Widdowson,H.C.(2004). A history of ELT. Oxford. Oxford University Press. Kolb. (1984). Experiential Learning: Experience as the source of learning and development. Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River. Larsen-Freeman, D., Anderson, M. (2011). Techniques and principles in language teaching. 3rd Edition. Oxford. Oxford University Press. Lasley II, T. J., Siedentop, D. & Yinger, R. (2006). A systemic approach to enhancing teacher quality: The Ohio model. Journal of Teacher Education, 57(1), 13-21. Liaw, M. (2006). E-learning and the development of intercultural competence. September, 2006, Volume 10, Number 3, pp. 49-64. Retrieved on the 15th of January, 2017 from, htt p://www. llt.msu.edu/vol10num3/liaw/default.html Lifelong learning is a crucial educational mindset, (2015). Retrieved on the 18th of January, 2017 from Edudemic connecting education and technology website, htt p://www.edudemic. com/lifelong-learning-educational-mindset/ Markley, T. (2004). Defi ning the eff ective teacher: Current arguments in education. Essays in Education, 11(3), 1-14. Moore, Z. (2006). Technology and Teaching Culture: What Spanish Teachers Do. Foreign 45 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Language Annals, 39: 579–594. doi:10.1111/j.1944-9720.2006.tb02277.x. Morrow, K. (2012). Designing good tests: Principles into practice. Retrieved on the 16th of January, 2017 from Oxford University Press website, htt ps://oupeltglobalblog.com/2012/01/24/ designing-good-tests-principles-into-practice/ Pett is, J. (1997). Developing our professional competence. Some refl ections. TESL Canada Journal. 16(2), 67-71. Richards, C. Jack. (2006). Communicative Language Teaching Today. New York. Cambridge University Press. Rockoff , J. E. (2004). The impact of individual teachers on student achievement: Evidence from panel data. The American Economic Review, 94(2), 247-252. Shishavan, H. B., Sadeghi, K. (2009). Characteristics of an eff ective English language teacher as perceived by Iranian teachers and learners of English. Retrieved on the 08th of January, 2017 from, htt p://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/elt/article/viewFile/4462/3803 Ur, Penny. (2009). A course in language teaching: Practice and Theory. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. What is strategic teaching? (2017). Retrieved on the 17th of January, 2017 from the Teaching and Learning Lab website, htt p://tll.mit.edu/help/what-strategic-teaching .

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The Process of Legal Approximation with EU Acquisin Republic of Kosovo

LL.M.Qëndresa Hyseni University of Prishtina, “HasanPrishtina” Faculty of Law, Republic of Kosovo Abstract

Republic of Kosovo decided to move toward legal approximation of its domestic law with European Union (EU) Acquis1,- a decision this derived from the fact that the pathtothe big family of EU is not only made by economical and political stones but by legal ones as well. The process of transposition did not appeared to be easy and it was followed by huge challenges.- But, the bigger these challenges became,the bigger becamethe commitment of fulfi lling the obligations taken by Kosovo as a contry that aims a member-seat tothe EU table. This paper represents a summary on the process of legal approximation of Kosovo’s domestic law with EU Acquis. The aim of this paper is to provide information regarding the legal approximation activity of Kosovar lawmaker,strating from the Stabilization Asociation Agreement (SAA)2- , till nowadays, including past barriers,overcomming challenges, actual results and future objectives.The structure of this paper includes an introductory part which treats the legal approximation in its substanceproviding a comparison from the position of Member States with that of Kosovo, following by earlier historical roots of legal approximation in Kosovo until today’s results. The main methods following this research are: Historical, Comparative, Statistic, Analytic and Legal Interpretation method.

Keywords: agreement, acquis, transposition, legal approximation, translation, stabilization association.

The idea of having a single and common law, which is respected and implemented by everyone, is so old that no one could fi nd its initial roots. In fact, the will of making other to obey the same norms, appears to be a part of human nature itself, but the tools and methods of implementing this idea evolved from the policy of force and ccompulsion to the voluntary gathering of people around the circle of the same norms. Moreover, the idea of same legislative norms began to be seen as something that will unite people around these norms, with the belief that same norms and same behaviours would mitigate disputes stemming from diversity between nations. Certainly, the absolute unifi cation of norms was never achieved, but gathering around harmonized economy, politics and laws, became one of the main objectives of EU family as well. For centuries, neighbor countries considered each other as potential enemies, against whom they must guard, ready to fi ght. Now, aft er the end of the most terrible wars in Europe, these neighbors are perceived as friendly nations who 1 The Community acquisor acquiscommunautaire, sometimes called the EU acquis and often shortened to simply acquis, is the entirety EU legislation cinsisting of primary and secondary legislation, as well as other legal acts, principles, agreements, declarations, resolutions, opinions, objectives and institutional and operational practices (including the case law of the European Court of Justice) weather legaly binding or not. The term is in French,“acquis” meaning something that has been acquired or obtained, and “communautaire”meaning of the community. 2 The Republic of Kosovo and the European Union signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) on 27 October 2015 in Strasbourg. The SAA establishes the framework of Kosovo's relations with EU member states and EU institutions for Stabilization and Association (SAP) implementation until receiving the full membership to EU. 47 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 share the same destiny (Spinelli, 1986: xiii, cited Nugent, 2010, p.5).With the slogan “United in diversity”, the legal approximation itself will become one of the strongest tools, so this diversity will not ruin the harmony of Europe, thus wars and enmities will not be repeated. The tendency of legal unifi cation once went so far, as it touched a single consolidated act deared to be called the “EU Constitution”, even though the voice of this tendency was trimmed in May and June 2005, with two referndums in France and Netherland. The non-ratifi cation of this act did not came as a surprise, bearing on mind the the radical changes imagined by idolaters of rigid state sovereignty, especially when thinking about a single and unique text that would replace all the treaties of the Union.Some of other reasons to urge voting against, can be counted from the fear of losing national identity, increasing dependence on the Union, increasing economy costs, losing of jobs, etc., to those who considered the act as very complex, and that there was no suffi cient information provided for proclaimed changes. In fact, the treaty was ratifi ed in fi ft een member states, and in general we expected problems in the United Kingdom, but this was never tested, since this chapter was closed in France and the Netherlands (Craig, 2010, p.20). In 2007, the Lisbon Treaty stepped forward legislative unifi cation a litt le bit diff erenctly, bringing again some of the changes stemming from the tendencies of the constitutional act, but placing them as amendments to the existing treaties. With this treaty, EU moves further towards legislative approximation, we don’t talk anymore about pillars,EUreceives a legal personality, and now we can use a single term: "European Union Law". Slightly diff erent from the Member States' shoulders, with the expanding criteria of Copenhagen, the obligation of non-member states to bring their legislation into an almost identical line with onceacquiscommunautaire and now EU acquis or simply the acquis,even before accession, is tightened.Kosovo as one of these aiming- countries,undertook the commitment of approximation of domestic legislation with EU law, while this process of transposition continues with improving in materials, fi nancial and professional human capacities on the one hand, and with considerable challenges and diffi culties on the other.

Legal Instruments of European Union and the transposition of these instruments into individual states

Having a look at the current range of EU legal instruments, they are listed as follows: Regulations, Directives, Decisions, Recommendations and Opinions (Borchard, 2010). The table below presents the eff ects, addressing and transposition with a comparison between Member States and aiming-countries, taking Kosovo as an example. Table no. 1.Legal Instruments of EU from the angle of MS and that ofKosovo

48 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Transposi- Transposition for Effects Addressed to tions for MS Kosovo

Necessary - in Generally Directly All Member not accordance with applicable and States and national necessary: Regulation binding in their natural and priorities and with directly legal entirety legal persons applicable approximation plan

Necessary - in

Binding with accordance with All or specifi c national Directives respect to the Necessary Member States priorities and with intended result. legal

approximation plan

Directly All or specifi c Not necessary - only if applicable and Member States, Not neces- Decisions specifi cally relevant sary binding in their specifi c natural for

entirety or legal persons Kosovo

All or specifi c Not necessary - only

Member States, if relevant specifi - Recommen- Not neces- cally dati-ons and Not binding other EU bo- sary Opinions dies, relevant

individuals for Kosovo

Regulations are directly applicable and binding in their entirety. They are addressed to all Member States and to natural and legal persons. As for the transposition in Member States, it is generally not necessary because they are directly applicable. It is hereby made known that the Kosovo as a non-member state of the Union cannot make direct referrals and automatic implementation ofregulations,therefore transposition is indispensable, in accordance with the country priorities and the legal approximation plan. Directives are binding according to the objectives to be achieved. They are addressed 49 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 to all Member States or some of them. Their transposition is indispensable for Member States, as well as for Kosovo as an aimingcountry, certainly in line with country priorities and the plan for legal approximation. Directives are addressed to all Member States, butnational authorities are free to choose their own way of incorporating them into their domestic legislation. A research conducted at Leiden University (Steunenberg&Voermans, 2006), brings the conclusion that there is not any technique to be considered as the right or the best, among Member States. This study had on its focus the transposing instruments and techniques of the EC directives in: Germany, Denmark, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain, pointing the delays in transposition and exclusion from the angle of these countries and Netherlands’. Steunenberg et al. (2006) suggests avoiding complications in the transposition phase by predicting and analyzing complications at the earliest stages of the analysis. Decisions are directly applicable and mandatory in their entirety. Decisions may be addressed to all or specifi c Member States, to specifi c natural or legal persons. Their transposition is not indispensable both from the angle of Member States and from that of the aiming ones. Kosovarlawmaker is also not obliged to transpose decisions, unless they are explicitly relevant to Kosovo. Recommendationsand Opinions as the word guides itself are not binding. They are addressed to all or specifi cMember States, other EU bodies and individuals. Their transposition is not indispensableneither for Member States norfor Kosovo, unless they are expressly relevant to Kosovo. Legal approximation before the Stabilization Association Agreement (SAA) Aft er the war of 99’, Kosovo had made her interest clear that, as a free country will join to the chain of any association that produces nothing but freedom, peace, democracy, equality, respect of human rights, rule of law, non-discrimination, property protection, environmental protection, social justice, pluralism, free trade and economic growth. Being an open country to any positive norm that protects, respects and helps any citizen and anyone else within its territory, was proclaimed before and aft er the declaration of independence on February 17, 2008. In the Constitution of Kosovo (CKS), signed in April 2008, in Kosvo’s Assembly, eight international agreements and instruments were adpoted, with direct implementation and priority in cases of any confl ict with internal norms (CKS, 2008, Article 22), just as they were listed with Martt iAhtisaari's Package3-. In addition, Kosovo continued its path of alignment with EU, and legal approximation became one of its alignment’s mechanisms. The commitment of Kosovar lawmakers to adapt and approximate with EU legislation continued to be expressed even before signing the SAA. Consultingwith EU acts before any legislative draft ing initiative was never questionable, but the approximation actions sometimes went far beyond that. The approximation activity sometimes went so far as there were some sort of articles, here to be called as “Sleeping articles”, in the sense that their eff ect wakes up only in the future when becoming an EU member. These articles hypothesise situations as though Kosovo is a member of EU, but could only start their eff ect aft er becoming an EU member in reality. Some

3 The Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (CSP), widely known as the Ahtisari Plan, was broght on February 2, 2007, and represents a document that sets the fi rst frames of the state of Kosovo. In ANNEX I, we fi nd constitutional provisions that count eight conventions, later followed to Article 22 of the Constitution of Republic of Kosovo, with direct application and superior position in case of confl icts with domestic law. 50 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 sort of these “Futuristic articles”4- could be found with regard to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), since citizens of Kosovo do not haveratione personaeyet5.- For example, Law on Contested Procedure (LCP), regulates situations when the ECtHR fi nds that a human right or a freedom set forth in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) and in its Protocols have been violated, by regulating deadlines and actions that can be taken by the interested party and the state courts, following the fi nal decision of the ECtHR (LCP 2008, Article 141). If we have a look att he Kosovo’s Assembly Regulation of 2010, we will fi nd a permanent type commission that reviews and supervises the process of harmonization of any law brought for approval to the Assembly with EU legislation. The scope of this commission is determined since2010 onoverseeing the process of harmonization of legislation with the acquiscommunautaire and reviewing of draft laws initiated for approval by the Assembly. Further in time, by advancing methods of approximation with aimed organizations, starts the creation of Tables on Compliance in some volunteer-working groups. The work of these groups represents a completely voluntary activity and precedes the process that will be taken as an obligation by signingthe SAA.

Legal approximation aft er signinthe SAA

The main principles of SAA have been sett led with the European Commission’s Communication of May 1991, reconfi rmed in June 19996-(Communication of European Commission 2012, p.2). Kosovo put her signature to this agreement that represents the fi rst of its kind, defi ning her path towards EU until its full membership. SAA was signed in October 2015 to be ratifi ed three days later byKosovo’s Government, with the Decision no. 02/55/2015 on the Adoption of the Draft Law on the ratifi cation of the Stabilization and Association Agreement between Kosovo, on the one hand, and the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, on the other. The structure of SAA consists of ten titles, seven annexes, fi ve protocols and a joint statement, presented as follows: - TITLE I: General Principles; - TITLE II: Political Dialogue; - TITLE III: Regional Cooperation; - TITLE IV: Free Movement of Goods; - TITLE V: Establishment, Supply of Services and Capital; - TITLE VI: Approximation of Kosovo’s Law to the EU Acquis,Law Enforcement and Competition Rules; - TITLE VII: Freedom, Security and Justice; - TITLE VIII: Cooperation Policies; 4 These are some articles that regulate some aimed-future situations. Therefore, they don’t have any effect before the imagined situation appears, respectively before becoming a member of organizations and conventions proclaimed with them. 5 This status belongs only to the citizens of the Member States of European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR) and in its Protocols, and to those who initiate a case against any member state regardless of their citizenship. 6 Through this process, the European Union (EU) expresses determination to face the challenges and take the responsibility to contribute on the stability of the Western Balkans. As a result of meeting settled criteria and making progress, EU offers certain contractual relations: the Stabilization and Association Agreement. 51 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

- TITLE IX: Financial Cooperation; and - TITLE X: Institutional, General and Final Provisions. Thus, the approximation of Kosovo's laws with the EU acquis is ranked in Title VI, positioned on nine pages and nine articles, respectively: - Article 74: General provisions; - Article75: Competition and other economic provisions; - Article 76: Public undertakings; - Article 77: General aspects of intellectual property; - Article 78: Trade-related aspects of intellectual property; - Article 79: Public procurement; - Article 80: Standardisation, metrology,accreditation and conformity assessment; - Article 81:Consumer protection; - Article 82: Working conditions and equal opportunities. By signing this agreement, Kosovo once again expresses its will and awareness on the importance of approximating domestic legislation with EU legislation. In paragraph 1 of Article 74 Kosovo pledges to ensure that both existing laws and future legislation will move toward approximation with the EU acquis.This approximation process will move with gradual steps, starting from the signing date during the next ten years, as outlined in Article 9 of the SAA, which states that progressive and full association will be realized over a period of ten years.

The Stage of Transposition

SAA launches the stage of systematic transposition with concrete institutions, authorities, mechanisms and staff . This process of intensifying progress was structured with the legal plan - Step by Step, presented as below.

Table no. 2.The structure of “Step by step”legal plan.

National Priorities for Legal Approximation

As we may come to the conclusion by previous analysis, Kosovo works continuously in terms of reaching an almost identical line between domestic and EU legislation.

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Therefore, in order to follow the path leading to EU, Kosovo had to develop a transposition plan of the entire acquis, defi ning the timetable, responsibilities and the approximation manner of each relevant EU act. When SAA came into force on April 1, 2016, Kosovo had had its national program for its implementation already created, namely the National Program for the Implementation of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (NPISAA), adopted by the Government (on December 16, 2015 ) and the Assembly (on March 10, 2016). The intensifi cation program in the implementation of the SAA was developed within the framework of two policy planning frameworks: the SAA Implementation Program (NPISAA) and the European Reform Agenda (ERA).Namely, the NPISAA as a comprehensive framework, and ERA as a more focused document that includes mid-term priorities and short-term measures for ongoing discussions between the SAA-signing-parties at the highest political level, on the key reforms that Kosovo should implement during the process of accession to the EU. Following the NPISAA 2016, comes its continuity with the 2017-2021-plan, which is divided into three blocks, and in the third block we fi nd the European Standards - Approximation of Kosovo Legislation with the EU acquis. In this document, Kosovo decides the short-term measures to be implemented and the medium-term ones, regarding the legislative approximation. In order to meet the obligations deriving from the SAA, other documents and other EU accession mechanisms, Kosovo initially enumerated the following measures to be taken towards intensifi cation in the approximation: Short-term priorities: - Organizingeightt raining cycles for civil cervants on the topic of Legal Approximation with EUacquis. - Continuing to check the alignment of the domestic normative acts with the EU acquis, in order to fulfi ll the obligations deriving from SAA. - Reviewing of EU legal acts translated into Albanian, by the established ad hoc commissions that will do a professional, legal and linguistic review on translated acts as well as their certifi cation. These translated versions will be available to public authorities and all interested persons. - Creating an Annual Translation Calendar, of the acts of the EU acquis, to be translated into Albanian. - Creating a joint website of Kosovo and Albania with public access, where will be published all certifi ed versions of translated EU acts. - Organizing trainings for SDL Trados soft ware users who are involved in the translation process. Mid-term priorities: - Organizingeight modules of Training for Trainers (TfTs), on the priority chapters of acquis. - Updating the Practical Guidelines for Legal Approximation ofKosovo’s legislation with EU acts, and the Practical Manual on Tables (ToCs) and the Statement of Compliance (SoC). - Creating and functionalizing an electronic platform that will serve on: creating, fi lling and maintaining of ToCs, SoCs and OoCs and replacing the whole approximation process, from draft ing to the adoption of domestic legal acts. Out of above presented points, all measures are underway, while the work continues in creating of the electronic platform that will facilitate the entire legislative 53 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 approximation process, from the ToCs’ stage to the fi nal stage of adoption.-Similarly aft er the fi nal stage too, given that ToCs still will serve as a refl ection in the degree of qualitative and quantitative sense of legislative approximation. NPISAAis updated continuously, and accordingly each update of this plan brings a modifi ed list of laws that will be approximated during a certain period of time.

Identifi cation of EU legal acts and National Legislation Analysis

With the Administrative Instruction (AI 03/2013, 2013) it is determined that all institutions and their relevnant authorities, as well as all offi cials involved to the process of draft ing, consulting, and amending of normative acts,must adhere to the standards of draft ing legislation, act with professionalism and ensure thatdomestic normative acts are in accordance with the relevant mandatory provisions of the EU acquisin every stage of transposition, taking into account also the level of economic and administrative development of the country. Following this by the obligation taken with the artictle 74 of SAA, on the legal approximation of existent and future legislation, it can be concluded that the professional knowledge of legal draft ers must be in a parallel line with their knowledge on EU acquis. Correspondingly, the mid- term and short-term priorities of above described NPISAA-plan includes professional trainings, preparation of guidline materials, creation of ad hoccomussions and cooperation with countries that have been/or are going through the same process.

Tables of Compliance (ToCs) and Statement of Compliance (SoC)

The Tables of Compliance (ToCs) and the Statement of Compliance (SoC) present comparative documentsthat demonstrate the level of compliance of a domestic draft - normative-act with EU Acquis (AI03/2013, article 30 par. 3). As instruments that enable EU institutions to monitor the fulfi llment of the obligation on legal approximation, ToCs are used by Member States for the European Commission, but membership- aiming countries use these mechanisms too, for demonstrating progress in the process of accession. Further, ToCs present a very eff ective mechanism that facilitates the work of lawmakers in amending and draft ing new legal acts.-A conclusion deriving especially from technical practical perspective. There are two types of ToCs, EU−RKS and visa verse. Namely, beside EU− RKS tables there are also RKS – EU tables, that serve to assembly deputies in identifying the norms that derive from EUacquis. Analysing by the domestic legal norms, the obligation for preparation of ToCs and SoCderives also from the Administrative Instruction (AI No. 03/2013). This AI determines that legal proposing bodies are obliged to prepare ToCs during the process of draft ing normative acts.In addition, the Regulation on Governmental Legal Service (Regulation No.13 / 2013) stipulates that any draft law submitt ed to the Government should include, inter alia, the Declaration of Harmonization with EU Legislation and the Comparative Table with the refered acts. In order to reach a higher standard of transposition process, since the signing of the SAA, professional trainings have continued,targeting authorities of relevant departments in line ministries and other relevant bodies, involving ofi cials who are and will be involved in legal draft ing and amending activities. In this regard, a system of regulatory acts and guiding materials has been developed, continuosly providing 54 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 the necessary professional knowledge.In addition, the composition of legal draft ing teams is made of legal offi cials for coordination of EU integration policies, budget professionals and other experts from relevant fi elds. Regarding the technical, practical and contentualcompiling of ToCs and SoC, a guide material has been prepared and launched, respectively - the Manual on Compiling the Tables and Statement of Compliance, which presents a guiding material with the necessary information regarding the completion of ToCs and SoCs.

Opinion on Compliance (OoP) and Legal Opinion (LO)

Aft er compiling ofToCs, draft ers (line ministries and other proposal bodies) submit the fi le to the Ministry of European Integration -Department of European Union Law (DEUL)7-.This fi le consists of the Request onOoC, the SoC, ToCs EU-RKS and vice versa, the draft legal act, and any other descriptive annexes or documents.This fi le is forwarded to MIE both in physical and electronic copy. Upon receipt of the Compliance Statement Request, DEUL assesses the received materials regardingmeeting the criteria on ToCs and SoC, whether all appropriate EU acts have been transposed and whethera proper transposition has been made, and whether there is any relevant violation. If there is any concern to be tackled, DEUL issues a negative opinion with its remarks, whereby the proposing body will make the necessary improvement to process from the beginning, otherwise the fi le will be forwarded to the Government for issuing Legal Opinion, and towards the fi nal stage in the Assembly. It is important to emphasize that the OoC of DEUL does not have any binding force since it does not contain mandatory provisions. However, this opinion refl ects the degree of approximation of domestic legislation with that of the EU, and as such presents the main document on the internal assessment, on the stage before the forwarding of proposal to the Government and the Assembly. The following table presents the number of requests brought before MEI for Opinion on Compliance, from 2016 to February 2019, for which MEI issued its OoCs.

Table no. 3.Statistics on the number of draft acts reviewed by MEI regarding compliance with EU acquis.

PROPOSAL BODY 2016 2017 2018 2019

Ofi ce of Prime Minister 15 11 29 3

Assembly 1

Ministry of Justice 17 6 15

Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare 12 17 Ministry of Health 9 6

Ministry of Environment and Spacial Planning 20 27 21

7 The European Union Department (DEUL) is a department within Ministry of European Integration, which issues Legal Opinions regardingCompliance/Non-compliance of draft laws with EU acquis. 55 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Ministry of Internal Affairs 33 36 19 2

Ministry of Trade and Industry 5 11 9 1

Ministry of Finances 19 14 14 5

Ministry of Economical Development 1 12 5

Ministry of Force and Security 1 3 4

Ministry of Education, Science and Technology 1 7 3 1

Ministry of Foreign Affairs 3 1

Ministry of Infrastructure and Energy 3 2 1

Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Rural 32 Development

Ministry of Public Administration 10 3

Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sport 9

Ministry of Diaspora and Investment Strategy 1

Ministry of Innovation and Entreprenuership 1

Agency for Radiation Protection and Nuclear 12 Safety

Agency of Food and Veterinary 1

Civil Aviation Agency 12 7 1

Kosovo Property Agency 3 1 Kosovo Agency of Statistics 1 Total: 483 139 160 171 13

Table no. 4.Statistics on the type of draft acts brought before MEI 2016- 2019 TYPE OF ACT 2016 2017 2018 2019 Gjithsej: 483 Code 1 3 4 Law 49 55 68 172 Regulation 30 50 37 2 119 Administrative Instruc- 59 75 43 11 188 tion

56 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Submission to the Government/Parliament

The fi le with all relevant documents8-,including the Opinion issued by MIE, go further to the Offi ce of Prime Minister (OPM), where a review takes place which may result in a positive opinion followed by proceeding to the Assembly, or in a negative opinion followed by returning to the proposing body in the name of non-approval or postponement. The fi nal step is the introduction to the Assembly, where since 2010 it was envisaged that each draft law must be followed by a declaration on approximation and harmonization with EU Legislation and a comparative table with the reff ered acts (Regulation, 2010, Article 54). It is important to note that the legislative proposal should also include a positive statement from Ministry of Finance regarding the impact on the budget, and the OPMs statement in relation to compliance with the Constitution and the domestic legal system. Without any need for further elaboration of this phase, submission to the Assembly is followed by discussions, proposals on changes or amendments, and fi nally voting for/against the proposed legal draft .

Challenges of draft ing legal acts and transposing acquisto them

Regardless the eff orts given to built a stable transposing system, with necessary investment on guiding materials, normative changes, and human resources, this process would be impossible to pass without facing challenges. These challenges did not come as a surprise, bearing on mind that here we have to do with a developing country, and as a result assumption of an obligation that could be translated to a fundamental reformation of the legislative system will bring its barriers jointly with the positive results. Challenges arise especially in professional human capacities in line ministries and other proposing bodies all related to lack of fi nancial capacity.One of the main challenges that follow this process was and continues to be language. Despite a very small number, the acts ofacquis are not translated into Albanian.It is not easy for Kosovar lawmakers to pass any of the steps outlined above, especially to transpose articles that are not translated into Albanian. This situation may procrastinate the transposition process, therefore the EU - RKS compliance tables and vice versa are only met in English. All new legal draft sarewritt en in Albanian, Serbian and English. In the same way, SoCs and OoCsare writt en in three languages too. But ToCs continue to be writt en only in English, though draft ing institutions make sure to involve to the process, cognitives of English languge. This is not always easy to reach, since not always legal/legislative skills of a lawmaker are followed by foreign language skills,while passingToCsto a second offi cial for translation,is equal to longer time and double approach. Some concrete actions toward overcoming this challenge have been takeneven before the signing of SAA. In order to accelerate the integration process, in March 2014, MIE of Kosovo entered to an agreement for cooperation in the fi eld of translation

8 This fi le is submitted in phisical and electronic copies to the Legal Department of Government. It must be drafted in Albanian, Serbian and English and cosists of: FindalDraf; Any explanatory memorandum and annexes; Tables on Compliance (ToCs); Statement of Compliance (SoC); Opinion on Compliance with the acquis (OoC); Statement on Budgetary Impact; Any other report or other relevant document.All normative acts must be drafted in accordancewith the applicable standards set by the Government. 57 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 with MIE of Albania. This agreement establishes a technical commission with three permanent members, which sets out and coordinates the annual acquiscalendar to be translated by each party, the unifi ed translation and verifi cation procedures of EU legislation into Albanian, and verifi es the fi nal versions of acts translated into Albanian.Parties to this Agreement also agree on a temporary exchange of staff and experiences, in order to improve, fulfi ll and enhance the effi ciency of transposing process by both Kosovar and Albanian Institutions.The exchange of the translated materials and establishment of a common electronic database takes also an important part of this agreement. Further, in March 2015, MEI signed a cooperation agreement with the University of Prishtina- "HasanPrishtina",for the purpose of advancing in the use of soft ware systems for translation, and for training of human professional capacities. In the same year, the Regulation on the Translation Process of the EU acquis in the offi cial languages of Kosovo (Regulation 02/2015) was adopted, which confi rms MIE as the principal institution responsible for coordinating and implementing the process of translating acquis, following the decision of the Government of Kosovo of 2010 (Decision No. 6/121). This regulation sets out the translation procedures, the coordination of the translation process and the unifi cation of the terminology of the EU acquis in the offi cial language of Kosovo. A list of translated acquis is renewed continuously at the website of MIE so lawmakers will approach to it before processing with transposition. Another diffi culty represents the fact that ToCs and SoCs continue to be compiled on MS Wordprogram, to forward aft er in physical and electronic copies to MEI, Government and Assembly. This method causes procrastination on the process, followed by diffi culties incoordination, storage and later access. As highlighted in the priorities section presented above, currently the work continues on launching of an electronic platform, which will present a common system of allinstitutions in process.

Conclusion

Even the smallest changes applied toa single norm, whether to a paragraph or even to a sub-paragraph, bringtheir eff ect, and as such will always refl ect on many areas of a state. This is because legal norms precede and follow the behaviors and situations of citizens, groups, organizations, institutions and the state itself, and by touching to these norms the change becomes inevitable. Following this, when we talk about changes applied to legal norms, the mind automatically goes to the fi nal result, respectively to behaviours, actions and situations of citizes, to those whom the laws are usually dedicated.Nevertheless, when we have to do with such changes applied to almost a whole state legislation, with the transposition of an international organization’s norms into a domestic legislation, the mind should instantly go to the changes that aff ect the lawmaker itself, meaning institutions, aothorities and the system as a whole. The change in the lawmaker implies preparation with professional knowledge of offi cials in each proposing institution, respectively, with effi cient capability of everyone who own a chair near the legal draft ing table.Whereas the change in competent institutions implies the provision of these institutions initially with quality in human recources, as in the preliminary sentence, then in appropriate means, materials and methods, all accompanied by an eff ect in fi nancial cost.Kosovo voluntarily entered to this process, while there was only one thing to be predicted for sure,- challenges. A 58 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 legal approximation process that aff ects the legislation in its substance,seeks a serious approach, and numerous challenges tobe passed. Such a process that touches the legislation of a country on its roots will always be followed by lotsof eff ort andlots of challenges. Introduction of major changes to domestic norms, requires a detailed plan,a serious analysis, and especially a good calculation of time. All transposing activities must be well measured on time, given that taking rapid actions could bring the legislative scene before a grave chaos, while the delay on undertaking actions is equal to loss of eff ect and unsatisfying results.- In the case ofKosovo, the unsatisfying results imply a delay towards EU integration. Given the above, it can be concluded that Kosovar lawmaker, with all his capacities, works towards achieving a harmonious legislative environment, where domestic legal norms does not come into confl ict with EU norms, and where law enforcement comes almost naturally in accordance with EU acquis.Despite all barriers and challenges towards creating a harmonious transposition routine, which will be followed up to the fi nal goal (and of course aft er that, as an EU member state), a relatively stable practice is established, whereby Kosovar lawmaker continues to wear to its domestic norms with EU acquis's costume, without insurmountable diffi culties. During this process, the institutions and offi cials engagedonit,are in search of new methods, tools and ideas, that would fence the process of legal approximation with more and positive results, while one of these innovationsrepresents theabove mentioned online platform. This platform is expected to be launched in 2020, while Kosovar lawmaker is expressively optimistic on it. References

Nugent, N. (2010).The Government and Politics of the European Union.7th Edition, Palgrave Macmillan. New York. (5). Nihoul, G. R. (2005). The French “no” vote on 29 May 2005: understanding and action. Notre Europe. Etudes &Recherches.Available at:htt ps://institutdelors.eu/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/ etud44-en.pdf. Nij eboer, A. (2005).The Dutch referendum.European Constitutional Law Review.Available at: htt ps://www.mehr-demokratie.de/fi leadmin/pdf/nl2_eclr.pdf. Craig, P. (2010). The Lisbon Treaty, Law, Politics, and the Treaty Reform.Oxford University Press. New York. (20). Borçard, K. D. (2010). The ABC of European Union Law.Luxembourg: Publications Offi ce of the European Union.(16- 87). Steunenberg, B.&Voermans, W. (2006).The Transposition of EC directives: A Comparative Study of Instruments, Techniques and Processes in Six Member States.Lieden University. (6). Available at: htt ps://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1215542&rec=1&srcabs=1114906&alg =7&pos=6 Constitution of Republic of Kosovo.(2008).Offi cial Gazzete.Prishtina.(Article 22).Available at: htt ps://gzk.rks-gov.net/ActDetail.aspx?ActID=3702. Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Sett lement ANNEX I, Constitutional Provisions. (2007). Prishtina.(Article 2).Available at: htt ps://www.kuvendikosoves.org/common/docs/Comprehensive%20Proposal%20.pdf Law on Contestet Procedures, no. 03/L-006.(2008). Offi cial Gazzete.Year III.Prishtina.(Article 141).Available at: htt ps://gzk.rks-gov.net/ActDetail.aspx?ActID=2583. Communication from the Commission to The Council and the European Parliament. (2012). Bruseles. (2).Available at:htt p://ec.europa.eu/research/industrial_technologies/pdf/policy/ communication-from-the-commission-second-regulatory-review-on-nanomaterials_en.pdf 59 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Communication from the Commission to The Council and the European Parliament on the Stabilisation and Association Process for Countries of South-Eastern Europe Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Albania.(1999).Bruseles.Available at: htt p://aei.pitt .edu/3571/1/3571.pdf. Decision on Approval of the Draft Law on Ratifi cation of the Stabilization and Association Agreement between Kosovo and European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, no. 02/55. (2015).Prishtina. Available at: http://www.kryeministriks.net/repository/docs/Vendimet_e_Mbledhjes_se_55te_te_ Qeverise_se_Republikes_se_Kosoves_2015.pdf. On Ratifi cation of The Stabilization and Association Agreement Between the Republic of Kosovo, of The one part, and the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community, of the otherpart no. 34/2015.(2015). Offi cial Gazzete.Available at:htt ps://gzk.rks- gov.net/ActDetail.aspx?ActID=11239 Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) between the European Union and Kosovo. (2015). Strasbourg. (10, 55-63).Available at: htt ps://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=LEGISSUM%3A4314927 Practical Guidline for Legal Approximation.(2014). Prishtina (70). Available at: http://kryeministri-ks.net/wp-content/uploads/docs/Practical_Guidelines_for_Legal_ Aproximation.pdf National Programme for Implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (NPISAA) 2016.Prishtina.Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/en/national-programme-for- implementation-of-saa. National Programme for Implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (NPISAA).2017 – 2021. (2017). Prishtina.Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/repository/docs/ zmsa20172021shq.pdf Administrative Instruction No. 03/2013 on Standards for the Draft ing of Normative Acts (2013).Prishtina. (articles 4-30). Available at: htt p://www.kryeministri-ks.net Manual on Compiling the Tables and Statement of Compliance.(2016). Prishtina.Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/en/guiding-documents-for-approximation Cooperation Agreement between Ministry of European Integration of Republic of Albania and Ministry of European Integration of the Republic of Kosovo for Establishing the Technical Commission for Translating EU Legislation into Albanian language, and Cooperation in the Field of Approximation of Legislation.(2014).Prishtina. Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/en/legal- framework-on-translation- Memorandum of Understanding between Ministry of European Integration and University of Prishtina - “HasanPrishtina”.(2015). Prishtina.Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/en/legal- framework-on-translation-Rregulation on the Process of Translation of EU Acquis into Offi cial languages of the Republic of Kosovo, no.02/2015.(2015). Prishtina. (article 4). Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/en/legal-framework-on-translation- Government of Kosovo. (2010). Decision no. 06/121.Prishtina.Available at: http://www.kryeministri-ks.net/repository/docs/Vendimet_e_Mbledhjes_se_121-te_te_ Qeverise_2010.pdf Guiding draft documents, for draft ing, amending and transposing process. Available at: htt p://mei-ks.net/sq/korniza-ligjore-pr-prafrim.

60 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

The emergence of the concept of rape as an atrocity in international law

Agim Nuhiu1

Ajten K. Ramadani2 Ministry of the Interior, Republic of North Macedonia

Abstract

Recent confl icts, just like earlier ones in history, have had extreme eff ects specifi cally on women civilians. This paper provides a critical analysis of the various historical stages in the legal defi nition of ‘mass rape’, with the aim of establishing how the concept has evolved in the discourse of international law. As methodology, we use an applied version of critical legal research combined with feminist criminology of international law. The main fi nding is that much progress has been achieved in making the invisible crime of mass rape in wartime visible, in the text and interpretation of international treaties, in case law, and in trial procedures in international tribunals, but all of the above elements require more radical reform before they can truly help to overcome the patriarchal assumption that men possess and own women's bodies – an assumption for which rape and especially mass rape in wartime continue to be a proof. Introduction

Throughout history, women have suff ered mass rape during war. Examples are abundant and reach back to the earliest records. For example, in April 1204, the siege and sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders and their Venetian allies occurred, marking the culmination of the Fourth Crusade. The Crusaders raped women en masse including nuns in Constantinople. (Papayianni 2016, p. 284) In 1937-8, Japanese soldiers carried out mass rape of women in Nanking (Judgment of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, Paragraph 2, p. 1012). During World War II German soldiers raped many Jewish and Russian women (Seifert 1993). At the end of the war, when the Red Army occupied eastern parts of Germany, Russian soldiers raped German women: some estimates put the number of victims as high as two million (Heinemann 1996). During the 1971 Bangladesh war for independence, Pakistani soldiers raped between 200,000 and 400,000 Bangladeshi women and girls (Sharlach 2000, 92-93). U.S. soldiers raped unknown but certainly large numbers of Vietnamese women (Weaver 2010, 5-6 and passim). Until the end of the Second World War, international law was indiff erent to all types of sexual violence. Rape was considered normal and acceptable in wars,

1 Agim Nuhiu is the Deputy Minister of Interior Affairs in the government of the Republic of North Macedonia. He was formerly a Professor of Law at the State University of Tetovo where he held positions as Vice-Dean of the Faculty of Law 2009-2010; Chairman of the University Council 2010; and Head of the Department of Civil Law - Faculty of Law 2015. He holds the degrees of: Master of Legal Studies - Civil Law, from the University of Tirana, Albania, and Doctor of Legal Sciences from the University of Tirana, Albania. 2 Ajten Ramadani. After graduating from the Faculty of Criminal Justice Sciences in Sarajevo University, Ajten Ramadani completed her PhD about war rape, in the law faculty of Saints Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje. She currently works as a Senior Counsellor to the Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Interior Affairs in the Republic of North Macedonia. 61 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 being associated with infl amed natural instincts and conditions of batt le. In such circumstances, perpetrators of sexual off enses were treated leniently, i.e., sexual violence was forgiven (Hagay-Frey 2011, p. 59). At the present time, the evolution of the concept of rape as a criminal act under international law can be interpreted as a transition from invisibility to visibility. This transition results from a number of factors: current events; the integration of many aspects of international legal agreements; the strengthening of common international norms; and procedures in international courts and Tribunals (O'Byrne 2011, p. 497). The crime of war rape from ancient times to the Second World War In ancient times and throughout most of the Middle Ages, rape was in eff ect considered as a sort of copyright infringement – a crime committ ed against a man who ‘owned’ the woman, not as an act against the woman. In ancient Greece, for example, rape was socially acceptable behavior within the rules of warfare. A woman constituted legitimate prey, an object which could be used as a wife, concubine, slave labor or military trophy. Rape was therefore seen as a reward for the winners, and as such it was not prosecuted as a crime. The trial of Sir Peter von Hagenbach in 1474 is mentioned as the fi rst trial before an International Military Tribunal in known history. Hagenbach was convicted of war crimes, including mass rape, committ ed by troops under his command, and beheaded. However, this trial is by no means a clear-cut case, because Sir Peter von Hagenbach was accused on the basis that war had not in fact been declared: the situation was ‘merely’ a rebellion by a number of towns in the Upper Rhine against Hagenbach’s tyranny. The interesting implication is that, had war actually been declared, those same crimes committ ed by him would not have been crimes. Hence it is argued that this trial cannot be seen as a precedent in international criminal prosecutions of individuals (Kitt ichaisaree 2001, p. 14). According to Kitt ichaisaree, the 28 judges were chosen from the confederate entities of the Holy Roman Empire, and therefore the Tribunal cannot be viewed as international, and its judgments cannot be applied in international law. Views on the need for protection of women during war did not change signifi cantly during the 16th and 17th centuries. Only a small number of countries and prominent thinkers at the time were of the opinion that rape in war is a crime that deserves to be prosecuted (de Brouwer 2005, pp. 4-5). Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), for example, the ‘Father of international law’, argues that most states accept the violation of the dignity of women in wartime as an admissible act, but at the same time there are people in some states that think otherwise (Hagay- Frey 2011, p. 61). In the late 18th century and throughout the 19th century, the laws of war were slowly changing, and beginning to distinguish combatants from civilians, with the understanding that war should be waged only against combatants and not against the civilian population. However, provisions aimed at protecting women from sexual violence were unclear or vague at that time. For example, in the Treaty of Friendship and Commerce concluded between the United States and Prussia in 1785, and in the Brussels Declaration of 1874, there appear phrases like: ‘Women and children should not be abused,’ and ‘honor and family rights should be respected’ (de Brouwer 2005, p. 5). The Lieber Code of 1863, passed by the United States and several European countries, 62 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 can be seen as the fi rst national document that sets the framework for the laws of war internationally and codifi es the customary international law of land warfare: this code fi rmly prohibits rape in war as an off ense punishable by death. Notably, Article 44 stipulates that the soldiers who commit acts of rape against the population of the territory they are att acking will be punished with death (Ellis 2007, p. 227; also, Hagay-Frey 2011, p. 61). The fi rst Geneva Convention, adopted in 1864, had as its goal ‘the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded in Armies in the Field’, and the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 were made with the intention of reducing the horrors of war; these agreements further developed the codifi cation of the laws and customs of war internationally. The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 did not explicitly address rape, but in a general manner defi ned the obligation to protect ‘family honor’ and ‘religious beliefs and practices’. These words were interpreted as guaranteeing the protection of women from sexual violence. The Hague Convention (IV) 1907, dealing with the laws and customs of war on land, is the most important of all the Hague conventions when it comes to the protection of women in war. It gives rights to women seeking protection of their ‘honor’. Specifi cally, Article XLVI provides that ‘family honor and rights, the lives of people.... must be respected.’ Thus, the understanding of sexual violence in wartime was gradually changing from being understood as a ‘prize for the winners’ to ‘crimes against women’, although in very ambiguous language and still far from contemporary sensitivity regarding the act of rape (de Brouwer 2005, p. 5). In the light of the horrors of the First World War, in 1919 a state commission was established to investigate atrocities committ ed by Germany and the other Central Powers during that war. The commission was tasked to determine the responsibility of the initiators of the war and to impose penalties. This War Crimes Commission found substantial evidence of sexual violence and subsequently included it among the violations of the laws and customs of war. Specifi cally, it put rape and forced prostitution near the top of its list of 32 war crimes. However, the international community did not adopt the majority of the proposals of the Commission, which included the requirement to establish an international Tribunal to prosecute those accused of committ ing such violations. Although eff orts to prosecute individuals failed, the listing of rape and forced prostitution as violations of the laws and customs of war was further evidence of the recognition of the criminal nature of such acts (de Brouwer 2005, p. 5; Hagay-Frey 2011, p. 61; Carson 2012, p.126). Twenty years later the even greater horrors of the Second World War began. During the Second World War, mass rapes and other sexual crimes occurred as part of the policy of invading forces. Nazi Germany and Japan not only ignored these acts of rape committ ed by their own forces on a massive scale, but also established various forms of forced prostitution. For example, the Japanese regime established the institution of ‘comfort women’ – women who were kidnapped and imprisoned in order to satisfy the sexual desires of the Empire's soldiers. Although the international community was and is aware of these sexual crimes, it has been slow to take steps to condemn or punish them. The Allied forces responded to international crimes that were committ ed during the war by the establishment of two international Tribunals to prosecute the perpetrators; however, in terms of the crime of rape, the era of silence 63 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 continued, as we shall see below (Hagay-Frey 2011, p. 62).

Tribunals in Nuremberg and Tokyo

The fi rst international criminal Tribunals of real importance were established at the end of the Second World War with the sett ing up of Tribunals in Nuremberg, Germany – the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg (IMT) in 1945, and Tokyo, Japan – the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) in 1946. These Tribunals were established to prosecute war criminals from the major European Axis powers and Japan for crimes against peace (today known as the crime of aggression), war crimes and crimes against humanity. (In fact, only Germans were prosecuted in Nuremberg, but no Italians.) This was the fi rst international legal instance to impose criminal liability on individuals, as distinct from states’ responsibility. In fact, the establishment of these Tribunals was a response to the notion that the lack of judicial oversight mechanisms is liable to lead to violations of basic human rights and the fundamental principles on which the international order is based. The charters of the IMT and the IMTFE guaranteed legal jurisdiction over off enses which according to the Allied Powers were considered diffi cult and still did not exist in international law, namely ‘war crimes’ and ‘crimes against humanity’. The inclusion of ‘crimes against peace’ in the charters of these Tribunals made the act of war illegal and for the fi rst time in the history of international law, the courts provided a means of imposing accountability for outbreaks of war at the highest levels of government (de Brouwer 2005, p. 6; Hagay-Frey 2011, pp. 62-63). These trials made signifi cant contributions to the development of international humanitarian law and international criminal law. The principles established by these Tribunals were incorporated into the foundation of the United Nations (Rai 2013; Cassese 2008). With regard to rape and other sexual off enses, even when there was clear evidence of sexual violence, there was a reluctance to prosecute crimes of sexual violence committ ed in wartime, and this did not change dramatically with the establishment of the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals. The failure of the prosecutors at Nuremberg to bring any charges of rape and other sexual crimes can be interpreted as a natural extension of the still prevailing historical trend to minimize the importance of sex crimes during war, and as such it refl ects the extent of their ignorance. The injury caused to victims was ignored, and as a result, no signifi cant legal precedent was established that could have served as a basis for future laws to defi ne and prosecute sexual crimes during war (Hagay-Frey 2011, p. 65). This result, as noted, violates the purpose for which the Tribunal was established, namely ‘to educate the world about the individual’s responsibility for crimes of aggressive war and crimes against humanity, so that such crimes can be prevented from ever again being committ ed’ (Campanaro 2001, p. 2560). According to some authors, a possible explanation for the lack of will to prosecute sexual violence during the Nuremberg Trials is the fear of the Allies themselves that they could be prosecuted for acts of sexual violence too (Askin 1997, pp. 102- 103). As Christine Chinkin argues: ‘rape did not fi gure signifi cantly in Nuremberg, not because the Germans were not guilty of rape, but because the Allied forces, especially the Russians and the Moroccan forces under French control, were also to 64 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 blame for many rapes’ (Chinkin 1994, p. 334). The Allies established a commission to investigate allegations of mass rapes of French and Belgian women (who were the particular targets of rape by German soldiers), but it was not a serious initiative. Additionally, the lack of participation of women in the process that led to the creation of the Nuremberg Tribunal, and the lack of legal positions for women in the Tribunal, can further serve to explain its lack of interest in prosecuting sexual violence. When it comes to the prosecution of sexual violence, the Tokyo Tribunal – the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) – can be seen as more successful than the IMT Tribunal. Just like its counterpart, the Nuremberg Tribunal, the Tokyo Tribunal did not criminalize rape: its Charter does not defi ne the crime of ‘rape’ as a violation of international criminal law. However, unlike the Nuremberg Tribunal, the Tribunal in Tokyo did prosecute acts of rape, specifi cally. Some of the trials before the Tribunal included the word ‘rape’ in the charges. Rape was prosecuted to a limited extent, however, as a ‘secondary off ense’, along with other acts that came under the concept of ‘war crimes’, according to the wording of ‘inhumane treatment’, ‘harassment’, and ‘failure to respect family honor and rights’ (Hagay-Frey 2011, p. 65; de Brouwer 2005, p. 8; Carson 2012, p.1261). Aft er the trials at the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals ended, the Allied forces launched a second series of trials in order to bring less prominent war criminals to justice. These trials were held before the national military courts and were empowered by Control Council Law No. 10 (CCL10). Control Council Law No.10 was adopted in December 1945 by the four occupying powers in Germany, and was created to establish a uniform basis for prosecuting war criminals in German courts. The Control Council Law No.10 (CCL10) was the fi rst to mention rape as a separate and distinct off ense. This law included the term rape in the defi nition of crimes against humanity. Article 2 of CCL10 states: Any of the following acts is recognized as a crime: (a) Crimes against peace.... (b) War crimes...... (c) Crimes against humanity. Crimes and off enses, including but not limited to murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, torture, rape or other inhumane acts committ ed against the civilian population, or persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds or which constitute a violation of the domestic laws of the country where perpetrated. (Maogoto 2009) However, the atrocity ‘rape’ was listed only as a crime against humanity and was not listed among the ‘war crimes’. Because CCL10 authorized the prosecution of any war criminal, not just the criminals from the aggressor states, this created the opportunity to bring many rapists to justice. However, the crime of rape was not even included in any indictment. Although this law was the fi rst to contain the word rape, since rape was listed among the crimes against humanity, no prosecutions for rape under CCL10 occurred (Schiessl 2002, p. 205; Sta. Maria 2012, p. 348).

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Geneva Conventions of 1949

The Geneva Conventions of 1949 were the fi rst modern international instrument that established the legal protection of women against rape. These international treaties provided that serious violations of humanitarian norms in the context of an international armed confl ict should lead to individual criminal responsibility and universal jurisdiction. Article 3, common to the four Geneva Conventions, provides that some of these acts are also prohibited in confl icts that are not international. In regard to sexual violence during war, the Geneva Conventions recognize the crime of rape. Soldiers were required to protect the honor of women. The violation suff ered by rape victims was not recognized as a physical or mental injury, but as a violation of their honor. Rape is formulated as a violation of the ‘honor’ of women in its social signifi cance, not a violation of her ‘dignity’ in terms of natural dignity as a human being. The language of this provision clearly distinguishes between rape which was associated with common assault and other non-gender related crimes of indignity. This means that the Geneva Conventions did not condemn rape as a violation of the human rights of women or of their physical integrity. Thus, this regulation has actually strengthened the cultural understanding according to which women belong to men and are not regarded as independent individuals (H glund 2003, p. 356). As Hillary Charlesworth explains: “this provision assumes that women should be protected from sexual crimes because such crimes infringe the honor of women, which reinforces the notion of women as the property of men, rather than because they constitute violence.” (Charlesworth 1999, p. 386) This conceptualization not only reduces the importance of the injury that rape and other sexual assaults cause, but also blurs and fails to recognize the severity of physical injury. It diverts the discussion to the social aspect of the injury and reduces the personal aspect of it. This treatment of sexual violence also reduces the motivation to bring the att acker to justice for the crime ‘rape’ and leads the system to punish criminals for off enses that seem less serious. Thus, this view ignores the victim and erases the gender aspect of the crime (Hagay-Frey 2011, pp. 70-71).

International agreements following the Geneva Conventions

In the period following the adoption of the Geneva Conventions, more agreements were signed which play an important role in the development of international humanitarian law, which for the most part was customary. These agreements represent an important factor in raising awareness of the need for eff ective deterrents against gender crimes and for the punishment of sexual crimes. The fi rst document in this regard is the Nuremberg Principles – Document 1950 prepared on the instructions of the UN General Assembly. The Nuremberg Principles recognize individual responsibility for ‘war crimes’, ‘crimes against peace’ and ‘crimes against humanity’. But they also do not contain any reference to sexual crimes. The adoption of the two Additional Protocols of 1977 to the Geneva Conventions can be seen as progress in the prevention of sexual violence. Article 76 of Protocol I primarily covers the protection of women and children in international armed 66 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 confl icts: Article 76 (1): Women shall be the object of special respect and shall be protected in particular against rape, enforced prostitution, and any other form of indecent assault. (Committ ee of the Red Cross: Full text of Protocol I with commentaries) In Protocol II, which protects victims of internal armed confl icts, Article 4 (2) (d) prohibits rape and considers it a crime against the dignity of the victims: Article 4 (2) (e): crimes against personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment, rape, enforced prostitution and any form of indecent assault. (Committ ee of the Red Cross: Full text of Protocol II with commentaries) These two protocols treat sexual violence in a comprehensive way and emphasize that acts of rape are prohibited in domestic or international and non-international armed confl icts. As far as the status of these provisions is concerned, unlike the Geneva Conventions that enjoy universal adherence today, such is still not the case today with the Additional Protocols. At the present time, the vast majority of the prohibitions in the Geneva Conventions, including Common Article 3, are considered to be common law. By being ratifi ed by 192 countries in turn, the Geneva Conventions are required for almost all countries and as a matt er of treaty law. The Additional Protocols have not yet gained universal adherence and are eff ective only between the parties to a confl ict if both parties have ratifi ed them, so that their power is limited because some countries involved in international armed confl icts are not included in the list of their Contracting Parties. Also, certain prominent countries have refused to join (USA, India, Israel, Turkey, etc.), and other countries have ratifi ed them but only subject to extensive reservations regarding their controversial provisions (such as the UK and Germany). Consequently, we cannot establish a clear position regarding the impact of this contractual right on the legal status of sex off enses under international law in general (Hagay-Frey 2011, pp. 75-76). Another document directly connected to the issue of women and war is the Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in extraordinary situations and armed confl icts, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1974. In this Declaration, which still has no legally binding force, it is noted that too oft en women during armed confl icts become victims of inhumane acts and therefore require special protection. However, the Declaration does not mention rape or other gender-related crimes during war (U.N. Doc. A/9631 1974). We could conclude that with the adoption of the Geneva Conventions, rape and other acts of sexual misconduct entered the stage of visibility. Sexual crimes were no longer blurred. International law recognizes that sex criminals must be prosecuted. However, these commitments were expressed through a problematic phrase – "protection of honor" – which implies that sexual assaults are bound up with the historical patriarchal baggage under which they constitute lesser off enses or property off enses, robberies and plunders, off enses against social and family honor instead of being formulated as off enses against the body and the dignity of the woman who was att acked. International agreements and other laws adopted in the aft ermath of the Geneva Conventions also failed to provide eff ective and functional means of condemnation and eradication of sexual crimes in the international arena. The real change started 67 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 to get going with the establishment of the Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda

Just twenty years ago there was almost no att ention paid to rape that took place during war. Also, not long ago, there was a debate about whether rape is a war crime at all. As Kelly Askin has explained, the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda extensively developed the jurisprudence on rape as a war crime, a crime against humanity and as genocide. The progress that the Tribunals made regarding the establishment of gender-based crimes is largely the result of the hard work of theorists, practitioners and activists inside and outside the Tribunals who fought long and hard batt les to ensure that gender and sexual crimes are properly investigated and processed. Rape and sexual off enses in general are among the most diffi cult to process. Because there is reluctance on all sides, that of the victim/s and that of the perpetrator/s alike, the tendency is to ignore gender- and sexual-based crimes. These are highly personal crimes which cause injuries that are less visible than those caused by other types of crimes, and the details associated with them cause uneasiness and resentment. But, as Askin pointed out, the alternative to dealing with them is silence, impunity and severe injustice (Askin 2003, p. 346). In international wars, the primary parties to the confl ict are the regular armies of the warring parties, mostly men; but in internal wars, civilians became the primary participant and target, and women and children suff er the greatest damage. In this sense, rape is used not only to demoralize women, but also to demoralize the enemy's troops. The dominant ideology continues to present women as belonging to men: a father or a husband. By means of the rape of women during war, rapists att ack women who ‘belong’ to men, and thus att ack the whole community or society. Seeing or knowing that their women have been raped and degraded in their honor, the morale of enemy troops is broken, and their resistance weakened. Hence, rape becomes a psychological tactic of war by men against men. The damage from rape is devastating, especially when there is a strong sense of family honor att ached to female sexuality. Wartime sexual violations are frequently committ ed in the sight of close friends and relatives of the victim. Victims of rape are also oft en mutilated in the att ack. This physical stigmatization remains a ‘living sign of shame’. The situation is also bad for those raped women who become pregnant. The child born of rape is proof of their shame, as perceived by themselves and their husbands. Burdened with the added trauma of humiliation, families drive raped women from their homes. Men refuse marriage with victims of sexual violence. Married men do not want to accept their raped wife back into their lives, because in their eyes she is ‘used goods’. Consequently, women oft en do not speak about their experience, trying to hide the truth. Especially perfi dious is the att empt to destroy the culture of the community by committ ing rape on women who are already pregnant. Thus, sexual violence against women erodes community life in a way that few other means of war can. The campaigns of ethnic cleansing – genocide – in Bosnia and Rwanda are not the fi rst cases in which women have suff ered from sexual violence. However, these two confl icts have made sexual violence against women visible and public, and att racted 68 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 the att ention of international public opinion to the human rights of women during a confl ict. Perceived changes in the nature of modern war – whereby civilians are the main casualties of war, women and children becoming particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse – gave a sense of urgency to issues of sexual violence. Shocking sexual crimes on a mass scale came to light as central features of the war in Yugoslavia and the war in Rwanda. How are cases of mass rape integrated into the newly established system of the international criminal law? In terms of the defi nition of the act of rape, there is considerable inconsistency between the ICTY and ICTR. However, the defi nition given by the ICTY Appeals Chamber in Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovich, which includes elements of disagreement, was nevertheless taken as a main defi nition within the international legal context in the majority of cases. However, this trend should not have been followed by the International Criminal Court, because the defi nition of rape in Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovich does not refl ect the reality of rapes that occur in situations in which the Court has jurisdiction. The defi nition of rape as given under the 1998 Rome Statute – the treaty that established the International Criminal Court – does not focus on the issue of consent, but on the issue of force, threat of force, coercion or coercive environment – as provided in the Akayesu and Furundzij a cases. As has oft en been emphasized, the lack of consent as an element of the crime of rape is insignifi cant within the context of international law, especially in light of the violent and oppressive context in which rapes occur as genocide, crimes against humanity, or war crimes, and accordingly, this element should be rejected (de Brouwer 2005, p. 428). The concept of absence of consent within the defi nition of rape will inevitably burden the prosecution with having to explore the state of mind of the victim. Regardless of how the questions are formulated regarding the consent of the victim (e.g., "Did you agree ?","Was it done against your will ?", etc.), they may off end rape victims and may cause them further traumatization, especially if such questions are put aft er the victim has explained to the Court the entirety of the sexual violence that was committ ed and the coercive circumstances in which it was committ ed. So, if it is found that the crime was committ ed, issues of consent are redundant. The omission of an element of absence of consent from the defi nition of rape is consistent with the nature of the off ense and would not cause victims of sexual violence to avoid trials. Otherwise victims may be reluctant or unwilling to come forward and testify in court. In that case, the crimes they suff ered will not be recognized and punished. As for rape as ‘an act of genocide’, the evidence at both Tribunals clearly showed that rape and sexual violence are used as a means to destroy a particular group by targeting the female members of that group. In order to harmonize the defi nition of rape with the diffi cult reality of genocidal rapes occurring in confl icts around the world today, the defi nition of genocide in the Rome Statute includes specifi c acts of sexual violence and refers to gender as a basis for group destruction. Specifi c acts of sexual violence found in crimes against humanity and war crimes (rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization and any other form of sexual violence) may be equally involved in the crime of genocide, and for this reason they should be included in the defi nition of genocide. Such explicit inclusion would mean extensively recognizing rape and other acts of sexual violence 69 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 as genocidal deeds in themselves. Until such an inclusion is accepted, however, depending on the individual case, sexual violence can be prosecuted under any of the constituent acts of the crime genocide, such as killing members of the group, deliberately infl icting conditions of life calculated to bring the group to its physical destruction in whole or in part, imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group, or forcible transfer of children of the group to another group. What is important to note here is that present-day confl icts gave a bett er insight into other forms of sexual violence that are not explicitly criminalized in the Statutes of the Rwanda and Yugoslavia Tribunals and the Rome Statute. An example is the act of rape with intent to transmit HIV / AIDS to the victim. Depending on the circumstances of the case, this off ense can be prosecuted as genocide, as a crime against humanity or as a war crime. What is important is to recognize such crimes as crimes in themselves. As Anne-Marie de Brouwer has explained, for those who survive rape and / or other forms of sexual violence, the transmission of HIV / AIDS is the ultimate violation of their human rights. In Rwanda in this regard evidence was uncovered of deliberate transmission of HIV / AIDS through rape, but such acts were not prosecuted before the ICTR. Thus, the victims of these crimes were ignored. In cases of sexual violence prosecuted as acts of genocide, the special intent which must exist to establish the crime of genocide could be found especially in the speeches of the defendants who had called for the rape of women of a certain group, as well as in statements made by the rapists themselves during a sexual assault. In Rwanda, for example, the majority of perpetrators of sexual violence used language that clearly indicated that the intention that stood behind each specifi c act was to destroy the Tutsi group. As for the category of crimes against humanity, in the case law established by the Tribunals, the act of rape or any other form of sexual violence must be committ ed in a widespread or systematic way. Such an understanding of the common elements of crimes against humanity facilitates the prosecution of sexual violence because the individual victims are not always able or willing to testify even though there was proof of mass rapes having been committ ed in their environment. The elements that are common to war crimes require that the crime should have occurred in the context of, and must have been associated with, an international or non-international armed confl ict, and that the perpetrator was aware of all the circumstances that existed in the armed confl ict. As explained previously, the specifi c acts of sexual violence are now listed as crimes against humanity and war crimes, although such a special listing can not be found in the articles on genocide. Sexual violence can be prosecuted under all three categories of crimes, and its inclusion in all of them will further help to make explicit the recognition of sexual violence as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Conclusion

The processing of the cases of mass rape at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and the jurisprudence of the Tribunals, proved to be a turning-point in the recognition 70 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 of sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. It continued with the inclusion of various forms of sexual violence in the statute of the International Criminal Court, with the increased att ention that has since been given to gender-based violence in international agreements and United Nations documents and statements by the UN Secretary-General, new eff orts to address sexual violence in various courts, and with the recent recognition of gender off enses by regional human rights bodies. All this suggests that rape and other crimes of sexual violence are beginning to be understood as some of the most serious international crimes. The processing of cases of mass rape before the Tribunals was the result of, and further contributed to, the deconstruction of stereotypes and harmful practices which historically resulted in the endemic marginalization of women and the systematic indiff erence to the acts committ ed against them (Askin 2003, p. 347). These cases are an expression of the broader view that victims of sexual violence should not carry the shame and stigma that society traditionally imposed, and above all a recognition that rape is a serious crime of sexual, mental and physical violence that deserves to be dealt with. International proceedings conducted against criminals – the perpetrators of rape and other sexual violence – result in eliminating the stigma and stereotypes associated with rape. As a public condemnation, such proceedings take away the power of the perpetrators of such acts and move the shame from the victims to the perpetrators. Many authors consider rape to be a display of power, a way of establishing authority and domination, or a means of proving the male domination by the use of force and thus a consequence of the patriarchal subordination of women, which is characteristic of the social order between the sexes. In such a context, the rapist abuses his socially determined dominant role. Male rapists demonstrate their physical domination and at the same time show the victim her submission. The patriarchal assumption that men possess and own women's bodies is also proved by rape. Any kind of power that could belong to a woman is totally denied through the act of rape. The victim is fi lled with absolute terror and helplessness. Bearing in mind that the political and legal status of women has a direct eff ect on the way they are treated or abused in war, the processing of sexual crimes committ ed during armed confl ict also contributes to the fi ght against women's subordination and to broader eff orts to establish gender equality. References

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Albanian MAPs Sector development with focus on international trade

Merita Gecaj Agency for Agriculture and Rural Development, and PhD candidate at Agricultural University of Tirana, Albania

Abstract

Albania has a strong tradition and potential in the production and export of Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (MAPs). MAPs have been and remains one of the main agrifood products that have been exported. About 95% of the total MAPs collected/harvested are exported. Albania is an international player ranked as among the top 16 world MAP exporters. The increase in export is caused by both growing supply (mainly through growth of cultivated MAPs) and increasing world market demand. Exports consist mainly of raw MAPs – there is very limited processing in Albania. The objective of this paper is to provide insight into Albanian MAPs sector with focus on international trade, based on extensive analysis of secondary data including various international trade databases as well as previous studies.

Keywords: MAP Sector, international trade, development.

1. Introduction

Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (MAPs) is a major agro-forestry business in Albania, especially in terms of international trade. More than 95% of total MAPs collected are exported. On the other hand, MAPs have been and remains one of the main agrifood products that have been exported. Exports of MAPs account for about 1/5 of agricultural exports and about 1% of total exports. In comparison, the domestic market is much more limited. MAPs sector is a good performer in a growing MAPs world market - annual growth of MAPs world imports. Trade statistics show that Albania is an important supplier of raw materials and half fi nished products for many EU and US industries in diff erent fi elds (food and beverage industry, healthcare, cosmetics & perfumes, additives etc.); about 2/3 of sage imported by USA comes from Albania, however fi gures vary year by year (USDA, 2018). MAPs are widely used by individuals for culinary purposes, preparation of herbal teas or traditional medicine; the processing of MAPs for the local market is small and limited to the packaging of some herbal tea and to the small scale extraction of essential oils. No production of detergents, cosmetics or industrial medicines based on MAPs has been recorded in Albania. Estimates of people involved in the sector, according to previous studies, range between 75,000 and 100,000, about 20,000 householdsare engaged in MAPs collection and about 4 000 in cultivation, making MAPs production the most important forestry sub-sector in terms of involvement of members of mountainous areas communities (DSA, 2010; Skreli and Imami, 2018). More than ¼ of rural householdsin mountainous areas are involved in MAPs income earning activities, either in harvesting and cultivating or in any other activity in MAPs value chain (up to early 2010ies, the 74 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 wild MAPs were dominant). It has also been identifi ed by FAO as one of the most promising sectorsfor income diversifi cation of family farms and women´s economic empowerment (FAO, 2018). It becomes obvious that cultivation of MAPs represents a major income source for mountainous and disadvantaged areas. MAPs are the main source of income for the poorest segments of population in the inner and mountainous areas. The objective of this paper, is to carry out a review of the MAPs sector, with special focus on international trade.

2. Methodology

The MAPs sector analysis is based on review of existing secondary data (statistics, reports, and other literature) and on primary data collected through interviews with value chain operators; and other relevant survey data. There are no available statistics about the domestic production. MAPs production statistics are not included in past and current agriculture information systems or data collections. More specifi cually, the secondary data was retrieved from UNSTAT COMTRADE and USDA. In addition, a review of other relevant studies and reports was carried out. Given that most MAPs are exported the paper is based on information from the international trade, making descriptive analyses.

3. Results and discussion

3.1 Domestic market MAP domestic market is small – there are two processing companies that sell labeled product. These companies sell their products through three main channels, namely pharmacies, supermarkets, bars and restaurants. It is estimated that MAP sales in the domestic market does not exceed more than 5% of total sales from this product (DSA, 2010). The main products traded in the domestic market include herbal teas and spices used for cooking. At present, tea and salep are packaged by Albanian companies and are sold in retail outlets including supermarketsas well asrestaurants. Other herbs and spices are sold in fresh fruit and vegetable markets packaged in basic bags – usually20-100 gr (Skreli and Imami, 2018).

3.2 Global market Albania experiences high trade defi cit for most agrifood products, however it has been traditionally a net exporter in Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (MAPs). Albania is an international player in term MAPs exports. Albania ranks 16th for the world export of MAPs (Table 1).

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Table 1: Maps export performance Annual Value ex- Annual Annual Trade growth ported in growth growth balance of world Product Product in value in value Ranking in world 2016 imports label label 2016 between between exports (USD between (USD 2012-16 2015-16 thousand) 2012-16 thousand) (%) (%) (%) All products 1962117 -2707173 -2 2 -4 133 Agricultural 196002 -478351 products MAPs 29595 28482 8 4 1 16 Source: Skreli and Imami (2018) and International Trade Centre (2018). htt ps://www. trademap.org The export trend is positive and steady - the export annual growth between 2012 and 2016 for this product is 8% and between 2015 and 2016 is 4%. Export of MAPs occurs under increasing international demand for these products. The export potential for organic production, combined with the market/consumer preferences development, have made organic agriculture important in Albania since early transition. Organic products in Albania were fi rst introduced in the mid-1990ies due to the increasing demand for Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (MAPs). Several Albanian MAP exporters are certifi ed organically according to EU and USA market requirements. Organic certifi cation of MAPs represents a potential not only for the export market (where to most MAPs are channelled) but also to the growing local market (as shown below) (Skreli and Imami, 2018). The main markets of MAP are pharmaceutical, cosmetic and food market. The largest group of users is in the food industry. The USA market is the largest buyer of MAP, and most amount purchased sage is used in the food industry. It is expected that the use of natural ingredients in pharmaceutical products will increase. A major trend taking place in the global trade in natural ingredients, is moving further processing of vegetable raw materials from Western countries to developing countries. The main reason is to reduce costs while increasing competitive advantage. Export of MAPs has increased signifi cantly over the last years – however, a strong drecrease was marked in 2017, in value, mainly due to drecrease of prices. The increase in export is triggered by a combination of growing supply (mainly through growth of cultivates MAPs) and increasing world market demand.

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Figure 1, Dynamics of Albanian MAPs exports (HS 1211) Source: UNSTAT (2019) Albania is traditionally a main exporter of dried plants, which are mostly treated and re-packaged abroad and used in the food industry. Some of them are used for essential oils. Albania is the exporter of a wide range of products, and it is known for export of sage, oregano, thyme. Sage accounts for half of the value of total exports (Skreli and Imami, 2018). The USA is the most important market for Albanian sage, where Albania is the largest international supplier. The main markets are Germany and the United States, which absorb more than half of total exports of MAP. Other important markets are Turkey, Italy and France – however export to Turkey have phased out recently, while the weight of Germany has increased to over ½ of the total value of exports. Figure 2 Structure of MAPs exports,pg refering to the countries, yyear 2004-20013.

Source :UNSTAT (2019) Albania is the main supplier to the USA market with sage. In 2013, it constituted 72% of total USA exports of sage, calculated in valueit reaches $ 10 mln. In 2014, the fi gures show that USA imports from Albania 95% sage. 77 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Figuregpg 3, The evolution of USA imports, for sage, from Albania 2012-2016

Source: USDA (2017) Figure 4, shows an increase demand for sage from 2012-2016. Figuregpg 5, The evolution of USA imports, for sage, from Albania 2012-2016.

Source: USDA (2017) If we compare fi gure 4-5 (quality and total value), the quantity of imported sage from Albanaia has increased, but the total values has decreased from 2015-2016. That means lower price is aplicable to MAP imported from Albania. At this point we evidence that fact of law quality, MAP have some disadvantages, this is shows even in the results of studies on international trade and exports. There are also concerns about the evolution of the MAPs sector, partially related to the subsidy scheme. The overproduction triggered by the subsidy schemehave resulted in a dramatic price decrease of sage, which again has been one of the main cultivated MAPs in Albania. For example, Albania is a world player in sage, and therefore changes in production volumes in Albania may aff ect world and U.S. market prices. With the signifi cant increase in sage production there was observed a signifi cant

78 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 decrease inprices (almost by half) at farm level (Table 2).One factor contributing to this price drop was overproduction. A decrease alsowas observed at the wholesale price, but because of overproduction the decrease was even larger at farm level (FAO, 2018). Table 2: Dynamics of U.S. import of sage from Albania Year Value (thousands USD) Quantity(tons) Price USD/KG

2012 5 473 1 367 4.0

2013 10 033 2 433 4.1

2014 11 477 2 920 3.9

2015 10 554 3 259 3.2

2016 10 019 3 445 2.9 Source: FAO (2018) and USDA, 2017.

The farm price drop, partially caused by the policy interventions, has negatively aff ected MAP farms, most of which are small family farms. The prices of sage and Lavandula reported in June 2018 dropped by two to three timescompared to few years ago, largely due to oversupply. Many cultivated fi elds have been abandoned, since low prices have caused farmers to lose interest in continued engagement with their investments in MAPs. Because the main MAPs are multi-annual crops, there is lower fl exibility of adjustments than with fi eld vegetables (FAO, 2018).

Recomendations

• Government, through its support schemes and advisory services, in cooperation with value chain stakeholders, should orient farmers to diversify the range of production in line with the market demand, and avoid overproduction, such as in the case of sage, which result in price decrease for farmers. • There is an need to improve the collection and processing of wild medicinal and aromatic plants, it can be combined giving a support to purchase drying equipment, combined with an informative and awareness program, to improve the quality and the price. • • In order to save the name and reputation of Albania on this product, it should be consider sett ing strong standards and practical example to set a minimum standard for export of essence of sage oil. • There are very few sources of information available in Albania, to growers, collectors, processors or exporters of MAPs. Processors and exporters need to bett er understand the target market and how to create a strong and lasting relationships with their customers, which will lead to an increase in long-term stable income in the value chain. Also it is essential the knowledge on development of global market for MAPs. Taking this information, growers can take right decisions about 79 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

what to grow or invest. In this context, it is recommend a regulatory mechanism that follow market information to stakeholders, on MAPs in Albania.

References

DSA, 2010, The Medicinal and Aromatic Plants Value Chain in Albania”, report prepared for USAID – Albania Agriculture Competitiveness (AAC) Program. EUROSTAT, 2014, Trade Database. FAO (2018) Smallholders and Family Farms in Albania - Country Study Report. IDRA (2010). Survey on MAPs for SNV-Promali covered area (Korçë, Shkodër, Dibër, Kukës, and Elbasan).Technical report prepared for SNV-Promali. Stefanllari, A., 2013, Increase access to international markets by improving supply chain coordination in the medicinal and aromatic plant value chain. SNV-Promali. Skreli, E. and Imami, D. (2018) MAPs Sector Study. Technical Report prepared for EBRD. USDA, 2018, Trade database. UNSTAT, 2019, Comtrade (international trade database).

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Mësimdhënia e diferencuar në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj

Sidorela Bushataj Shkolla 9-vjeҫare “Muhamet Hasmuja” Grizhe

Abstrakt

Mësimdhënia e diferencuar ka në themel parimin që nxënësit janë të ndryshëm dhe kanë nevoja të ndryshme. Në themel të saj qëndron parimi i individualizimit të procesit mësimor, orientimi dhe afrimi i të mësuarit gjithnjë e më shumë të nxënësve. Rëndësia e mësimdhënies së diferencuar në nxënien e gjuhës së huaj ka tërhequr vëmendjen e shumë studiuesve në fushën e mësimdhënies. Historikisht metodat kanë evoluar, ndryshuar dhe janë përsosur e modernizuar në përputhje me zhvillimet shoqërore, ekonomike e politike të vendit. Nevoja e mësimdhënies të diferencuar buron nga diversiteti i nxënësve në klasë. Përshtatja e përmbajtjeve, proceseve, metodave dhe materialeve me ritmet e nxënësve të ndryshëm, për të arritur të njejtat qëllime dhe objektiva është thelbi i mësimdhënies së diferencuar. Mësimi i diferencuar u bë shumë më i rëndësishëm me ardhjen e arsimit gjithëpërfshirës. Duke u nisur nga konstatimet e shumë ekspertëve të huaj mund të themi se mësimi i diferencuar nuk është një fenomen i ri. Ky studim u krye për të parë lidhjen e ngushtë të mësimdhënies së diferencuar në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj, si dhe rubrikat në cilat kanë nevojë imediate për mësimdhënie të diferencuar. Mostra e studimit përbëhet nga nxënësit e tre shkollave në qarkun e Shkodrës (dy shkolla shtetërore dhe një jopublike). Nxënës në vëzhgim ishin 189: Vëzhgimet janë kryer disa orë rradhazi. Nga rezultatet e analizës së të dhënave rezulton se 41% e nxënësve kanë nevojë për mësimdhënie të diferencuar. Studimi u krye në klasat e treta në arsimin fi llor (78 nxënës) dhe në klasa të nënta të mesëm të ulët u vëzhguan 111 nxënës.

Fjalët kyçe: mësimdhënie e diferencuar, gjuhë e huaj, individë të pavarur, të nxënit efektiv.

Shqyrtim literature

Mësimi i diferencuar ndodh kur disa nxënës punojnë në detyra të ndryshme nga të tjerët. Duke u nisur nga vet natyra e nxënësve, që asnjë nxënës nuk është i njejtë me tjetrin për nga aft ësitë, përvoja, rrethi shoqëror, interesat, nevojat, ndjenjat, prirjet atëherë është e nevojshme që secili nxënës të mësoj një gjuhë të huaj sipas mënyrës së vet. Këto dallime midis nxënësve përcaktojnë format e punës, metodat dhe teknikat mësimore, stilet e të nxënit dhe mjetet. Realizimi i metodave efi kase mundëson alternativa të shumta në procesin e të nxënit dhe kjo bën që te nxënësit të zhvillojë, aft ësitë organizative e menaxhuese, aft ësi komunikative, nxit diversitetin në të nxënit e nxënësve dhe rrit kreativitetin e tyre. Realizimi i strategjive efi kase i jep kuptim rolit të mësimdhënësit në procesin e të nxënit, krij on baza të shëndosha për realizimin e të nxënit gjatë gjithë jetës. Thelbi i mësimdhënies së diferencuar është përshtatja e përmbajtjeve, proceseve, metodave e materialeve, me ritmet e nxënies së nxënësve të ndryshëm, për të arritur të njëjtat synime e objektiva1. Në këtë rast shtrohet nevoja për mësimdhënie të diferencuar. 1 Petrit Muka, Dhori Karaj dhe Liri Cela, Hyrje në Mësimdhënien e diferencuar, Tiranë, QTKA, 2006, f. 26- 47. 81 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Diferencimi thjesht është për të ndjekur nevojat e të mësuarit të një nxënësi të caktuar ose të një grupi të vogël nxënësish, sesa modelit më tipik të mësimdhënies në klasë mësimdhënies tradicionale. Qëllimi i një klase të diferencuar është rritja maksimale e nxënëve dhe suksesi individual. Ndër autorët që është marrë me këtë problematikë është SLOTA, i cili me mësimin e diferencuar kupton tërësinë e masave dhe veprimeve mësimore përmes të të cilave sistemi i njëtrajtshëm i mësimit me tërë klasën tejkalohet me masa më fl eksibile të mësimit. Në të mësuarit e diferencuar mësuesit nuk besojnë se të gjithë nxënësit kanë nevojë për të njëjtën detyrë, por vlerësojnë vazhdimishtë, gadishmërinë dhe interesinë e nxënësve.” Udhëzimi i diferencuar, sipas Carol Ann Tomlinson (Ellis, Gable, Greg & Rock, 2008), është procesi i "sigurimit të asaj që një nxënës mëson, se si e mëson atë dhe se si nxënësi tregon atë që ai ose ajo e ka mësuar është një ndeshje për nivelin e gatishmërisë së nxënësit, interesat dhe mënyrën e preferuar të mësimit Ne tani kemi një grup shumë të larmishëm të nxënësve në klasat e zakonshme, duke përfshirë nxënës të talentuar dhe të tjerë me vështirësi në të nxënë. Diferencimi është një qasje që inkurajon mësuesit që t'u përgjigjen dallimeve relevante midis individëve duke ruajtur pritjet e larta për të gjithë. Me anë të mësimit të diferencuar përmbajtja mësimore brenda një kohe të shkurtër përpunohet, ndërsa ana tjetër duhet të shikohet në përparimin e nxënësve të asaj pjese mësimore se sa është arritur kuptueshmërinë dhe përmabjatjen e lëndës. Organizimi i mësimit në nivele të ndryshme, si model i mësimit individual shkollor, është i kushtëzuar para së gjithash për shkak të nevojës që procesi mësimor duhet t’i adaptohet diferencave individuale ndërmjet nxënsve. Kuptimi i formës individuale të punës mësimore si kërkesë dhe koncept bashkëkohor didaktik si metodologji e të mësuarit e bën të mundur të arrihet edhe lidhja më e ngushtë e mësimit me aft ësitë dhe interesat e nxënësve. Zbatimi i kësaj forme të punës mësimore paraqet një nivel më të lartë të organizimit të procesit të mësimdhënies. Mësuesit duhet të kuptojnë se çfarë i intereson nxënësve, si mësojnë ata, çfarë dij në dhe çfarë janë në gjendje të bëjnë. Siç e dini, përmbajtja themelore e përvetësimit të gjuhës së huaj duhet të mbulojë standardet e mësimit të përcaktuara nga distrikti shkollor dhe të përmbush rezultatet e të nxënit. Nisur nga natyra dhe aft ësitë e nxënësve në klasë disa nxënës mund të jenë tërësisht të panjohur me konceptet në një mësim, disa të tjerë mund të kenë zotësi të pjesshme dhe disa nxënës mund të jenë tashmë të njohur me përmbajtjen para fi llimit të mësimit. Sfi da është që të ofrojë mbështetje të diferencuar për nxënësit në vështërsi në të nxënë gjatë mësimeve për t'u mundësuar atyre të angazhohen me të njëjtat aktivitete mësimore dhe të vazhdojnëjgp me grupin e bashkëmoshatarëve ((Graham et al., 2015)2.

2 Graham, L., Berman, J., & Bellert, A. (2015). Sustainable learning. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. 82 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Mësimdhënësit mund të dallojnë këto elementë të klasës bazuar në gatishmërinë e nxënësit, interesit ose profi lit të të mësuarit: Përmes kësaj forme të mësimit përfi tojnë të gjitha grupet e nxënësve, duke fi lluar nga ata me vështirësi në të nxënë, që kanë probleme në mësim e deri tek shtresa më e lartë e të kuptuarit, deri tek nxënësit e zgjuar dhe talent.

Qëllimi i mësimdhënies së diferencuar

Mësimdhënia e diferencuar ka qëllim të përmirësojë rezultatet e të nxënit, rrit angazhimin e te gjithë nxënësve në procesin mësimor, i ndihmoin nxënësi të kuptojnë më mirë përmbajtjen mësimore. Një nga qëllimet e shkollës është të aft ësojë nxënësit të punojnë në mënyrë të pavarur. Për këtë arsye ata duhet të praktikohen në mënyrë sistematike dhe të vazhdueshme. Qëllimi i mësimit të diferencuar është përdorimi i një sërë stilesh mësimore për të siguruar që nxënësit mund t'i qasen mësimit në mënyra të ndryshme, por me rezultate të njëjta ose të ngjashme. Gjithashtu mësimi i diferencuar ka për qëllim të stimulojë krij imtarinë duke i ndihmuar nxënësit të bëjnë lidhje më të forta, të kuptojnë marrëdhëniet dhe të kuptojnë konceptet në një mënyrë më intuitive. Në praktikën mësimore ekzistojnë një numër argumentesh që e ngrenë lart këtë sistem dhe formë të punës mësimore. Prandaj nuk është vështirë për të gjetur elementet pozitive të punës individuale dhe ato negative. Puna mësimore individuale e nxënësit përcillet dhe me një dozë të theksuar individualizimi. • Nxënësit fi tojnë mundësi të barabarta në procesin e të nxënit duke kuptuar universin gjuhësor e kulturor të gjuhës së huaj. • Angazhimi në mësim ka tendencë të jetë më i fortë, sepse i adreson nxënësit si individë me mundësi të barabarta për rritje. • Përmes kësaj forme të mësimit përfi tojnë të gjitha grupet e nxënësve, duke fi lluar nga ata me vështirësi në të nxënë deri tek shtresa më e lartë nxënësit e zgjuar dhe talent. • Mësimdhënësi fokusohet tek interesat e nxënësve, nxënësit përfshihen intensivisht në mësim dhe janë më të motivuar dhë më të pavarur, më produktivë dhe më kompetent. • Një numër i madh i nxënësve pritet që të përfshihen në procesin mësimor shumë intensive e me synime gjithëpërfshirëse. • Shikuar nga ky aspekt dhe në këtë drejtm mangësitë e kësaj forme të punës mësimore janë: • Mësimdhënia e diferencuar kërkon shumë më shumë kohë për planifi kimin e mësimit për mësuesit. • I mbyllë nxënësit në vetvete, nuk mund të përdoret përvoja e të tjerëve. • Nuk ka komunikim dhe bashkëveprim në mësim. • Zhvillohet subjektivizimi, kërkon shkallë të lartë të punës së pavarur.

Hulumtim i mësimit të diferencuar në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj

Mësiomdhënia e diferencuar ne gjuhën e huaj ka të bëjë me atë llloj mësimdhënie ku mësuesi planifi kon variante të ndryshme për ato që nxënësit kanë nevojë të mësojnë në mënyrë që të plotësohen nevojat e gjithsecilit. Në aktualitetin e punës 83 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 edukative-arsimore aplikimi i mësimit të diferencuar është kuptuar në një shkallë të ndryshme të përqëndrimit për vetë faktin se mësimi i diferencuar ju përshtatet nevojave individuale të nxënësve në mësim, por gjithnjë duke kuptuar se në shkollë dhe në shoqëri në përgjithësi nuk mund të gjesh dy nxënës me një nivel të njëjtë të njohurive, shprehive dhe të shkathtësive. Dihet që përvetësimi i një gjuhe të huaj kërkon përkushtim të madh dhe nxënësit duhet fokusuar shumë në leximin e teksteve letrare për të kuptuar natyrën e gjuhës së huaj, si dhe në dëgjimin e pjesëve të ndryshme nga folës amëtar të asaj gjuhe që po studiojnë. Sfi da është që t’u ofrohet mbështetje e diferencuar për nxënësit në vështërsi në të nxënë, për t'u mundësuar atyre të angazhohen me të njëjtat aktivitete mësimore dhe të vazhdojnë me grupin e bashkëmoshatarëve. Sfi da tjetër është sigurisht që të sigurohet trajnimi i nevojshëm praktik për mësuesit, në mënyrë që ata të jenë më të pajisura për të ofruar mbështetje të diferencuar kur është e përshtatshme. Vlen të theksohet se përdorimi i mjeteve teknologjike nga ana e mësimdhënësve nuk ishte në nivelin e kërkuar, pasi një pjesë e ushtrimeve të dëgjojmë zhvillohen përciptas ose anashkalohen fare për shkak të kushteve që ofron shkolla. Përdorimi i mjeteve teknologjike në gjuhë të huaj zhvillon kompetencat gjuhësore (Morley, 2001), kryesisht të dëgjuarit. Studimet tregojnë se rreth 50% e kohës së komunikimit shpenzohet duke dëgjuar . Kështu që lind nevoja e mësimdhënies së diferencuar nisur nga diversiteti i nxënësve në klasë. Jo të gjithë nxënësit në klasë mund të kenë të njejtat aft ësi në dëgjimin e dialogjeve ose pjesëve të ndryshme letrare si dhe në riprodhimin e fj alëve në gjuhë të huaj.

Instrumentet e studimit

Hulumtimi është realizuar përmes vëzhgimeve, që është një metodë e përshtatshme për grumbullimin e të dhënave dhe për të nxjerrë rezultate të përgjithshme. Veprimtaritë lidhen me ridimensionimin e konceptit të klasës si një mjedis fi zik a virtual, që nxit bashkëndërtimin e njohurive, të kuptuarit dhe praktikat me mësimin e diferencuar si një mjet i integruar për arritjen e këtyre objektivave pedagogjikë të gjuhës së huaj. Mostra e studimit përbëhet nga nxënësit e tre shkollave në qarkun e Shkodrës (dy shkolla shtetërore dhe një jopublike). Nxënës në vëzhgim ishin 189: vëzhgimet janë bërë disa orë mësimore pë të arritur në konkluzione të përgjithshme. Nga rezultatet e analizës së të dhënave rezulton se 41% e nxënësve në vëzhgim kanë nevoja të të veҫanta për mësimdhënie të diferencuar. Studimi u krye në klasat e treta në arsimin fi llor (78 nxënës) dhe në klasa të nënta të mesëm të ulët u vëzhguan 111 nxënës. Kërkimi u bazua në grumbullimin e të dhënave nga vëzhgimi i nxënësve. Në fi llimi të punës eksperimentale të hulumtimit nxënësve u kemi parashtruar pyetje iniciale të fi llimit, për të vërejtur se sa është niveli i njohurive paraprake në këtë drejtim. Grupeve të nxënësve në fi llim u kemi dhënë nga një pjesë të teksteve të caktuara për shkallën dhe nivelin e paranjohurive të tyre në tekstin e gjuhës angleze për të vërejtur se sa janë në gjendje për të lexuar rrjedhshëm. Qëllimi i vëzhgimit në këtë fazë ka qenë për këto arsye: 1- Mënyra se si mësimdhënësi bashkëpunon me nxënsit në klasë, 2- Cilat janë rubrikat në të cilat nxënësit kanë nevojë për mësimdhënie të 84 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 diferencuar. Në fi llim të punës kamë vëzhguar dhe hulumtuar me vëmendje se si nxënësit kuptonin tekstin e lexuar kur ta lexonin një pjesë të tekstit dhe fi llonin që të interpretonin në klasë, mënyrën dhe sjelljet e tyre. Të kuptuarit e tekstit nga ana e nxënësve siҫ dihet është e ndërlidhur me fj alorin dhe pasurimin e tyre në të shprehur. Shumë nga ana e nxënësve kanë probleme të ndryshme me të kuptuarit dhe të shprehurit në gjuhë të huaj.

Konkluzione

Nga vëzhgimet e kryera në klasat e treta të arsimit fi llor dhe të klasat e nënta në arsimin e mesëm të ulët në lëndën Gjuhë Angleze vërejmë se mësimdhënësit me punën e tyre të përditshme me nxënësit në klasë duhet të merren me mësimdhënie të diferencuar në ushtrimin e të lexuarit të teksteve në mënyrë që ky ndikim i fj alorit të tyre të zhvillohet. Pa leximin e teksteve letrare nuk mund të ndikohet në të kuptuarit, por dhe në në pasurimin e fj alorit të nxënësve. Nga vëzhgimi nxënësit në vështërsi në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj kanë nevojë për rigrupime të vogla që të zhvillonin aft ësitë e leximit dhe të kuptuarit e teksteve. Nga ky hulumtim tek klasat e nënta mund të themi se mësimdhënia e diferencuar duhet të praktikohet në rubriken të fl saim sepse 12% e nxënësve pjesëmarrës nuk shprehen lirshëm në bashkëbisedime nga tematika e jetës së përditshme. Bashkëbisedimi sipas interesave dhe tematikave shoqërore të ndryshme nxit të nxënit efektiv, i jep mundësi nxënësve të bashkëpunojnë në grupe të vogla (pair-work), gjithashtu nxënësit shprehin aft ësitë e tyre komunikative më lirshëm me njëri-tjetrin. Aplikimi i mësimdhënies së diferencuar në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj motivon nxënësit, veçanërisht kur ata ofrojnë një varg aktivitetesh, të cilat i bëjnë ata që të ndjehen më të pavarur. Vëzhgimi fi llestar kishte qëllim për të vërejtur se si nxënësit përdorin drejt fj alët në të shkruar dhe në të lexuar. Gjatë kohës së vëzhgimit kam vërejtur se nxënësit janë të interesuar që mësimi t’u përshtatet niveleve të tyre. Ky rast është paraqitur sidomos tek nxënësit e klasës së tretë të shkallës fi llore,( sepse gjuha e huaj fi llon që në klasë ë tretë), dhe këtu nevoja për mësimdhënien e diferencuar ëshë shumë më e lartë. Puna në grupe është formë më e përshtatshme për organizimin e mësimit të diferencuar. Nga ky vëzhgim në klasat e treta rezulton se 28% e nxënësve kanë nevojë imediate për mësimdhënie të diferencuar që të përmbushin kompetencat bazë në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj në fund të përfundimit të klasës së tretë. Gjithashtu 20% e nxënësve lexojnë saktë tekste në gjuhën Angleze, ndërsa 52% e nxënësve interpretonin saktë tekstet letrare dhe u përgjigjeshin saktë pyetjeve rreth tekstit. Nga ky vëzhgim rezulton nxënësit me prirje të larta në përvetësimin e gjuhës së huaj e kalonin 20% të orës mësimore pasiv në klasë. Mësimdhënësi duhet të hartojë një plani cilësor, zhvillojë veprimtari mësimore të përshtatshme me nevojat e nxënësve ne klasë si dhe të krij oj grupe fl eksibël.

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Në mësimin e diferencuar është e domosdoshme të sigurohet minimum i detyrueshëm për të gjithë nxënësit e pastaj të përgaditen detyrat ndihmëse për ata më të dobëtit dhe pjesë të ndryshme jashtë kurrikulare shtesë për nxënësit të cilët i përmbushnin kompetencat e programuara. Gjithashtu mësimdhënia e diferencuar duhet të ofrojë larmi mënyrash të ndryshme të të mësuarit, larmi aktivitetesh që nxënësi të përvetësojë informacionin, alternativa të ndryshme ku nxënësi të demostrojë ato që ka mësuar. Mësuesit duhet të kuptojnë se çfarë i intereson nxënësve, si mësojnë ata, çfarë dij në dhe çfarë janë në gjendje të bëjnë. Kështu, diferencimi i mësimit bëhet me radhitjen e nxënsve sipas aft ësive të nxënësve. Më të rëndësishmet nga vëzhgimi janë: 1- Përdorimi i rubrikës që përputhet dhe shtrihet në nivele të ndryshme të aft ësive të nxënësve. 2- Sigurimit të qendrave të interesit që i inkurajojnë nxënësit të përdorin fj alorin që ka interes të veçantë për ta. Mësimdhënësit duhet të përdorin strategjitë e shekullit 21 në klasat e tyre për të motivuar në nxënësit klasë, për të nxitur vëmendjen dhe interesimin, dhe për të udhëhequr nxënësit për t'u lidhur me përmbajtjen dhe për të përmirësuar relevancën për një perspektivë të madhe globale. Diferencimi nënkupton përshtatjen e udhëzimeve për plotësimin e nevojave individuale. Diskutimi është veçanërisht i rëndësishëm në një klasë të leximit të diferencuar sepse ai siguron një mënyrë të fuqishme për të ndërtuar njohuritë e çdo nxënësi dhe të nxënit e qëllimshëm. Nga ky studim rezulton se mësimi i diferencuar në mësimdhënien e gjuhës së huaj rrit aft ësitë e të menduarit kritik dhe stimulon të nxënit e qëllimshëm. "Kjo nevojë buron nga diversiteti i nxënësve të ndryshëm, pasi nuk ka nxënës që përparojnë me të njejtën shpejtësi, apo me të njejtat teknika të studiuari, me sjellje apo me interesa të njejta. Mësimdhënia e diferencuar është e domosdoshme për arsye të heterogjenitetit të nxënësve në klasat në vëzhgim.

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Referenca

1- Graham, L., Berman, J., &Bellert, A. (2015). Sustanable learning. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. 2- Gilman, R, A. What practioners say about listening: Research implications for the classroom. Foreign language Annals, 3- Muka, P. Karaj, Dh. & Çekla L. (2006). Hyrja në mësimdhënien e diferencuar. Tiranë, QTKA. 4- Westwood, P. (2016) What Teachers Nto Know About Diff erentiated Instruction. Melbourne: Australian Council for Educational Research. Ed.

87 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

The support of Italy in the proclamation of the Albanian monarchy in 1928

PhD (C.) Antoneta Hoxha University of Tirana, Albania

Abstract

All along the Albanian State history, the Great Powers had oft en dictated Albania’s foreign and internal policies. Perhaps, it is att ributed to the fact that the support of a great state was a necessity for the development of the country, both politically and economically. In the late 1920s, of the XX century, Albania was considered by Italy, as key to accomplish its geopolitical agenda in the region and beyond in the Mediterranean. With the aim to further expand the Italian infl uence in Albania, economic subordination was a tool that Mussolimi used for the successful execution of his policies. Thus, the economic relations between the two countries became an inseparable part of the political relations. We can even say that the former were used in function to execute of the latt er's goals. This paper aims to explain the aid granted by Italy in support of the proclamation of the Albanian monarchy in 1928, emphasizing its role in the process in establishing the new regime, therefore, at the time, it was crucial that Ahmet Zogu governed as long as possible, while holding offi ce as the President of Albania. He was seen as the guarantor of stability in the country, but also, as the guardian of the Italian economic, political and military relations and interests in Albania. The Italian archives prove the great diplomatic and fi nancial support from the government of Rome in order to prepare both, the international and internal opinion for this constitutional change. On September 1, 1928, Albania was declared a "Democratic, Parliamentary and Hereditary Kingdom," and its King Zog I. Undoubtedly, using Zog's ambitions, Italy found the ground to establish new arrangements which increased its infl uence on a small ally. Keywords: international relations, agreement, politics, economic, external relations.

Introduction

In 1928, Ahmet Zog, president of the Republic of Albania, intended to become king, a purpose which Zog had expressed to the Italians. Having had much power in his hands as President of the Republic, he had no diffi culty in stepping up towards monarchy. To him, the establishment of the monarchy was important not only to guarantee the power from any risk that could come to the Republican regime, but also to secure the legacy of the throne.1 Shortly aft er Zog had returned to Albania to regain power with the help of the Yugoslavs, he decided to stay away from the sphere of their infl uence, but to seek, besides a new economic and political defender, a power that would support his monarchist dreams2. At this time, the only state that could satisfy Zog’s desire was 1 History of the Albanian People, volume III,Tirana: Toena, 2007, page (hereinafter: p.) 285. 2 Bernd J. Fischer, King Zog and the attempts for stability in Albania, Tirana: Çabej, 2004, p. 143. 88 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Italy, to which, in addition to the economic potential, the change of regime adapted to its geopolitical and geostrategic interests in Albania and region. In this case, both parties could get what they wanted to. Thus, Rome, perceiving Zog’s trend, had deliberately set on the negotiating table the promise to support him to be crowned king of Albania and to marry an Italian princess3, reaching to the First Pact of Tirana in 1926. Italy, recognizing at the same time Zog’s ambitions and the economic and political dependence of Albania over it, saw him as the most suitable person who would make possible the Italian expansion in Albania. Meanwhile, a monarchic regime would grant more security to the Italians than a republican regime4. Rome helped Zog strengthen his power as it did not want to risk harming its investments with a regime where the president could be changed through elections and could not aff ord the assurance they needed for the spread of their infl uence. On the other hand, with regard to the kingdom, besides being the same governing system as the one of Italy, they were assisting to bring in power a person who followed the Italian line. By making Zog king, Italy somehow secured its position not only in Albania, but through him, throughout the entire region. On September 11, 1927, Mussolini instructed the Italian Minister in Albania, Mr. Ugo Sola, that Zog, to his interest and in the present and future interest of Albania, should follow the lines he himself had instructed and that Sola had to act in “the necessary way”.5 On September 26, 1927, Sola informed Mussolini that Zog had agreed with the Italian program, which consisted of three main points: a) Italian-Albanian Defense Alliance; b) The creation of the Albanian Monarchy; c) Marriage of Ahmet Zog. “I realized that Zog had long been tempted in his mind to change the regime”, Sola reported in Rome. However, Zog had stated that “at the top of my thoughts is the nation”, and that personal ambitions were second.6 In September 1927, Zog himself wrote to Mussolini that “... my kingdom will rely heavily on the ally nation”. Whereas, Duce stated that, “he could have a problem with others, but Italy would be his lawyer”. Mussolini called the country’s constitutional change from republic to monarchy a factor that would eventually consolidate the power of the politician he considered to be the only guarantee for the realization of Italian politics in the Adriatic and Balkans.7 It was clear now that the Republic, which had served to the increase and consolidation of his power, had been only a transitional phase in the realization of Zog’s intention to become a king. Strengthening Zog's personal power and taking over of the throne, among other things, was thought to be a guarantee against the eff orts of restoration of the old opposition and to cut off the creation of any new one under the infl uence of the revolutionary movements of the time. This project enjoyed the support of the conservative political wing and social strata he represented, and above all, fascist

3 Paskal Milo, The Foreign Policy of Albania I (1912-1939), Tirana: Toena, 2013 p. 799-780. 4 Documenti Diplomatici Italiani (herinafter: DDI), Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Rome: Istituto Poligrafi co Dello Stato, Settima serie: 1922-1935, Volume (hereinafter: Vol.) V, document number (hereinafter: doc. no.) 439, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated, 26 September 1927”, page (hereinafter: p.) 426. 5 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. V, doc. no.406, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated, 11 September 1927”, p. 390. 6 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. V, doc. no. 439, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 26 September 1927”, p. 426-427. 7 Arben Puto, Political Albania 1912-1939, Tirana: Toena, 2009, p. 446. 89 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Italy.8 Faik Konica, one of the most intellectual Albanians of the time, became one of those supporting this governing philosophy, and lobbied for Zog king amongst the Albanian US diaspora.9 Having received the Italian approval, Zog took steps to eliminate the political opponents who could hinder the proclamation of the monarchy.10 In December 1927, Sola reported to Rome that the Italian newspaper publications about the assassination att empt of Senator Shefqet Vërlaci were true and that the Albanian beys were in panic.11 In order to secure the support of other states, which was crucial to Zog’s throne, Italian newspapers carried out the promotion of Zog’s stature in the international political arena. Meanwhile, the pro-government press in the country began preparing the ground for the declaration of the new regime. “Heated preparations are being made in Tirana for the Constitutional Assembly and proclamation of Ahmet Zog King of Albania. Italian newspapers happily greet the event that under the monarchical regime and under the command of A. Zog, Albania will fully achieve national and political unity ... “- was published in an article in the newspaper “Zëri i Korçës”.12 On the other hand, the international press of the time, especially French newspapers, noted an increase of the Italian infl uence in Albania. The “Agence Des Balkans” newspaper wrote that “... once the Italians took strategic positions, and the national wealth, the land of Albania itself is in the hands of the Italians.” While the newspaper “La France Militaire” in an article dated 7 February 1928 under the title “The Albanian aff air” stated that Albania “... is a point that att racts both Belgrade and Rome”. According to it, the Yugoslav Kingdom considered Albania as a land keeper of Serbian Macedonia, while Italy saw Albania as a key point to Otranto's canal.13 “Mussolini intends to make Albania an extension of Italy”, wrote “Le Petit Bleu” on May 4, 1928, another French newspaper.14 Whereas “Le Soir”, in an article dated 30 July 1928 noticed that, “... the Italian colonization in Albania is reaching its end. To keep up the present situation, which assures Italy the possession of the Adriatic, as well as many strategic points in the event of a war against Yugoslavia, Mussolini is preparing for the crowning of the king, the muslim Ahmet Zog ... This notable recently introduced under the Italian service, reigns over his litt le state as the true satyr of the orient ... “.15 Having secured Italian support, Zog had to secure that of the Great Powers. Initially, he addressed England, thus demonstrating the importance he provided to its infl uence in Albania. President Zog tried to convince the English diplomacy that the monarchy was necessary for Albania as it needed a stabilized government which the Republican form of government did not guarantee, and, according to him, the crown would 8 Luan Omari, Parliamentary System: the birth and evolution of parliamentarism, Parliament in Albania, Tirana: Elena Gjika, 2000, p. 185. 9 Valentina Duka, “From Presidency to Monarchy: Legitimacy Issues”, in: Historic Studies, no 1-2, Tirana: Albanian Studies Center, Institute of History, 2010, p. 199. 10 Arben Cici, Albanian-Italian relationships during 1920-1934, Tirana: Uetpress, 2013, p. 146. 11 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. V, doc. no. 681, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 15 December 1927”, p. 623. 12 “Albania under the monarchic regime”, The Voice of Korca, Korça: 25 August 1928, no. 322, p. 1. 13 Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (hereinafter: AMFA), Year (hereinafter: Y.) 1928, File (hereinafter: F.) 95, page (hereinafter: p.) 27-28. 14 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 95, p. 55. 15 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 65, p. 1. 90 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 provide the idea of continuity and would create the overall stability that Albania needed.16 London was skeptical of this argument since it knew that the northern tribes had always been a dominant factor in regulating Albanian domestic disputes, but also due to the fact that Zog was still unmarried. They were also concerned about the reaction that could be caused outside the Albanian borders.17 Although privately not convinced, England formally replied that it was “not in its habit” “to take on the responsibility of giving advice on the internal aff airs of an independent country”.18 But even though they considered it an “internal matt er” of Albania, they advised to not provide any irredentist messages with the title that the king was supposed to carry, and demanded a prior understanding with Belgrade. France and Greece maintained almost the same att itude, while Yugoslavia was waiting for further developments.19 “With regard to the issue of the impression that the change of our regime shall have on foreign states, we are informed by certain sources that it has been generally welcomed without objections ...” was published in the pages of newspaper “Shekulli i Ri”, thereby confi rming the approval of European diplomacy to the change of the regime form.20 Although he convinced the international factor, Zog realized that such a constitutional change required necessarily the preparation of the internal terrain, both legal and public opinion. Zog undertook a campaign to present the change as an expression of popular will. He even assured British Minister Hodgson that, “he would not make this step without consulting his people”. Meanwhile, Mussolini not only promised Zog political and moral support, but invested in a propaganda campaign within the country to persuade diff erent circles of opinions to not become obstacles. The Italian government put in circulation some not-so-small amounts of money to neutralize any mistrust in public opinion as well as “spontaneous popular demonstrations”.21 Initially it was staged as if the Albanian parliament was receiving telegrams from all over Albania, which prompted it to overturn this form of government that was foreign to the traditions of the Albanian people. The British Plenipotentiary Ambassador reported that several telegrams were sent from villagers who were arrested and held in local prisons until they agreed to put their fi nger on the petitions requiring the proclamation of monarchy.22 On August 17, 1928, the Ministry of Internal Aff airs sent an order to all prefectures and sub-prefectures of the country to invite the second electors of the respective districts to send telegrams where the imposition of the monarchy and the coronation of Ahmet Zog as the “rescuer of the nation” should be sought.23 The latt er informed the Press Directorate that telegrams from all around Albania reached this ministry, from second electors and people's representatives, who expressed the desire to change the regime 24. Part of these plans was also the government newspaper “Telegraf” and almost the 16 Valentina Duka, History of Albania 1912-2000, Tirana: SHBLU, 2007, p. 175. 17 B. J. Fischer, King Zog and…, cited above, p. 147. 18 Novruz Zejnati, Ahmet Zog, a politician or military man?..., Tirana, Globus R, 2005, p. 286. 19 P. Milo, Foreign policy…, cited above, p. 780. 20 “On the change of regime”, New Century, Durrës: 24 August 1928, no. 49, p. 4. 21 A. Puto, Political Albania …, cited above, p. 446- 447. 22 V. Duka, History of Albania…, cited above, p. 177. 23 National State Archives of the Republic of Albania (hereinafter: NSA), Fund (hereinafter: F.) 152 (Ministry of Inner Affairs), Year (hereinafter: Y.) 1928, File (hereinafter: F.) 1, page (hereinafter: p.) 150. 24 AQSH, F. 152, Y. 1928, F. 1, p. 14. 91 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 entire national press, which was under state control. “The road that this stream shows is that the Republican form of government, aft er three years of testing, is incompatible with the most essential political needs of the country, which is in such a situation, both internal and external, that it needs a government with the greatest and most recognized authority ... “, wrote among other things “Telegraph”, explaining the reasons why the Republican regime should be replaced.25 Following the overfl ow of telegrams, the plan continued with the organization of popular performances, where Ahmet Zog was to be required to take on the royal throne of Albania. Thus, in a circular of the Ministry of Interior dated August 23 addressed to all prefectures and sub-prefectures, following the fi rst manifestation in Tirana on 20 August, the latt er were ordered to organize similar manifestations in the respective administrative units on 25 August. According to this circular, the people should seek the change of form of government and proclamation of Ahmet Zog king.26 In the meantime, the Press Offi ce of the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs notifi ed the Albanian legations all over the world on the grand rally held in Tirana where the people had expressed the will to change the regime form.27 By the end of August the manifestations spread all over the country. British and American legations reports called “the demonstrations” as forced and pressured at local centers.28 The American Minister in Tirana, Charles Hart, informed the State Department that the manifestations began to develop “aft er a dense campaign by the newspapers of Albania and Italy to make it appear that there was a wide public demand that required a change of the form of government”29. The sending of telegrams, demonstrations, etc., served not only for the preparation of the general public for the changing of the regime form, but in some way even the European chancellors were set before the fact that this was a demand of the people. By preparing the international and internal terrain, but also with the support of religious communities, the change of regime could be carried out quietly. As for Zog’s political opponents, they were in immigration and they could not be considered as an eventual risk. Meanwhile, intensive Italian-Albanian talks on the monarchy issue lasted until August 1928. In these talks, Zog consistently sought money.30 On June 11, 1928, Sola reported to Mussolini that Ahmet Zog had demanded a certain amount to ensure the regime’s transformation and that he wanted immediately a part of it to aff ord electoral expenses and to guarantee an Assembly dedicated to him.31 Mussolini himself thought that “it was necessary to leave full liberty to Ahmet Zog on the deadlines for the technical development of electoral actions related to the Constitutional Assembly”.32 With regard to this matt er, Sola and Zog agreed on the amount of 10 million Italian liras, of which only half would be provided immediately.33 25 “The republican regime may be changed by the Constituent Assembly”, Telegraf, Tirana: 5 August 1928, no. 144, p. 1. 26 V. Duka, From Presidency to Monarchy…, cited above, p. 204-205. 27 Ibidem, p. 62. 28 A. Puto, Political Albania…, cited above, p. 447. 29 V. Duka, From Presidency to Monarchy …, cited above, p. 206. 30 A. Cici, cited above, p. 149. 31 DDI, Settima serie, vol. VI, doc. no. 398, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 11 June 1928”, p. 351. 32 DDI, Settima serie, vol. VI, doc. no. 399, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 12 June 1928”, p. 351. 33 DDI, Settima serie, vol. VI, doc. no. 406, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 14 June 1928”, p. 355. 92 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

In addition to internal and external problems, the issue of the transformation of Zog’s regime was also related to several constitutional legal procedures. In this case, there was an important legal obstacle since the Fundamental Statute expressly sanctioned in Article 141 that: “The Republican form of the state cannot be changed in any way”. This was a serious issue but not an unsurpassable diffi culty.34 Zog, having already secured the support of Italy and other European powers, had prepared the political and social ground within the country for the proclamation of the monarchy, had to carry out the appropriate constitutional arrangements so that this change would not be legally impeded. Again, Italy's assistance would be required. From a thorough review of the political situation, especially parliamentary and constitutional norms, it was concluded that the two chambers of parliament had to be dissolved. The two chambers would meet and declare their inability to amend the constitution; they would authorize the president to conduct the elections for the constitution of a constitutional assembly.35 It was Ugo Sola himself who advised Zog to dissolve both chambers of parliament and call a Constitutional Assembly on this matt er.36 Thus, on June 1, 1928, Ahmet Zog, as President of the Republic, addressed both chambers of the national representatives requesting them to meet together as a Legislative Assembly to decide on the revision of the Statute, which had many defi ciencies, as it did not foresee some important state organs, such as the Prime Minister, the State Council, etc..37 The Legislative Assembly concluded that the Statute had to be reviewed, but declared itself ineligible for such a thing. Therefore, it approved an annex to Article 141 of the Statute, which states: “The General Review of the Statute belongs to the Constituent Assembly. When the need for a general review of the Statute is decided in accordance with the procedure set forth in this article, both Chambers are dissolved and elections for the Constituent Assembly pursuant to Article 47 of the Statute are enacted”.38 “This long and complicated procedure was carried out in an extremely cautious way by A. Zog, who wants the transformation of the regime to happen without a shock, without a crisis and without appearing as a coup d’état ...” reported from Durrës minister Sola to Mussolini.39 In one of the reports about the latest events on the Albanian political life that Hodgson sent to Austin Chamberlain, among other things, he mentioned the following: “It would be a mistake to believe that with the claim of the throne, Ahmed Bey Zog, was surrendering helplessly to the persistent protests of an enthusiastic and feverish population for a King who saw him as a reincarnated Scanderbeg. This is certainly the version of events that zealously grew, whose dissemination was devoted to a bit of genius. How empty this version was, was explained by the fact that the Constitutional Assembly was convened to change the Statute, but in reality, as everyone knows, its true purpose was to create a legitimate robe for replacing the republic with a monarchy with the presence of everyone but without the knowledge of the people ... Each piece was organized in detail in advance, with precise instructions from the e 34 History of the Albanian People, cited above, p. 286-287. 35 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 317, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 8 maj 1928”, p. 280. 36 History of the Albanian People, cited above, p. 287. 37 L. Omari, cited above, p. 185. 38 Ibidem, p. 186. 39 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 317, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 8 May1928”, p. 280. 93 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 xecutives. No sign of spontaneity appeared during the celebrations for changing the regime”.40 Following that, Zog decreed the elections for the Constitutional Assembly on August 17.41 So, with the fi nancial assistance of Italy and the assistance of foreign specialists, Zog conducted the elections for the Constitutional Assembly. Although formal elections, without rival parties and with only one list of candidates, the government and supporters of the president conducted a peaceful, controlled and rapid campaign.42 Later, under Article 230 of the Statute of the Kingdom, the Constituent Assembly was transformed into Parliament, which had one Chamber.43 The British Minister Hodgson called these elections ridiculous, and according to him the election of delegates to the Constitutional Assembly was in violation of the regulation.44 “Even though the elections were a comedy, the “Constitutional Assembly” an instrument designed to shape Ahmed Bey's personal ambition, this does not prove that the object for which so much eff ort was made was not well thought”, reported among others Hodgson. 45 Meanwhile, the Italians were willing to off er Zog the necessary amounts for successfully manipulating the elections to the Constitutional Assembly, but not without them receiving their reward46. Italy wanted to make sure that Zog would continue to be loyal to them. “The document that really connects us to the kingdom, with that advertising that is needed in relation to our position in Albania before third parties, shall be a verbal note,” wrote Mussolini to the Italian minister in Tirana. Mussolini was of the opinion that this note should have such content to show the world that the new throne was under the shadow of Italy.47 Italy charged Sola to legally follow the progress of all agreements signed with Albania. Sola asked Zog two guarantees: the entry into force of all agreements signed between the two countries and the second (which should remained secret), Zog would have to provide guarantees that Albania would never act against Italian interests, even accept to be set under the protection of Italy and Duce. In return, Italy would give assurances to Zog, that if the Yugoslav state was dissolved, Kosovo would return to Albania. The latt er coincided with Zog’s goal of restoring Albania to its territories in the case of a Balkan confl ict.48 Zog accepted these terms as the secret agreement contained both obligations and rights for Albania, and that its publication could only be made in case of war with Yugoslavia. Noticing this defi ciency, Mussolini suggested that the secret agreement be divided into two parts. The part that contained Zog's commitments would be

40 Foreign Offi ce Archives (hereinafter: FO), 371/13560 (C 2310/2310/90), Annual report 1928, Durazzo: March 26, 1929, p. 2. 41 Bajram Xhafa, “Historical circumstances of the establishment of the Albanian Monarchy”, in: Historic Studies, no. 3-4, Tirana: Albanian Studies Center, Institute of History, 2009, p. 201. 42 Afrim Krasniqi, Political systems in Albania, 1912-2008, p. 128. 43 Albanian Legislators 1912-2005, Tirana: Parliament of Albania, 2005, p. 23. 44 FO, 371/13560 (C 2310/2310/90), Annual report on Albania for 1928, Durazzo: March 26, 1929, p. 9. 45 FO, 371/13560 (C 2310/2310/90), Annual report on Albania for 1928, Durazzo: March 26, 1929, p. 9. 46 B. J. Fischer, King Zog and…, cited above, p. 150. 47 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 576, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 23 August 1928”, p. 507- 508. 48 A. Cici, cited above, p. 151-152. 94 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 published, while the part with Albania’s territorial claims was to be kept secret.49 Mussolini sought in Albania the consolidation of a regime that guaranteed the development of their positions and that “the new throne would be placed under the shadow of the Italian fl ag”50. Meanwhile, Zog, through a lett er, stated to Mussolini the loyalty and sincerity of relations between the two countries, and assured him that “he would consult with the ally on all matt ers aff ecting common interests”, expressing the assurance that Italy would also did the same thing.51 Sola was of the opinion that Italy had established strong position in Albania and ¾ of economic activity in the country belonged to it. With the proclamation of the monarchy, the Italian interests would be guaranteed.52 Mussolini sought also through another special agreement to extend the Italian control on the Albanian Army. In case of war, Albanian and Italian units would be placed under Italian command and all other foreign powers would be expelled in the organization of the Albanian Army. On the basis of these agreements, Mussolini intended to establish a full Italian protectorate over Albania.53 The agreement was signed on August 31, 1928, the day before the proclamation of the monarchy. 54 “... during the signing of the Second Pact of Tirana in November 1927, Zog has asked Mussolini to help him take the crown ... No one doubts that Mussolini provided his co-operation without some terms, for in his mind Albania shall play an important role” as well as “... shall provide … a chance to the weakest country ... “, was published on the pages of the Parisian newspaper “Monde” on September 1, 1928.55 Though not very satisfi ed with these concessions, Zog accepted the new terms of the military agreement as well as the two parts of the secret agreement so that the crown would not be endangered at the last moments. In exchange for these, he received 10 million lira paid through the State Railways Society, of which half was obtained in June and the rest in September, aft er signing agreements with the Italian government.56 The Italian press, in the same line with the offi cial politics, encouraged and congratulated the changing of the regime’s form. “Il Popolo d’Italia” wrote that the constitutional change in Albania “reaffi rmed the independence and consolidated the central government”. The article also added an anti-Yugoslav note, lift ing Zog’s “main merit” that saved the country from the pan-Slavism machinations and he did not allow the country to return to a Yugoslav province57. “Tribuna” newspaper joined the chorus, writing: “Italy sees a permanent Albanian monarchy as a guarantee for ensuring the national and organic consolidation of the friend and its ally as well as a guarantee for peace in the Balkans and in Europe”58. Commenting on the political

49 B. J. Fischer, King Zog and…, cited above, p. 151. 50 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 543, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 9 August 1928”, p. 482- 483. 51 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 521, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 27 July 1928”, p. 456-460. 52 History of the Albanian People III, cited above, p. 288. 53 P. Milo, Foreign politics…, cited above, p. 782. 54 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 611, “Military agreement on the application of the Alliance Treaty between Italy and Albania, dated 31 August 1928”, p. 538. 55 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 65, p. 347. 56 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VII, doc. no. 406, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 14 June 1928”, p. 355; B. J. Fischer, King Zog and …, cited above, p. 152. 57 A. Puto, Political Albania…, cited above, p. 447. 58 A. Cici, cited above, p. 157-158. 95 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 situation in Albania, the newspaper “The Times”, under the title “Skanderbeg’s Throne” wrote that the Constitutional Assembly would vote those modifi cations to the statute that were deemed necessary by the decision of Ahmet Zog, President of the Republic, proclaiming himself king. According to “The Times”, there was no reason to object this change.59 The Constitutional Assembly convened on 25 August. Its composition had no substantial changes from that of the previous Legislative Assembly. In the framework of the general review of the Fundamental Statute, the representatives began discussions on the form of government, justifying the shift from republican to monarchical form with the need for stability of the country’s state and its progress60. On September 1, 1928, the Constitutional Assembly unanimously decided that “the bright crown of the historical throne of Albania was off ered to the Nation Savior under the name of Zog I, King of Albanians”. Zog accepted the crown during a short ceremony, which was followed by three days of celebrations.61 According to the new Constitution, Albania was declared “Democratic, parliamentary and hereditary kingdom", independent, without any offi cial religion and Tirana was its capital62. The constitution gave Zog great powers in the fi eld of internal and foreign politics as well as all executive powers exercised through the government.63 That day Zog I took an oath before the assembly.64 During his short speech, Zog mentioned specifi cally the cordial relations between Albania and Italy, underlining that “the Italians will promote the Albanian people and, if they wish, shall realize its high ideals, which nature has put forward, with the iron hand that will never tremble”.65 That same day the Press Offi ce notifi ed all prefectures and sub-prefectures, foreign representations and local press on the change of the form of the regime, and the crowning of A.Zog under the name “Zog I, King of Albanians”66. On September 1, 1928, the fi rst pages of the local press were fi lled with news about the changing of the regime form. “Today, the high and holy throne of Albania, the bright crown of the National Hero, Skanderbeg, is given to the great-grandson of Castriot, the Lion of Mat, Savior of the Nation, Zog” wrote the “Democracy” newspaper.67 On the other hand, the change of the regime, which was an important event in the Albanian political life, besides having a great echo in the country and abroad, was commented also by the international press. Various foreign newspapers such as: The Times, Near East and India, Daily Telegraph, Daily Express, Manchester Guardian, Politico, Eleft heron Vima, Havas etc., published special articles related to the changing of the regime form in Albania. For the “Journal de Geneve” newspaper, the regime change was not an event of “extraordinary portrayal”. According to it, the importance of the event was of an

59 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 64, p. 241. 60 L. Omari, cited above, p. 187. 61 Bernd J. Fischer, Balkan’s dictators, Tirana: AIIS, 2008, p. 44. 62 Kastriot Dervishi, History of the Albanian State 1912-2005, Tirana: “55”, 2006, p. 279. 63 A. Cici, cited above, p. 161. 64 Kristo Frashëri, Ahmet Zog, an historic overview, Tirana: M&B Publications, 2014, p. 112. 65 B. J. Fischer, King Zog and…, cited above, p. 156-157. 66 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 64, p. 82. 67 “Monarchy, Zog I, king of Albanians”, Demokratia, Gjirokastër: 1 September 1928, no. 170, p. 1. 96 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 international character, as this change would be impossible without Italy's approval.68 “... since when he came into power he was a tool in the hands of Italians who with money and loans secured valuable concessions. At some time Ahmet will pay dearly for allowing the Italians to secure such a position in Albania, but for the moment the Italian support is the main guarantee for his security ... “, wrote the temporary “New Statesman” in an article dated 1 September 1928.69 The new constitution gave Ahmet Zog the title “King of Albanians”, which referred also to Albanians living outside the administrative borders of Albania. This issue caused various reactions, in particular by its Balkan neighbors. The title “King of Albania” was a version that was used since the early days of the manifestations. Various explanations are given for its change. According to the Italian ambassador in Albania, Sola and the Italians initially suggested the title “King of Albania” in order to correspond with the title “King of Italy”. But by the end of August during a meeting with Sola, Zog had asked what would be the position of Rome if he would use the title “King of Albanians”. Sola replied that his government would not change its opinion because of such a small issue, and according to him this title was in full harmony with the situation.70 Thus, Zog asked for Italian support for the new title. Rome, aware that this title could bring benefi ts, assured Zog that he would fi nd its silence. Zog himself thought this title would protect him against internal and external forces that opposed the monarchy. It would even contribute to the weakening of the infl uence that people like Hasan Prishtina enjoyed in Kosovo and in other areas outside of Albania.71 The British did not like the title “King of Albanians” as they were worried about the peace in the Balkans fearing the Yugoslav stance. The British Minister in Tirana, Mr. Seeds, had a meeting with Sola, where he stated that, “... England, more than any other nation in Europe wants peace.”72 In the conversation he added that “... it would be fatal for the peace of the Balkans and Europe if Italy, thanks to the secured positions in Albania, encouraged the irredentism of these people and encouraged in Albania and other parts of Europe the cause of “Greater Albania”. 73 Thus, England feared the spread of irredentist movements and any possible confl icts in the Balkans. Meanwhile, one day before the proclamation of the monarchy Sola telegraphed Rome stating that, “All political circles, even among the general people, are informed that Zog should be called “king of Albanians”. One step backwards seems late now, and if done, it may be prejudiced in the popular conscience that litt le prestige that Zog has managed to strengthen."74 Following the proclamation of the monarchy, on September 5, the fi rst government of the Albanian Kingdom was established with Prime Minister Kostaq Kota75. On December 10, 1928, King Zog I addressed the House of Parliament, where, among

68 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 64, p. 203. 69 Ibidem, p. 289. 70 B. J. Fischer, King Zog and…, cited above, p. 158-159. 71 A. Cici, cited above, p. 163-165. 72 DDI, Settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 41, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 22 January 1928”, p. 45-46. 73 Ibidem, p. 46. 74 DDI, settima serie, Vol. VI, doc. no. 603, “Telegram of Sola for Mussolini dated 31 August 1928”, p. 533. 75 Kastriot Dervishi, Prime ministers and ministers of the Albanian state in 100 years, Tirana: “55”, 2012, p. 21. 97 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 others, he emphasized: “The Royal Government shall continue under its instructions and shall aim for the best relations with its neighbors and of course, with Great Powers and other states, and shall be fully loyal to the League and the accepted principles with the various states and the League of Nations, especially with our Ally, Italy.76 Also, the new regime was urged to reaffi rm the agreements that had previously been signed with the Italian government through a note by the Albanian Foreign Minister Iljaz Vrioni addressed to Italy’s plenipotentiary minister in Albania. Minister Vrioni stressed that “the establishment of the monarchical regime in Albania will tighten and strengthen the ties that unite the two countries and will ensure the continuity of a policy, the fullest expression of which is the alliance between them. The Albanian government will not fail to consult its ally about anything that could aff ect their common interests and act in full agreement with the ally government, especially on all issues related to the situation in the Balkan Peninsula.”77 The proclamation of King Zog was a reaffi rmation of the sovereignty of Albania and as such, Italy, giving support to the change of the constitution, used the opportunity to demonstrate the sincerity of its friendship and its loyalty to the notion of Albania’s independence. Rome felt that a Sovereign could be more diffi cult to be overthrown by foreign intrigues and is less inclined to be subject to foreign infl uence than a president with a limited period of offi ce. 78 The London “Daily Telegraph” newspaper considered Zog as an ambitious man who, without the support of the Italians, would not be able to stand on his insecure throne, and that “... the Italians are happy with the change of regime, as it is bett er from their point of view to deal with a king rather than with parliamentary groups that are as good as sea sand.”79 Like many foreigners, Ms. Edit Durham thought that the monarchy was decided primarily to guarantee Italian interests. She wrote later to a friend: “I've always wondered how King Zog, so ignorant and uncultured, was able to rule with justice, and that is why the Italians left him to become King instead of continuing as president. So that he could be a tool in their hands. He could fall and a bett er man could be elected instead. But as a king, they would always have him in their hands”80 “...the proclamation of Ahmet Zog as Skanderbeg King is considered by French notebooks as the giving a crown to a perfect. It is believed that with royal proclamation, aft er meeting the selfi shness and ambitions of this Albanian, the Italian infl uence in Albania is defi nitely strengthened. The Pact of Tirana gave Italy not only the right to guarantee the territorial integrity of Albania, but also that of the political regime. It said it reserved to Italy the privilege of intervening in Albania if Zog’s government were to be at risk ... In case of any insurgency against the person protected by Palazzo Chigi, this would easily facilitate Italy's diplomatic intervention, as there would be no question of the risk of a government falling down but of the collapse of the ruin of a royal palace” wrote the Greek newspaper “Eleft eron Vima” on September 8, 1928.81 The “Journal de Geneve” wrote that the importance of this event was more of an international nature, as this transformation would be impossible without Italy’s 76 Hysen Selmani, From notations of Zog I king of Albanians, Tirana: Kristalina-KH, 2008, p. 210. 77 Albert Mousset, Albania in front of Europe, Tirana: Dituria, 2004, p. 91-92. 78 Joseph Swire, Albania, the rise of a Kingdom, Tirana: Dituria, 2005, p. 408-409. 79 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 65, p. 387. 80 Miranda Vickers, Albanians, a modern history, Tirana: Bota shqiptare, 2008, p. 197-198. 81 AMFA, Y. 1928, F. 64, p. 386-387. 98 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 consent. According to it, Italy, by giving Zog the title of king, hoped to reassert the meaning of the fi rst article of the Treaty of Tirana signed on November 27, 1926.82 The period between the two world wars, from the point of view of European and Balkan political context, coincided with the increase of monarchical regimes. Though most of the Balkan countries were monarchical regimes at this time, and politically infl uenced by foreign powers, but unlike Albania, which was submitt ed almost entirely to Italy, they maintained intact their sovereignty. However, it may be said that with the proclamation of the monarchy, Zog and Mussolini had reached their goals. R eferences

Archival sources National Central Archive of the Republic of Albania (NCA). Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of the Republic of Albania (AMFA). Foreign Offi ce Archives (FO), London, United Kingdom. Documenti Diplomatici Italiani, Ministero degli Aff ari Esteri, Roma: Istituto Poligrafi co Dello Stato, Sett ima serie: 1922-1935, Volume V. Newspapers and magazines “On the change of regime”, New Century, Durrës: 24 August 1928, no. 49. “Monarchy, Zog I, king of Albanians”, Demokratia, Gjirokastër: 1 September 1928, no. 170. The republican regime may be changed by the Constituent Assembly”, Telegraf, Tirana: 5 August 1928, no. 144. Albania under monarchic regime”, The Voice of Korca, Korça: 25 August 1928, no. 322. Historical literature Cici. Arben, Albanian-Italian relationships during 1920-1934, Tirana: Uetpress, 2013. Dervishi. Kastriot, History of the Albanian State 1912-2005, Tirana: “55”, 2006. Dervishi. Kastriot, Prime ministers and ministers of the Albanian state in 100 years, Tirana: “55”, 2012. Duka. Valentina, History of Albania 1912-2000, Tirana: SHBLU, 2007. Fischer. Bernd J., Balkan’s dictators, Tirana: AIIS, 2008. Fischer. Bernd J., King Zog and the att empts for stability in Albania, Tirana: Çabej, 2004. Frashëri. Kristo, Ahmet Zog, an historic overview, Tirana: M&B Publications, 2014. History of the Albanian People, volume III, Tirana: Toena, 2007. Krasniqi. Afrim, Political systems in Albania, 1912-2008, Tirana: UFO Press, 2009. Albanian Legislators 1912-2005, Tirana: Parliament of Albania, 2005. Milo. Paskal, The Foreign Policy of Albania I (1912-1939), Tirana: Toena, 2013. Mousset. Albert, Albania in front of Europe, Tirana: Dituria, 2004. Omari. Luan, Parliamentary System: the birth and evolution of parliamentarism, Parliament in Albania, Tirana: Elena Gjika, 2000. Puto. Arben, Political Albania 1912-1939, Tirana: Toena, 2009. Selmani. Hysen, From the notations of Zog I king of Albanians, Tirana: Kristalina-KH, 2008. Swire. Joseph, Albania, the rise of a Kingdom, Tirana: Dituria, 2005. Valentina Duka, “From Presidency to Monarchy: Issues of Legitimacy”, in: Historic Studies, no. 1-2, Tirana: Albanian Studies Center, Institute of History, 2010. Vickers. Miranda, Albanians, a modern history, Tirana: Bota shqiptare, 2008. Xhafa. Bajram, “Historical circumstances of the establishment of the Albanian Monarchy”, in: Historic Studies, no. 3-4, Tirana: Albanian Studies Center, Institute of History, 2009. Zejnati. Novruz, Ahmet Zog, a politician or military man?..., Tirana, Globus R, 2005.

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Pasojat psikologjike të fëmij ëve të lindur në një familje me nënën toksikomane

Valbona Kaja Mësuese Matematike,SHMB Remas ,Lushnje

Astrit Bali Mësues Bio-Kimi,SHMB Remas ,Lushnje

Abstrakt

Fëmij ët e lindur në familje me prindër toksikomanë përbëjnë një problematikë dhe shqetësim për shoqërinë tonë,shkaqet e të cilave lidhen me tranzicionin kulturor dhe social të vendit tonë. Toksikomania:në familje nuk është një aksident, as një relike që do të vij ë duke u ulur. Ajo cënon atë që ne quajmë “zhvillim të qëndrueshëm”, i cili i referohet një zhvillimi që plotëson nevojat aktuale pa penguar aft ësine e gjeneratave të ardhshme që vij në të plotësojnë nevojat e tyre .Prandaj, varësia ndaj drogës nga ana e prindërve është quajtur pengesë për zhvillimin normal,social dhe psikologjik të fëmij ëve.Ajo ç’ka e bën një problem urgjent është se zhvillimi i shëndetshëm i fëmij ëve është çështje e të drejtave të njeriut. Sipas Horney, sjellje patogjene të prindërve janë: pesimizmi, mungesa e lumturisë, narcizizëm, ngurtësi dhe abuzim fi zik. Sipas Fromm, prindërit e dashur janë një përjashtim sesa rregull. Me anë të shqyrtimit të kësaj temë le të nxjerrim në pah disa nga pasojat psikologjike e sociale të fëmij ëve të lindur në një familje me nënën toksikomane.

Pak histori dhe refl ektim mbi drogën

Fenomeni i drogës ka ekzistuar që nga kohërat e lashta. Në fakt në qytetërimet e Azisë dhe Amerikës së Jugut droga është përdorur për qëllime fetare , mjekësore dhe relaksim.Evropa perëndimore erdhi në kontakt me drogën vetëm kur Kolombi zbuloi Amerikën ,vetëm një pjesë e vogël e popullsisë së Evropës njihnin dhe përdornin drogë . Droga është përdorur gjerësisht në Evropë vetëm në vitet 800 dhe është përdorur nga artistë, aristokratë dhe nganjëherë edhe nga populli i thjeshtë.Gjatë shekujve përdorimi i drogës është përhapur në mbarë botën dhe kanë lindur lloje të reja të drogës, gjithnjë e më të fuqishme . Kështu u arrit momenti i parë i shpërndarjes së toksikomanisë si fenomen social dhe kulturor në kohët e sotme. Në fi llimin e viteve (50 – 60) në periudhën e krizës së pas luft ës , i cili është një moment historik pasi kemi lindjen e një kulture të re të të rinjve . Një nga rreziqet më të mëdha për shoqërinë e sotme është marrja e substancave kimike të cilat modifi kojnë gjendjen e ndërgjegjes së individit.”Droga” ashtu siç përcaktohet në mënyrë të papërshtatshme “toksikomani”përbën prej disa dekadash dhe disa brezash një problem për të rinjtë,prindërit ,edukatorët dhe familjet.

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Zhvillimi

Fëmij ët e lindur nga nëna toksikomane shfaqin probleme psikologjike dhe sociale (Soëder & Burt, 1980) . Por ç’është toksikomania? Toksikomania është gjendje e një nevoje të shpeshtë dhe të pa kontrollueshme për të marrë një substancë ,pavarësisht nga dëmtimet fi zike ,psikologjike, emocionale apo shoqërore që kjo substancë mund të shkaktojë. Ajo është një sindromë e krij uar nga përdorimi i drogave narkotike dhe substancave psikotrope.

Prindërit toksikomanë dhe fëmij ët e tyre Varësia është një problem tejet i komplikuar dhe mund të jetë totalisht shkatërrues për prindin toksikoman dhe fëmij ën e tij .Ky problem bëhet akoma dhe më i ndërlikuar dhe i dhimshëm kur bëhet fj alë për fëmij ën e toksikomanit që sapo fi llon të plotësoje botën që e rrethon dhe që është në kërkim të feedbackut nga ana e prindërve për të modeluar rolin e të rriturit në jetën e tij . Sipas Erich fromm: “rritja pozitive e një fëmij e është e lehtësuar nga prindërit që janë të ngrohtë ,të dashur dhe jo kërcënues. Por nëse besimi në vetvete do të prekej nga sjellje patogjenike e prindërve ,fëmij a rrezikon të sakrifi koje potencialin e tij të lindur e të shëndetshëm dhe të kërkoje të largohet nga ambjenti familjar” .

Marrëdhënia nënë-fëmij ë Marrëdhënia nënë fëmij ë lind shumë më parë se lindja biologjike e fëmij ës .Kjo lind nga dëshira e gruas; e çift it që të ketë një fëmij ë; por lindja e kësaj dëshire ,themelet e saj emotive janë akoma më antike ,lindin nga raporti nënë –fëmij ë duke përmendur këtu shprehjen e Einnicaott si “nënë mjaft ueshëm e mirë” themelet e saj janë të lidhura me eksperiencën e të qenit më parë e kujdesur ,pra e të qenit ndjerë e dashur,pra nëse amësia biologjike shprehet me lindjen e një fëmij e. Në gruan toksikomane kemi një mungesë të shfaqjes së ngjarjeve paraprake mbi fëmij ën,dhe kemi shpesh paaft ësi për të ndërtuar në nivel mendor një “hapësirë të brendshme” (Erikson,1950) , në të cilën fëmij a mund të zhvillohet ,dhe pa aft ësi për të arritur në një “regression funksional ose fi ziologjik” ,të shtatëzanisë që është ai proçes gjatë të cilit nëna është në gjendje të sintetizohet me fëmij ën duke kodifi kuar , jo tradicionalisht informacionet që vij në nga fetusi.

Adler Ishte i pari që vuri re se si fëmij a sidomos gjatë periudhës së parë të jetës ndjen një situatë të vështirë papërshtatshmërie duke shfaqur si pasojë një nevojë të madhe ndihme . Pra është një situatë që e përkufi zon si “ndjenjë inferioriteti” term nga ai i përdorur për të treguar një gjendje të zakonshme fi ziologjike papërshtatshmërie dhe pasigurie që shfaq fëmij a përballë botës akoma të panjohur, në të cilën jetojnë personazhe më të mëdhenj , më të fortë dhe më me eksperiencë se ai.

Përcaktimi i pasojave psikologjike të fëmij ëve -Ç’rregullimet psikologjike në stadin e fëmij ërisë dhe adoleshencës: Fëmij ëria dhe adoleshenca janë faza të ciklit të jetës në të cilin përballen shumë detyra 101 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 dhe ndryshime të nevojshme për zhvillimin konjitiv afektiv dhe të sjelljes. Fillimi në shkollë, përfshirja me bashkëmoshatarët mësimi i rregullave sociale ,ndryshimet e trupit janë disa nga sfi dat më të rëndësishme . Kur ekzistojnë vështirësitë në procesin e përshtatjes së ndryshimeve , mund të lindin vështirësitë emotive dhe psikologjike , të shfaqura në pjesën më të madhe nga fëmij a dhe adoleshenti jo me fj alë , por me simptoma , sjellje dhe reagime emotive . Disa shenja të vështirësive psikologjike janë : -trishtim ,qarje ,humor depresiv; -shtim ose ulje të gjumit ose të oreksit; -hutim i vazhdueshëm në shkollë; -sjellje regressive , tipike të fazave të hershme të zhvillimit ; -shtim të dembelizmit të mërzisë dhe ulje vëmendjeje;

Kornizë teorike Po të bazohemi tek teoria e atashimit e cila na lejon që të kuptojmë vështirësitë e prindërve dhe të fëmij ëve të tyre në lidhjen reciproke dhe në përfshirjen e një procesi operativ kemi: 1. Cirillo et al…. (1996) thotë :në sistemin familjar të toksikomanisë në asistojme në zhvillimin e një sistemi transgjeneracional lidhjesh që i japin lindje një zinxhiri mungesash. 2. Boëlby(1972-1973) fl et: që njohjet në lidhje me zhvillimin e atashimit mund të na ndihmojnë për të kuptuar problemet që lindin tek fëmij ët e toksikomanëve , por dhe problemet që kanë toksikët në familjen e tyre të origjinës .Pra teoria e atashimit na lejon të kuptojmë botën e brendshme të të rriturit i cili mund të ndërtojë një tregim të eksperiencave të tij ,duke e laboruar për të treguar dhe përfaqësuar ‘veten e tij ” . 3.Ainsëurth (1992) nënvizon se si cilësia e atashimit në një fëmij ë varet nga memorja e tij e marrëdhënieve me nënën dhe me modelet reale të nënës që ka patur në raport me fëmij ën. 4.Gobord(1990) duke ndjekur teorinë e atashimit, varësia nga substancat narkotike ,interpretohet në mënyrë gjithmonë e më të fortë si një simptomë që çon në një pamundësi për rregullimin e emocioneve të zhvilluara brenda marrëdhënieve primare të pasigurta dhe në një bashkëpunim interaktiv , jofunksional me fi gurën e atashimit.

Katër stilet e prindërimit, të zhvilluar nga Diana Baumrind: -stili autoritar (i karakterizuar nga kontrolli dhe distancë afektive) -stili tolerues (stili edukativ tek fëmij a nuk është i përmbajtur ) -stili autoritativ (është stili më i shëndoshi) -stili pasiv ( më pak pozitivi dhe i lënë fëmij et e tyre për të bërë atë që duan )

Ekspozimi pre-natal ndaj drogës Toufexis(1991) shkruan që publiku amerikan ka treguar shqetësime të konsiderueshme mbi pasojat potenciale afatgjata në zhvillimin e fëmij ëve të ekspozuar ndaj abuzimeve me drogë që para lindjes . Soëder dhe Burt: thonë që fëmij ët dhe adoleshentët me prindër të varur nga substancat narkotike ,përbëjnë një rrezik të ri .

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Ekspozimi në një familje me prindër toksikomane Studimet mbi abuzimin e minorenëve që jetojnë në familje me prindër toksikomanë sygjerojnë që këto fëmij ë mund të jenë të ekspozuar në një rrezik më të lartë të keqtrajtimeve (Murphy, Jellinek, Quinn, Smith, Poitrast dhe Gosko, 1991; Mayer & Black, 1977; Soëder & Burt, 1980; Wassserman & Levanthal, 1993). Keqtrajtimi i fëmij ëve lidhet dhe me varfërinë sepse në familje me pozicion social të ulët gjenden më shumë abuzime seksuale (Soëder&Burt,1980). Gjithashtu keqtrajtimi i fëmij ëve duket që është i lidhur me përdorimin e substancave narkotike specifi ke.(Famularo,Kinsherff e Tenton,1992). Dhe së fundmi ekziston një mendim i studiuesve që steriotipat negativ mbi përdorimin e drogave nga prindërit ka ndikuar që të mos jepet ndihmë sociale duke përdorur prindërit dhe fëmij ët e tyre jo korrektësisht nga asistentët socialë (Butler,1995). Nga literatura e trajtuar dalin në pah këto faktor të rëndësishëm: Fëmij ët e toksikodipendentëve në bazë të studimeve kanë më shumë probleme sociale, emotive dhe të sjelljes te fëmij ët e tjerë (Eilens, Biederman, Kiely, Bredin & Spencer, 1995). Këto fëmij ë gjithashtu ,hasin më shumë probleme me marrëdhëniet me bashkëmoshatarët e tyre (Fanshel, 1975, Soëder & Burt 1980). Fëmij ët janë gjetur në marrëdhënie të këqij a në shkollë (Kumpfer & De Marsh, 1986). Janë në rrezik dhe problemet e sjelljes në shkollë me prirjen të humbasin ditët e shkollës (Soëder&Burt,1980).

Fëmij ëria e vonshme dhe adoleshenca Në lidhje me fëmij ërinë e vonshme dhe adoleshencën si pasardhës të përdorimit të drogës nga ana e prindërve ,u kryen disa studime ndër të cilat më i arrituri ishte punimi i Soëder dhe Burt (1980) me fëmij ët tosksidipendentë ndaj heroinës.Fëmij ët e këtij grupi kishin probabilitet më të lartë për të lënë shkollën për shkak të sëmundjeve të ndryshme,si dhe të referonin se kishin marrë konsulencë ,tutoring ose një edukim special (të veçantë).

Gjyshërit e fëmij ëve me prindër toksikoman Duhet thënë që gjyshërit janë bërë kujdestarët e parë të nipërve të tyre kur prindi natyral nuk mundet të sigurojë kujdes të përgjegjshëm.Rastet e kësaj rënie janë kur prindi vuan nga një sëmundje mendore dhe varësia nga droga ose alkooli të cilët janë shkaktuesit e parë dhe më të rëndësishëm që ndihmojnë në lindjen e kësaj tendence (Minkler e Roe,1993), të cilët citojnë toksikodipendencën si një shkak shumë të rëndësishëm të rritjes nën kujdesin e gjyshërve.

Pak njohje mbi çështjen që kam marrë në shqyrtim… Zonja ose nëna e fëmij ës ishte 19 vjeçe në kohën kur vendosi të largohej jashtë Shqipërisë me të fejuarin e saj, për kushte më të mira ekonomike (gjatë viteve 1997- 1998). Por qëndrimi i tyre në Itali nuk zgjati shumë, u kthye në Shqipëri ku gjatë kësaj kohe u bën përdorues heroine, pasi ishin dhe kushtet e punës që u favorizonin këtë gjë. Gjatë dy viteve qëndrim në Shqipëri, zonja ngeli shtatzënë ku dhe lindi fëmij ën, pra Algenin. Pas lindjes, përveç traumës që pësoi, kaloi dhe një tjetër vështirësi siç ishte ajo e braktisjes nga i dashuri. Prandaj dhe më vonë ju desh të sakrifi konte çdo 103 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 gjë për rritjen e fëmij ës pa baba. Por edhe pas ardhjes në jetë të fëmij ës, asgjë nuk e pengoi konsumimin e heroinës…kështu që edukimi, rritja e fëmij ës linte për të dëshiruar, në kujdes të tij do të vinin gjyshërit….

Intervista

Forma e vlerësimit të realizuar është studim rasti. Fillimisht kam kontaktuar me prindin e fëmij ës që do të merrja në intervistë dhe kam marrë aksesin për të kryer këtë studim. Vendosa këto kritere: 1) Të jetë fëmij ë me prindër nënë toksikomane; 2) Ti përkasë moshës 10-15 vjeç; 3) Të jetë i regjistruar në shkollë; 4) Prindi (nëna) të ketë konsumuar substanca narkotike gjatë shtatzanisë. Arrita të bëja disa intervista me fëmij ën nga ku nxora disa pyetje e përgjigje në lidhje me temën në shqyrtim: 1. Si të quajnë? -Mua më quajnë Algen. 2. Sa vjeç je? -Jam 14 vjeç. 3. Në ç’farë klase je, dhe si janë rezultatet e tua në shkollë? -Jam në klasën e tetë, por eee….për shkollën mos më pyet fare. Nuk e kam me dëshirë, nuk më pëlqejnë mësimet e as mësuesit, ato shpesh më qortojnë, pastaj nuk kam asnjë shok të ngushtë, asnjë nuk më do mua. 4. Si janë marrëdhëniet e tua me familjarët? -Do të dëshiroja të kisha shtëpinë time, prindërit e mi, por sa mësohem te shtëpia e gjyshërve duhet të shkoj në shtëpinë tjetër, uff …kështu u lodha! Babain nuk e kam parë ndonjëherë , mami është e sëmurë. 5. Të ndihmon mami për të përgatitur mësimet? -Mami pothuajse nuk është në shtëpi fare, ajo gjithmonë në spital, e sëmurë, mundohet ndonjëherë të më ndihmoj por unë nuk dua, tani më ka futur mami në disa kurse private, jam ndoshta pak më mirë. 6. Kur mami nuk është në shtëpi, të mungon? - Kur isha më i vogël, shpesh herë i thoja mamit : “O mami, po kur do të shërohesh ti? Kur do të njohin ty shokët e mi, si mamaja ime?” …po më mungon shumë, po ndoshta tani jam mësuar me këtë situatë. 7. Të pëlqen të jetosh me gjyshërit? - Po, pothuajse që kur linda me gjyshërit kam jetuar, sa këtu…sa aty! …gëzim i madh, i dua ato pa masë. 8. Kur mamaja jote është sëmurë, mërzitesh…? Si do të pëlqente ty të ishte ajo? - Që kur kam lindur mamaja sëmurë ka qenë, mërzitem shpesh. Kur shkoj të fl e, qaj pa zë….pse dhe mamaja ime mos të jetë si gjithë të tjerat…? Të dalim shëtitje, të hamë ndonjë akullore, apo dhe të udhëtonim në ndonjë shtet …(dhe fëmij es ju mbushën sytë me lot)… Përfundime Fëmij ët me prindër toksikoman kanë pasoja psikologjike dhe sociale të cilat i shfaqin 104 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 si në ambientin familjar ashtu dhe në atë social. Disa pasoja sociale ishin: -Atashim të paorganizuar me nënën e tij gjatë fëmij ërisë së parë. -Shoqërizim të pakët me bashkmoshatarët. -Vuante nga mospërshtatja në ambientin social ku jetonte. -Probleme konjitive. Disa pasoja psikologjike ishin : -Trishtim. -Ulje të orëve të gjumit. -Ulje të oreksit. Në lidhje me këtë temë që po shqyrtojmë arrij më të kuptojmë që fi gura e nënës mungon gjithmonë në shtëpi dhe nuk luan rolin e saj si prind në familje. Në përfundim kemi që fëmij ë të lindur në familje të tilla vuajnë dhe dënohen ndoshta dhe jo për fajin e tyre… Por : - Jo gjithmonë, fëmij ët me probleme ekonomike me prindër me përdorues heroine mund të kenë histori abuzimi fi zik dhe seksual në familje apo histori braktisjeje. Jo gjithmonë fëmij ët e prindërve toksikoman kanë probleme me ligjin për shembull kryejnë akte vandalizmi. Po e mbyll këtë detyrë me shpresën se do të eliminohen sadopak raste të tilla.

Bibliografi a

Cristofani, Valentina. Psicologia delle tossicodipendenze.Roma:Carocci,2011. Costa, Valerio. Droga L'inganno del sintomo.Milano : Aliberti ,2005. Condoleo, Francesca. La droga.Milano : Carocci ,2000. Sydney L, Hans. L'esposizione prenatale della droga : Comportamento Funzionamento nella tarda infanzia e adolescenza : Dipartimento di Psichiatria, Universitá di Chicago. Chicago,2001. Diane M,Hogan. I bisogni sociali e psicologici di fi gli di tossicodipendent. Centro di Ricerca dei Minori :Trinity College di Dublino, 1997. Mary Jane S. Van Meter, Barbara S. Hirshorn. Grandparents Raising Grandchildren: Developing Self-Management,University of Michigan 1999. Cseare Gorrini,Viviana Brera. La droga non ascolta le soff erenze dei genitori tosiccodipendenti e dei loro fi gli. Pavia:Mulino, 2010. Baumrind, D. Child-care practices anteceding three patt erns of preschool behavior. Genetic Psychology Monographs: New York ,1967. Baumrind, D.The infl uence of parenting style on adolescent competence and substance use.Journal of Early Adolescence: New York ,1991. Maccoby,E.E.The role of parents in the socialization of children .An historical overview.:Developmental Psychology: New York,1992. Speltini,G.Minori.disagio e aiuto psicosociale.Mulino :Lecce,2005. Monica Amoruso e Leonardo Duminuco .I genitori tossicodipendenti: Indagine sulla genitorialità dei pazienti tossicodipendenti,Padova 2000 ;48. htt p://translate.google.com/translate?hl=it&langpair=en|it&u=htt p://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Substance_dependence htt p://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Servizio_per_le_tossicodipendenze 105 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Swiss Citizenship

Tanusha Selimi Researcher, PhD candidate, European University of Tirana

Darjel Sina Associate Professor

Abstract

The desire for naturalization and the aspiration to be member with all the eff ects of one society and to participate on the life of the community is a constitutional right of the foreigners who have lived many years inone society1. At the moment that a person is going to present an application for the acquisition of the citizenship of the country where he has been leaving for many years, he declares his goal to be integrated as a member of the society with all the rights and duties that will follow the acquisition of the citizenship of the country. Its means also that the person with the naturalisation has achieved the highest level of integration in the country. At the end of April 2014 there were 1. 906.753 million foreigners in Switzerland, which make 3,3% more than the previos year. The number of citizens outside EU/EFTA was 611.039 (2013 601.388) which is 1.6 % more than the previous year. At the middle of May 2013 until April 2014 there were 151.852 people that have immigrated to Switzerland. The fi rst on line were the people from Kosovo (14.414), aft er them portugals +12.599, germans + 7503, italians +6937 and french+6285. With about 27% of its working-age population being foreign- born, Switzerland has together with Australia and Luxemburg one of the largest immigrant populations in relative terms in the OECD2.

Keywords: immigration, quotas, ius sanguinis, ius solis. *Public Commissioner at Vett ing Institution. Prof. Asoc. Dr. Darjel Sina Gratuated at the National Kapodistrian University of Athens in Law. Post Doc University of Zurich with the Swiss Government Excellence Scholarship

I. Introduction

The writing of this article will be focused on the process of acquisition of the Swiss citizenship and the cases of losing it. The article is structured as follows. The fi rst section outlines the defi nition of the concept of citizenship and will be given a picture of the naturalisation process during the years in Switzerland and OECD countries. This section provides the integration process of immigrants into the Swiss society and the positive impact that naturalisation has itself. On this section it wil be mentioned the dual citizenship in Switzerland and the OECD countries. The second section outlines the international criteria of obtaining citizenship. Switzerland applies the Ius Sanguinis principle on a three institutional level (Federal, cantonal, municipal). It wil be mentioned the ordinary and facilitated acquisition of the Swiss citizenship.

1 Wanner, P. and Steiner, I. (2012). Naturalisation en Suisse-Evolution 1992-2010, p. 19. 2 Liebig, T. et al. (2012), “The labour market integration of immigrants and their children in Switzerland”, OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers No. 128, Directorate for Employment, Labour and Social Affairs, OECD Publishing, pg. 2-4. 106 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

The fi nal section outlines the recommendations about the acquisition system of citizenship in Switzerland.

A. Defi nition of Citizenship The interesson the citizenship is rooted in the reinvigoration of this concept in wider political-philosophical debates on civil society, social cohesion, and communitarianism3.Citizenship in a broad sense, although it remains something of a contested concept4, refers to membership and participation in a community5; additionally, it denotes both entitlements and responsibilities which att ach to the citizens who belong to the said community6.Citizenship is a status, is the legal link between a person and the state. It is oft en understood as including political rights7. Citizenship then, it is the culmination of incorporation into a society8. Bellamy has identifi ed rights, participation and solidarity as the key componentsof contemporary citizenship9.The notion of European Union citizenship10, whichhas its own distinctive features, complements (rather than replaces) national citizenship and is now formally articulated in Articles 17–22 EC as inserted by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992.Many scholars in the migration and ethnic relations fi eld have done in distinguishing diff erent citizenship models or regimes11. These authors have come up with three types of citizenship regimes, each defi ning a specifi c institutional and discursive sett ing for political contention over migration and ethnic relations. The fi rst regime, labeled “ethnic” or “exclusive,” denies migrants and their descendants access to the political community or at least makes such access very diffi cult by way of high (institutional and cultural) barriers to naturalization. Germany is usually the typical example for this model; other examples that are mentioned in the literature include Austria, Switzerland, and Israel. The second type of regime, labeled “assimilationist” or “republican,” and exemplifi ed by France or the old “melting pot” approach in the United States, provides for easy access to citizenship, among other things through jus soli acquisition at birth, but requires from migrants a high degree of assimilation in

3 Walzer, Michael. (1983). Spheres of Justice. New York: Basic Books, p. 98. Schlesinger, Arthur D. 1998. The Disuniting of America: Refl ections on a Multicultural Society. Rev. ed. New York: Norton, p. 56. Steenbergen, Bart van, ed. (1994). The Condition of Citizenship. London: Sage, p.67. 4 Faist, T. (2001). ‘Social Citizenship in the European Union’, Journal of Common Market Studies 39:1, pg. 37–58. 5 Marshall, T.H. (1950), Citizenship and Social Class, p. 78. 6 Kofman, E. (1995), ‘Citizenship for Some but not for Others: Spaces of Citizenship in Contemporary Europe’, Political Geography 14:2, pg. 121–137. 7 Fleiner, Th. Misic, A, Töpperwien, N. (2012), Constitutional Law in Switzerland, p. 189. 8 Curries, S. (2008). Migration, Work and Citizenship in the Enlarged European Union, p. 45. 9 Bellamy, R. (2004), ‘Introduction: The Making of Modern Citizenship, p. 6. 10 Shaw, J. (1997). ‘The Many Pasts and Futures of Citizenship in the European Union’, European Law Review 22:6, pg. 554–572. Shaw, J. (1998), ‘The Interpretation of European Union Citizenship’, Modern Law Review 61:3, pg. 293–317. 11 Castles, Stephen, and Mark Miller. (1993),The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World. London: Macmillan. Kleger, Heinz, and Gianni DAmato. (1995), "Staatsbiirgerschaft und Einbiirgerung—oder: Wer ist ein Burger? Ein Vergleich zwischen Deutschland, Frankreich, undder Schweiz." Journal fur Sozialforschung 35, no. 3/4: 259—98 Smith, David M., and Maurice Blanc. (1996),"Citizenship, Nationality, and EthnicMinorities in Three European Nations." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 20, no. 1: 66-82.Safran, William. (1997), "Citizenship and Nationality in Democratic Systems:Approaches to Defi ning and Acquiring Membership in the Political Community." International Political Science Review 18, no. 3: 313-35. 107 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 the public sphere and gives litt le or no recognition to their cultural diff erences. Third, “multicultural” or “pluralist” regimes, usually including the present day United States, Canada, and Australia and in Europe, Britain, Sweden, and the Netherlands, provide for both easy formal access to citizenship and recognition of the right of ethnic minority groups to maintain their cultural diff erences12. 1.Citizenship in OECD countries In 2008, the total number of acquisitions of the host-country nationality in the OECD area exceeded for the fi rst time 2 million. With 1.05 million (the highest since the beginning of the national statistical series in 1907), naturalisations in the United States accounted for about half of this fi gure13. Canada (176 000) was the second main country in terms of citizenship acquisition, followed by France (137 000), the United Kingdom (129 000) and Australia (121 000)14. In most OECD countries, citizenship take-up is possible aft er about fi ve to eight years. Since the objective is to compare naturalised immigrants with non-naturalised immigrants who are also eligible for acquiring citizenship, the analysis below is limited to immigrants of working-age (15-64 years old) who have at least ten years of residence in the host country15. The largest share of naturalised immigrants can be found in Canada, where almost 90% of immigrants of both genders have naturalised, followed by Sweden16. At the other end of the spectrum is Luxembourg, where only about 12% of immigrant men and 13% of immigrant women have obtained the nationality of the host country. Indeed, the loss of the original nationality tends to be associated with higher costs (in terms of forgone opportunities) for migrants from high-income countries than for immigrants from lower-income countries. One would thus expect immigrants from lower- income countries to be more likely to take-up host-country citizenship. On average for the OECD as a whole 59% of immigrants are naturalised, the share of naturalised immigrants from high-income countries is only 49%. Only four OECD countries, Austria, Canada, the Netherlands and Sweden, have naturalisation rates among immigrants from high-income countries exceeding 50%. Immigrants from Africa and Asia tend to have the highest naturalisation rates. On average, the naturalisation rates for these groups are about 14 percentage points higher than for immigrants as a whole. This seems to be due to the fact that migrants from these countries are oft en refugees and their families, for whom return migration is not an option17. The only group in Spain which has signifi cantly higher naturalisation rates is migrants from Central and South America. Because of their historical, cultural and linguistic ties with Spain, this group has oft en benefi ted from facilitated access to Spanish citizenship. According to the most recent estimates of the Department of Homeland Security, there were about 11 million unauthorised immigrants in the United States in 2009, and 63% of 12 Koopmans, R. Stat, P. Passy, F. (2005), Citizenship, Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe, pg. 8-9. 13 This peak was probably associated with an increase in citizenship fees in 2008, and with immigrants having naturalised in order to be able to participate in the 2008 presidential elections. The number fell back down in 2009, to 774 000, but is still higher than the 660 000 in 2007. 14 Naturalisations in that year were about as large as the level of permanent infl ows in the United States, but only about 80% of the level in France, 2/3 of the level in Australian and Canada and 1/3 of the level of infl ows in the United Kingdom, respectively. 15 Among the countries included in the analysis, only Switzerland has a longer required period of residence (12 years) for the ordinary naturalisation procedure,p. 52. 16 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 27. 17 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 27. 108 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 these had at least nine years of residence18. Of all unauthorised migrants in the United States, 62% were from Mexico and a further 12% from the Central American countries of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. In Belgium and Sweden, there have been large increases for immigrants from non-EU countries, following the introductionof measures to liberalise access to citizenship and/or facilitate dual nationality. In most other countries, with the exception of Denmark (which recorded a drop in naturalisation), the naturalisation rates were broadly unchanged over time)19. While in countries like the Netherlands and Sweden between 75% and 80% of the foreign- born individuals have acquired the citizenship of the host country, the corresponding share in Switzerland is only about 30%20.The clear majority of the non-naturalised immigrants originatedfrom an EU-15 country, while less than 40% of the naturalised immigrants had a citizenship of an EU country. Within the group of naturalised employees individuals from non-EU countries like Sri Lanka, India or Lebanon are overrepresented. Finally, the fi gures show that, on average, immigrants with Swiss citizenship earn higher wages than foreign employees. The descriptive summaries clearly contradict the scenario of a negative selection into citizenship.Access to the host-country nationality is an important instrument of integration policy21. 1.1 The case of Switzerland In Switzerland, there is a debate whether there is a Swiss nation, and therefore whether the Swiss nationality exists. Oft en the Swiss nation is depicted as a Willensnation, a nation based on the will of the people to belong to the State and the nation22. The individual defi nition of a nation normally infl uences the criteria required in order to establish citizenship. Integration is one of the main criteria for naturalization. The citizenship policy is derived from the above mentioned notions that in order to belong to the Swiss State, the person must share and identify with the political values and institutions to such extent that only descent or integration and assimilation into one of the Swiss communities can guarantee23. Switzerland is the country with the highest share of foreigners among OECD countries aft er Luxembourg. However, citizenship take-up in Switzerland is one of the lowest in the OECD.The number of naturalisation applications has increased substantiallyover the past few years in Switzerland24. In 199925, 19,887 applications were registered nationally26. In the year 200027, 21 798

18 Hoefer, M., N. Rytina and B.C. Baker (2010), “Estimates of the Unauthorized ImmigrantPopulation Residing in the United States: January 2009”, Department of Homeland Security, Offi ce of Immigration Statistics, p. 45. 19 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 27. 20 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 148. 21 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 15. 22 Fleiner, Th. Misic, A, Töpperwien, N. (2012), Constitutional Law in Switzerland, p. 190. 23 Fleiner, Th. Misic, A, Töpperwien, N. (2012), Constitutional Law in Switzerland, p. 191. 24 Pascale, P. and Hans-R, W. (2000). Naturalisation au niveau communal (in francese e tedesco). Berna: Commissione federale contro il razzismo (CFR), p. 67. 25 Barbara, B. (1999). Le procedure cantonali di concessione ordinaria della nazionalità a stranieri. Berna: Commissione federale contro il razzismo (CFR), Commissione federale degli stranieri (CFS) e Uffi cio federale degli stranieri (UFDS), p. 34. 26 FFJP, Migration Report 2008, p. 21. 27 Etienne, P. And Philippe, W. (2000). Les naturalisations en Suisse. Différences entre nationalités, cantons et communes, 1981-1998 (in francese). Neuchâtel: Uffi cio federale di statistica (UST), p. 23. 109 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 applications were fi led nationally28. This fi gure surpassed 30. 000 applications (32 318) for the fi rst time in 2004. The rise in the number of naturalisations granted over the lastfew years refl ects the fact that many foreign nationals have happily sett led in Switzerland29. Of the 45042 people who obtainedSwiss citizenship in 2007, 77% did so via the regular proceedings. 9987 candidates benefi ted from the facilitated proceedings due to the fact that they were related to a Swiss citizen.In 2008, 34,965 6 applications were registered, sett ing a new record in the number of applications.In 2009, the FOM received 30. 046 applications30. In 2010, there were 26. 554 applications. In 2011, the FOM received 26. 102 applications and in the year 2012, the fi gure fell further to 24. 806 applications. The decrease was mainly observed in relation to the standard nationalisation procedure. This was mainly caused by the fact that several cantons raised their integration requirements (e.g. mandatory language courses). In 2012, 35.056 persons were granted Swiss citizenship. This corresponds to a decrease of around 7.5 % with respect to the previous year (37.893 persons). According to the Swiss Federal Statistical Offi ce, the proportion of children and young people awarded Swiss citizenship rose steadily, from 28% in 1990 to around 40% in 2006. Around 70% of under-19s who were granted Swiss citizenship were born in Switzerland31.More young women tend to apply for Swiss citizenship than young men32.Since Germany now allows its citizens to hold dual nationality (since August 2007), the number of German nationals requesting information on Swiss naturalisation conditions from the FOM has soared33.The strong increase in the number of incoming applications over the past few years may be explained by the following factors: 1.More than 700,000 legally resident foreigners in Switzerland currently meet the residency requirements of 12 years for the standard naturalisation procedure and may therefore submit a corresponding application. 2. Following court decisions of the Federal court on 9 July 2003, are not more allowed collective naturalisations. Collective decisions can be taken, but they have to respect the fundamental rights. Cantons and Municipalities have to motivate their decisions of not approval of citizenship34. 3. The costs of the standard naturalisation procedure have been drastically reduced since 1 January 2006, when a measure was introduced to ensure that the fees charged could not exceed the actual cost of the naturalization procedure itself. 4. Since 28 August 2007, German nationals will no longer lose their German citizenship if they acquire citizenship from another EU member state or Switzerland. On 1 June 2008, with 63.8% of votes, the popular initiative “for democratic naturalisations” was rejected by all cantons, with the exception of Schwyz. This popular initiative would have allowed municipal authorities to decide which body would be responsible for naturalisation. It would also have made naturalisation decisions fi nal, i.e. no longer

28 FFJP, Migration Report 2012, p. 24. 29 FFJP, Migration Report 2007, p. 41. 30 Wanner, P. and Steiner, I. (2012). Naturalisation en Suisse-Evolution 1992-2010.p. 22. 31 Wanner, P. and Steiner, I. (2012). Naturalisation en Suisse-Evolution 1992-2010,pg.20-21. 32 Steinhardt, M.F. and J. Wedemeier (2010), “The Naturalisation of First GenerationImmigrants in Switzerland – New Evidence from the Swiss Labor Force Survey”, mimeo. 33 The same phenomenon was observed back in 1992 when Italy allowed its citizens to have dual nationality; in subsequent years the number of new Italian nationals who were granted Swiss citizenship tripled. 34 Decisionsof the Federal Court 9 July 2003 (1P.1/2003sta e 1P.228/2002sta). 110 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 subject to appeal. Following rejection of this popular initiative, an indirect counter- proposal came into force on 1 January 2009. From now on, naturalisation applicants who have grounds to suspect that their applications were rejected in a discriminatory or arbitrary manner may submit their case for investigation by a cantonal court. 5. From 1 January 2009 the Cantons can appeal the federal decisions and for this reason they will institute some offi ce, which will deal with the appeals35. 6. From 12 June 2012 the Federal Court has a greater jurisdiction. Its intervention are no longer limited in cases where the rejection of naturalization has an underlying or insuffi cient motivation, but today the court can judge also cases were to the applicant is denied the citizenship concerning the scale of integration36. 1.2 Access to Swiss Nationality and the Positiv Impac of Naturalisation There were some att empts to reform the Act on Foreign Nationals in 1978 and three att empts to facilitate the naturalisation of children of immigrants in 1983 and 1994, 2004, which failed to pass the popular vote.In spite of these failed fundamental reforms, there have been a number of important modifi cations of the access to citizenship, since 2004 which also liberalised access to Swiss citizenship.The most important one was the 2006 reform that cantons and municipalities cannot require naturalisation fees which exceed procedural costs. Prior to this, fees could amount in some municipalities to up to several thousand Swiss Francs. A fundamental reform of citizenship legislation is currently in preparation. Among the changes that are being considered is a reduction of the residence requirement for the ordinary naturalisation procedure from twelve to eight years and limits on cantonal and municipal residence requirements. If the reform passes, access to Swiss nationality would still be more diffi cult than access to nationality in most other OECD countries, but Switzerland would be more in line with practices in other OECD countries. Switzerland is among the OECD countries in which foreigners face particularly diffi cult conditions for naturalisation. The residence requirement for the ordinary naturalisation procedure is twelve years37, and thus considerably higher than in other OECD countries where it is generally between fi ve and eight years38. Access to the host-country nationality is an important instrument of integration policy39. OECD has shown that naturalisation tends to have a positive impact on immigrants’ labour market outcomes through a number of channels40. In spring 2007, the FOM submitt ed its “Report on outstanding questions with regard to naturalisation” to the Federal Council41. The report contains the following recommendations: 1. In terms of regular naturalisation, the cantons are recommended to simplify and

35 Wanner, P. and Steiner, I. (2012). Naturalisation en Suisse-Evolution 1992-2010, p.22. 36 Federal court decisions on 12.June 2012 (1D_5/2011 e 1D_6/2011). 37 Guimezanes, N. (2011). The Current Status of Nationality Law, in Naturalisation, A Passport for better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 43. 38 Liebig, T. (2012), “The labour market integration of immigrants and their children in Switzerland”,p. 51. 39 OECD (2011a), p. 54. 40 Liebig, T. (2012), “The labour market integration of immigrants and their children in Switzerland”, p. 50. Steinhardt, M.F. (2008), “Does Citizenship Matter? The Economic Impact ofNaturalisation in Germany”, Centro Studi Luca d’Agliano (LdA), Development Studies Working Paper No. 266, Milan, p.43. 41 Wichmann, N. Hermann, M, D’Amato, G, Efi onayi- Mäder D., Fibbi, R., Menet, J. e Ruedin, D. (2011). Margine di manovra nel federalismo: la politica migratoria nei Cantoni (in francese e tedesco con riassunto in italiano). Berna: Commissione federale della migrazione (CFM), p. 56. 111 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 tighten up their procedures42. Furthermore, eff orts should be made to clearly defi ne federal, cantonal and communal responsibilities43. Both these measures will increase effi ciency and reduce costs44. 2. Swiss citizenship obtained abusively is to be revoked within eight years instead of the current fi ve years. A parliamentary initiative which is currently in abeyance pursues the same objective. 3. Negative naturalisation decisions must be justifi ed. The Pfi sterer parliamentary initiative, which also covers this issue, has received the backing of the Federal Council. 4. The report recommends that the current right to dual nationality is to remain unchanged and that multiple nationality should continue to be recognised. 5. The cantons have considerable room for manoeuvre with regard the facilitation of young secondand third-generation foreign nationals without, however, infringing on the minimum requirements of federal legislation. In March 2007 the Federal Council issued two recommendations based on the report’s fi ndings45. First, it advised cantons to change their current regulations on dual nationality in the sense set out in the report. Second, it recommended that the cantons harmonise their statutory residence periods, which would then be writt en into the federal legislation. 1.3 Dual Citizenship While western European countries oft en allow dual nationality, the new EU countriesare oft en hostile to the concept, either out of principle or for reasons related to their recent history. Dual nationality is hardly a new issue a number of international conventions have att empted to establish rules in this regard. The Hague Convention of 12 April 1930, for example, declared that “it is in the general interest of the international community to secure that all its members should recognise that every person should have a nationality and should have one nationality only”. Multiple nationalities have thus been regarded as a source of tension between countries. It was to remedy this matt er that the countries of the Council of Europe adopted the Convention of 6 May 1963 on the Reduction of Cases of Multiple Nationality and on Military Obligations46. These provisions posed problems of application, and some countries in fact did notapply the Convention, in the end denouncing it (Germany 42 A livello di agglomerati, quelli di Zurigo, Ginevra e Berna presen tano il maggior numero di naturalizzazioni su 100 abi tanti.Tra i Cantoni, i tassi più alti tra il 1992 e il 1998 si attestavano a Nidvaldo, seguito da Ginevra; 12 anni dopo (periodo 2005–2010), è il Cantone di Zurigo ad essere passato in testa con il 3,5 per cento, seguito immediata mente da Berna, Appenzello Interno e Ginevra, dove si registrano tassi di oltre il tre per cento.Infi ne, i tassi variabili di naturalizzazione nei Cantoni e nei Comuni confermano la necessità di uniformare le procedure al fi ne di garantire a tutti gli stranieri le stesse possibilità di acquisire la cittadinanza svizzera. 43 Tropea, D. (2003). Naturalisation au Tessin. De la théorie aux pratiques. Mémoire de licence (in francese). Università di Neu chattel, p. 49. 44 Tappenbeck, Ch. (2011). Das Bürgerrecht in der Schweiz und seine persönlichkeitsrechtliche Dimension (in tedesco) Zurigo, Basilea, Ginevra: Schulthess Juristisches Medien AG, p. 87. 45 Steinhardt, M.F., T. Straubhaar and J. Wedemeier, J. (2009), “Studie zur Einbürgerung und Integration in der Schweiz: Eine arbeitsmarktbezogene Analyse der Schweizerischen Arbeitskräfteerhebung”, Study for the Swiss Federal Offi ce for Migration, p 34. 46 This Convention has been signed and ratifi ed by the following countries: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. It was amended and supplemented by two protocols of 24 November 1977 (eight ratifi cations: Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom) and 2 February 1993 (three ratifi cations: France, Italy, Netherlands). The protocol of 2 February 1993 adopts a concept opposite to that enshrined in the 1963 Convention. 112 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 in 2001) or denouncing only Chapter 1 (Belgium in 2007, France in 2008, Italy and Luxembourg in 2009)47.The Convention of 6 November 1997 thus contributes to greater harmonisation ofl egislation among ratifying countries.Dual citizenship arise due to jus sanguinis, when a child is born to parents of diff erent citizenships, or by the combination of jus sanguinis and jus soli48, where the person receives both the parent’s citizenship and that of the country of birth. Less frequent is the application of jus matrimonii, under which persons automatically receive the citizenship of their spouse upon marriage and the reacquisition of citizenship by ethnic minorities migrating to the country of their ancestors, a special case of jus sanguinis that has nevertheless been an important channel in some countries such as Germany just prior and aft er the fall of the Iron Curtain. Dual citizenship generally implies reciprocal recognition. Both the destination and the origin country must allow dual citizenship. Where dual citizenship is not permitt ed, anyone applying for citizenship in another country automatically loses the original citizenship (e.g. in Japan), at least in principle, or the renunciation of the former citizenship is a requirement to obtain the passport of the host country (e.g. in Germany; renunciation can also be requested in Italy). If, however, the person has involuntarily acquired dual citizenship, such as in the case of jus solis, or as a child of parents with two diff erent citizenships, dual citizenship is generally allowed until the age of majority. Finally, it is worth mentioning the impact of European citizenship, which derivesfrom possession of the nationality of a member country. Conversely, loss of nationality of a member country entails loss of European citizenship, which may cause diffi culties, as illustrated in the recent decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union of 2 March 2010, where an Austrian acquired German nationality and thereby lost his Austrian nationality, but was subsequently stripped of his German nationality because of fraud and found himself stateless49. It is the nationality of the EU member country that must prevail over that of a third country, even at the expense of the principle of eff ectiveness50. This jurisprudence thus constitutes a relative limitation on member country discretion over its nationality law. It also testifi es to the impact, perhaps unexpected, that the concept of European citizenship has on nationality.Recently, there has been a tendency toaccept dual nationality, especially when giving up the origin-country nationality has negative consequences for immigrants, in particular those who have maintained links (including physical investment) with their countries of origin. Indeed, legislation in origin countries concerning dual nationality seems to be oft en 47 It has been signed by 19 States (including France, Greece, Italy, Latvia, Luxembourg and Malta) but ratifi ed by only 12: Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Norway, Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovak Republic and Sweden. 48 Apap, J. (2002). The rights of immigrants workers in the European Union, pg. 172-173.Cataluna implements the politics of jus soli, that is, the children of immigrants born in Cataluna (including other Spaniards) are considered as Catalans. 49 The case Rottmann C-135/08, published in the Offi cial Journal of the European Union, No. C 113, 1 May 2010, p. 4. The Court held that, while nationality is the exclusive competence of countries, withdrawal of nationality by a member country must respect the principle of proportionality. Withdrawal of nationality for a minor offence constitutes a disproportionate attack on the rights inherent in European citizenship. 50 The case Micheletti, judgement of the European Court of Justice on 7 July 1992, case C-369-90. This same principle must also be taken into consideration if the person seeks restoration of his original nationality. It is also worth recalling the solution handed down by the Court for cases where a national judge must choose the nationality of a person who holds the nationality of a country of the European Union and that of a third country. 113 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 just as important a determinant of migrants’ take-up of host-country nationality as the conditions for access to citizenship in the destination countries. The percentage of immigrants with long-term residence who take up the nationality of the host country varies widely across OECD countries: Canada, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Norway have relatively high rates, whereas in Luxembourg, Switzerland, and Germany few immigrants naturalise51. The Netherlands made access to dual nationality more restrictive in 1997, but in practice the majority of immigrants still keep their original nationality52. More generally, the de facto tolerance of dual citizenship may oft en diff er from the de iure situation. People may keep both passports even when required to renounce one, particularly where there is no bilateral administrative verifi cation, which is generally the case. In spite of this ongoing debate, as seen above, the overall trend is inpractice towards tolerating multiple dual citizenship may be perceived as a way for thehost country to att ract and retain migrants, particularly those who are highly-skilled53. The extent to which this is the case is not known. Data on dual citizenship status are scarce and empirical evidence on its eff ects is thus rare. The scarce empiricalstudies deal with the political integration of dual citizensor other social aspects54. Bloemraad showed that dual citizenship was negatively correlated with ties to the host country (Canada), but at the same time a strong positive correlation between dual citizenship and the level of education was observed55. Staton observed a lack of “political connectedness” of Latino dual citizens to the United States, as measured by their self-identifi cation as “Americans” and electoral participation, among others56. This has to be weighed against the fact that facilitated access to dual nationality tends to increase naturalisation. Increased naturalisation rates when dual citizenship was introduced were observed in the United States for immigrants from Latin America and in the Netherlands57. The selectivity concerns not only education, 51 Many OECD countries allow both immigrants and emigrants who naturalise abroad to keep the citizenship of the origin country, especially countries with a long history of immigration, such as the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and France. Other countries have also recently liberalised their citizenship laws to allow multiple citizenship. Examples are Sweden (2001), Australia (2002), Finland (2003) and Belgium (2008). Other countries maintain restrictions on dual citizenship but increasingly admit some fl exibility, such as Austria and Germany. Exceptions in the regulation of non-tolerating countries have been growing e.g. in cases when release from the former citizenship is refused or is coupled with prohibitive conditions, or when the applicant can argue that he or she would incur a loss of property, etc. 52 Van Oers, R., B. de Hart and K. Groenendijk (2006), “The Netherlands”, in R. Bauböck,E. Ersbøll, K. Groenendijk and H. Waldrauch (eds.), Acquisition and Loss of Nationality, Amsterdam University Press, pp. 393-436. 53 Brøndsted Sejersen, T. (2008), “I Vow to Thee My Countries’ – The Expansion of DualCitizenship in the 21st Century”, International Migration Review, Vol. 42, No. 3, pp. 523-549. Blatter, J., S. Erdmann and K. Schwanke (2009), “Acceptance of Dual Citizenship: Empirical Data and Political Contexts”, Working Paper Series “Global Governance and Democracy”, No. 02, Institute of Political Science, University of Lucerne, www.unilu.ch/fi les/Acceptance-of-Dual-Citizenship-wp02.pdf, retrieved 18/02/2010. 54 Staton, J.K., R. Jackson and D. Canache (2007), “Dual Nationality Among Latinos: WhatAre the Implications for Political Connectedness?”, Journal of Politics, Vol. 69, pp. 470-482. 55 Bloemraad, I. (2004), “Who Claims Dual Citizenship? The Limits of Postnationalism, thePossibilities of Transnationalism, and the Persistence of Traditional Citizenship”, International Migration Review, Vol. 38, pp. 389-426. 56 Staton, J.K., R. Jackson and D. Canache (2007), “Dual Nationality Among Latinos: WhatAre the Implications for Political Connectedness?”, Journal of Politics, Vol. 69, pp. 470-482. 57 Mazzolari, F. (2009), “Dual Citizenship Rights: Do They Make More and RicherCitizens?”, Demography, Vol. 46, No. 1, pp. 169-191. Bevelander, P. and J. Veenman (2008), “Naturalisation and Socioeconomic Integration: The Case of the Netherlands”, in P. Bevelander and D.J. DeVoretz (eds.): The Economics of 114 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 but also other observed characteristics such as age and previous work experience, not to mention unobserved characteristics such as innate ability or motivation58.

II. Swiss Citizenship

A. Constitutional Provision of obtaining Swiss Citizenship According to the Swiss Federal Constitutional of 1999, it is the federal level, which establishes the rules concerning the obtaining and reinstating of Swiss citizenship through status like birth, marriage and adoption. The cantons are in charge of ordinary naturalizations59, however, the federal level sets minimum requirements for naturalizations by the cantons60. The most important federal source next to the Constitution is the Federal Act on the Obtaining and Loss of Swiss Citizenship of 29 September 195261.Switzerland is the extreme case when it comes to the number of years an immigrant has to wait before naturalization can be requested. Federal law requires a residence period of at least twelve years, but since naturalization is a conjoint prerogative of the cantons and local government, they can stipulate additional waiting times. France, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands stand at the other extreme and require a residence period of only fi ve years. Germany is in an intermediary position. Since the liberalization of the Nationality Law in 2000, a minimum of eight years of residence is required, as against ten years before that date62. 1.Swiss Citizenship based on Ius Sanguinis principle In principle, Switzerland accords citizenship based on the ius sanguinis principle and on some indicators63. Citizenship is accorded based on descent, rather than the place of birth. As a rule, children of a married couple, of which at least one of the spouses is Swiss, automatically receives Swiss citizenship. Any child born to a Swiss woman will receive Swiss citizenship, irrespective of the citizenship of the father or the marital status of the parents. In addition to the Swiss citizenship the child automatically also receives cantonal and municipal citizenship. If the parents marry later, the child loses the mother’s cantonal and municipal citizenship and gets the father’s instead64. The adoption of a minor child will lead to the ascription of a Swiss citizenship as if the Citizenship, Malmö University, Malmö, pp. 65-88. OECD (2008b), Jobs for Immigrants (Vol. 2): Labour Market Integration in Belgium, France, the Netherlands and Portugal, OECD Publishing, Paris. 58 DeVoretz, D.J. and S. Pivnenko (2008), “The Economic Determinants and Consequencesof Canadian Citizenship Ascension”, in P. Bevelander and D.J. DeVoretz (eds.), The Economics of Citizenship, Malmö University, Malmö, pp. 21-61. 59 Art. 38 92) .It shall legislate on the minimum requirements for the naturalisation of foreignnationals by the Cantons and grant naturalisation permits. 60 Art. 38 (1) of the Swiss Constitution. 1 The Confederation shall regulate the acquisition and deprivation of citizenship by birth, marriage or adoption. It shall also regulate the deprivation of Swiss citizenship on other grounds, together with the reinstatement of citizenship. 61 Swiss Citizenship Act, SCA of 1952. 62 Koopmans, R. Stat, P. Passy, F. (2005), Citizenship, Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe, p. 35. 63 Number of years of residence before naturalization can be requested 2. Welfare and social security dependence as an obstacle to naturalization 3. Automatic attribution or facilitated naturalization for the second generation 4. Allowance of double nationality 5. Privileged access to nationality for co-ethnics 6. Actual naturalization rates. 64 Art. 4 of the Federal CitizenshipAct. 1 On acquiring Swiss citizenship, a child acquires the Swiss parent's cantonal and communal citizenship. 2 If both parents are Swiss, the child acquires the cantonal and communal citizenship of the parent whose surname the child uses. 115 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 child had been born to the person or persons who adopted it65. Marriage has no direct infl uence on citizenship, but it gives access to a facilitated naturalization for a spouse of Swiss citizens, male and female. The spouse can obtain Swiss citizenship aft er three years of marriage when he/she has lived a total of fi ve years in Switzerland and resided there at least the year prior to naturalization66. When the couple does not live in Switzerland, the spouse can receive Swiss citizenship aft er six years of marriage when he/she has connection to Switzerland67. Marriage and divorce do not lead to the loss of citizenship. 1.1.Three Level Citizenship A unique feature of Swiss nationality is the fact that it is three-tiered68. Every Swiss citizen has at least three citizenships69. He/she is a citizen of Switzerland, of a canton and of a municipality. Although these three citizenships are distinguishable, they also form a unity, and cantonal and federal citizenship cannot be obtained without municipal citizenship. Cantonal citizenship derives from municipal citizenship, and cantonal and municipal citizenship are a necessity for federal citizenship. According to Article 37 (1) of the Swiss Constitution, every person in possession of citizenship of a municipality and of the canton to which they belong has Swiss citizenship70. As a result, only slightly more than one third of all immigrants with more than ten years of residence in Switzerland have Swiss citizenship, compared with the OECD average of more than 60%. Only Luxembourg has a lower percentage of long-term residents who have not naturalised. As a result of the stringent naturalisation policy and longstanding immigration, more than 6% of the native-born population do not have a Swiss passport. Indeed, among the OECD countries for which comparable data on the nationality of the native-born off spring of immigrants are available, Switzerland has the lowest percentage of those who have naturalized. 1. 2Types of Acquisition of the Nationality Internationally 1.2.1 Acquisition of nationality at birth The conventional criteria for att ributing nationality at birth jus sanguinis (“Law ofb lood”) and jus soli are still in play, but there is a clear trend towards more frequent coexistence of these two criteria or, more precisely, towards the adoption of jus soli by certain countries. Germany, which traditionally applied jus sanguinis, introduced an element of jus soli in 2000, when it provided that a child born of foreign parents would automatically acquire German nationality at birth, if at that time one of its parents had been living in Germanyhabitually and legally for at least eight years and had permanent residency rights or had been in possession of an indefi nite stay permit 65 Fleiner, Th. Misic, A, Töpperwien, N, (2012), Constitutional Law in Switzerland, p. 192. 66 Art. 27 of the Federal Citizenship Act (1). After marrying a Swiss citizen, a foreign national may apply for simplifi ed naturalisation if he or she: a. has lived for a total of fi ve years in Switzerland; b. has lived in Switzerland for a year and c. has lived in matrimony with the Swiss citizen for three years. 2 The applicant is granted the same cantonal and communal citizenship as that held by his or her Swiss spouse. 67 Art. 28 of the Federal Citizenship Act (1). The foreign spouse of a Swiss citizen who lives or has lived abroad may apply for simplifi ed naturalisation if he or she: a. has lived for six years in matrimony with the Swiss citizen and b. has close ties with Switzerland. 2 The applicant is granted the same cantonal and communal citizenship as that held by his or her Swiss spouse. 68 Wanner, P. and Steiner, S. (2012), La naturalizzazione in Svizzera.Evoluzione 1992–2010. (2012), Istituto di studi demografi ci e dei percorsi di vita (I-Demo) Università di Ginevra, Commissione federale della migrazione CFM, p. 5. 69 Caroni, M. Meyer, D. T. Ott, L. (2009). Migrationsrecht, p. 233. 70 Fleiner, Th. Misic, A, Töpperwien, N, (2012).Constitutional Law in Switzerland, p. 191. 116 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 for at least three months71. That child will generally acquire its parents’ nationality as well, thereby creating a case of dual nationality. In 2010 Greece also introduced jus soli into its law, but this Law was declared unconstitutional from the Greek court in 201372. In other countries, adoption does not have an automatic eff ect onnationality, but this may be acquired through simplifi ed naturalization. A foreign child adopted by a national acquires the adopting parent’s nationality in most countries. In other countries, adoption does not have an automatic eff ect on nationality, but this may be acquired through simplifi ed naturalization73. Some countries do not recognise any particular eff ects on the adopted child’s nationality7475. The jus sanguinis rule has been adopted by a majority of countries76, while the jus soli rule prevails in only a minority77. The remaining countries more than a third of thoseexamined combine the two rules to varying degrees78. In some countries, nationality will be recognised under the “two generations” rule79. Some countries also provide that, when only one parent has their nationality, the child must be born in the country in order to be recognised as a national80, or they will require birth in the country and residency by the parents for a specifi ed period of time prior to the birth81, or they may take into account a parent’s nationality only for a child born outside the country82.It should be noted that, whatever the rule in force, a child found in the territory (a foundling) will be awarded, at least temporarily, the nationality of the country in which it was found83.. 1.3Acquisition of Nationality by Naturalisation 1.3. 1 The defi nition of “naturalisation” The acquisition of nationality may occur automatically (mainly at birth) or uponapplication84. Nationality acquisition is a crucial determinant of migrants’ access 71 Welte, P. H. (2000). Ausländerrecht, p. 35. 72 http://www.grreporter.info/en/supreme_court_cancels_law_acquisition_greek_citizenship/8683. Greek nationality may be granted, upon request, to the children of immigrants who are born in Greece and whose parents have been living there permanently and legally for fi ve years, as well as to the children of immigrants who have been enrolled for six years in a Greek education establishment. As well, all children of immigrants who have been enrolled in a Greek education establishment for three years may apply for Greek nationality at the age of majority. There are also special provisions to facilitate the granting of Greek nationality to the children of immigrants who were born in Greece and are already adults. A foreign child adopted by a national acquires the adopting parent's nationality in most countries. 73 Austria, Bulgaria, Canada, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Japan, New Zealand. 74 Fougère, D. and M. Safi (2006), “L’acquisition de la nationalité française : quels effets sur l’accès à l’emploi des immigrés ?”, France, portrait social, INSEE, Edition 2005- 2006, pp. 163-184. 75 Turkey. 76 Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Slovak Republic, Sweden, Switzerland. 77 Australia, Cyprus, Malta, United Kingdom, United States. 78 Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Cyprus, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Netherlands, New Zealand, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Sweden, Turkey. 79 Double naissance”, i.e., the case where the child is born in a country in which at least one of its parents was also born, and automatically acquires the nationality of that country at birth. Belgium, France, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain. 80 Canada, Cyprus, Denmark, Latvia, United Kingdom, Sweden. 81 Belgium, Greece (fi ve years), Germany (eight years or three years of residency), Ireland (four years), Portugal (ten years or six years). 82 New Zealand, United Kingdom, United States. 83 As an exception to this rule, Estonia requires a court ruling. 84 A comprehensive glossary on defi nitions related to citizenship and naturalisation in Europe is provided by the European Union Democracy Observatory on Citizenship (http://eudo-citizenship.eu/citizenship- 117 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 to citizenship rights, since it entails that migrants become fully equal before the law. Naturalisation is generally understood as the non-automatic acquisition of citizenship by an individual who was not a citizen of that country when he or she was born. It requires an application by the immigrant and an act of granting by the host country85. In 2008 inGermany86, 21% of all citizenship acquisitions were att ributable to marriage or an extension of nationality to relatives of the principal applicant87. A similar result is found for Switzerland, where almost 18% of all citizenship acquisitions took place via socalled simplifi ed naturalisation procedures, which apply in the case of marriage and for children of Swiss citizens88. Likewise, in the United Kingdom, 22% of all citizenships were granted on the basis of marriage89.Naturalisation is a recognised procedure in all countries. It stems from thediscretionary competence of countries to decide in light of their interests, which may beeither to increase the number of their nationals or to limit it, or to allow the integration of immigrants who have lived in their territory for a certain period of time. “Ordinary” naturalisation requires a certain number of conditions “simplifi ed” naturalisation does not require all such conditions.In fact, while the rights of foreigners are for the most part equivalent to those ofnationals, there are some areas where their status is not the same: political rights, and sometimes the right to practice certain professions90.For many countries the question of acquisition of citizenship is deemed suffi ciently important to becovered in the Constitution91. In most of these cases the Constitution limits itself to establishing principles to be interpreted in legislation governing nationality. Some countries have amended their nationality legislation over the past decade. This process is still underway, since Greece has just made changes (the law was proclaimed as unconstitutional), and amendments are now underway in Belgium,

glossary/89). 85 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 25. 86 Achermann, A. Caroni, M. Kälin; W. (2011-2012). Jahrbuch für Annuaire du droit, Uebersax, P. Das neue Aufenthaltsgesetz in Deutschland. Zwischenbilanz und Trends, p. 63-81. 87 The latter refers to a case where the spouse and/or the children of an applicant acquire citizenship simultaneously with the person who naturalises (Federal Statistical Offi ce Germany, 2009). 88 Steinhardt, M.F., T. Straubhaar and J. Wedemeier, J. (2009), “Studie zur Einbürgerung und Integration in der Schweiz: Eine arbeitsmarktbezogene Analyse der Schweizerischen Arbeitskräfteerhebung”, Study for the Swiss Federal Offi ce for Migration, p. 58. 89 Home Offi ce (2009), “British Citizenship Statistics United Kingdom 2008”, StatisticalBulletin, No. 09/09. 90 OECD. (2011), Naturalisation: A Passport for the better Integration of Immigrants, OECD Publishing, p. 69. 91 Belgium article 8, Bulgaria article 25, Cyprus* article 14, Czech Republic article 12, Estonia paragraph 8, Finland article 5, Germany article 16, Greece article 4, Hungary article 69, Ireland article 2, Italy article 22, Lithuania article 12, Luxembourg articles 9 and 10, Malta articles 22 to 31, Netherlands article 2, Poland article 34, Portugal articles 4 and 15, Romania article 5, Slovak Republic article 51, Slovenia articles 1 and 2, Spain article 11, Sweden Chapter 8, article 2, Switzerland Chapter 2, Turkey article 66, United States 14th Amendment. * Note by Turkey: The information in this chapter with reference to “Cyprus” relates to the southern part of the Island. There is no single authority representing both Turkish and Greek Cypriot people on the Island. Turkey recognises the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Until a lasting and equitable solution is foundwithin the context of United Nations, Turkey shall preserve its position concerning the “Cyprus issue”. Note by all the European Union member countries of the OECD and the European Commission: The Republic of Cyprus is recognised by all members of the United Nations with the exception of Turkey. The information in this chapter relates to the area under the effective control of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus. 118 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

Poland92and Switzerland93.France and the Netherlands since 2003, Denmark and the United Kingdomsince 2005, United States amendments in 2008, or the recent creation of a citizenship award ceremony: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, New Zealand, Norway, Netherlands, United Kingdom). 1.3.2International Criteria of Naturalisation Age and Residence All countries set a minimum age which is in principle that of majority, i.e. 18 years(20 years for Japan). Some countries however allow the application for naturalisation to be submitt ed earlier, at 16 years in Germany and New Zealand and at 15 years in Estonia and Latvia.Regular residence in the territory for a specifi ed length of time is always required, butt he defi nition of residence is one of the areas in which there are the greatest disparities. Length of residence is sometimes counted from the issuance of a permanent residency permit, but this permit is obtained only aft er fi ve years of regular stay, which has the eff ect of extending the required duration94. Some countries impose an additional waiting period aft er submission of the application for naturalization95.The required term of residence ranges from 12 years for Switzerland to three years for Canada (of which two years as a permanent resident)96.The required length of residency refl ects a country’s overall policy, which may bemore or less favourable to receiving new citizens. The required residency duration has been extended in six countries97, while it has been shortened in three other countries (from an admitt edly long ten years)98.The residency requirement may also be reduced or even waived in certain situations where the individual is presumed to have achieved linguistic and cultural integration (common language or education in the culture of the country in which naturalisation is sought. Knowledge of the language and Institutions All countries impose this requirement, except Sweden. Knowledge of the language is taken as evidence that the candidate is integrated into the society he seeks to join. Somecountries have an express requirement for integration into the life of the country, which they defi ne to include knowledge of the language99.In a similar vein, knowledge of national institutions (Constitution, rights and duties,the national anthem etc.) is required under the heading of the “citizenship test” in a growing number of countres100. Means of support 92 On 4 April 2010 the Polish parliament voted a law, which is now awaiting signature by the President to bring it into force. 93 A draft nationality reform bill was submitted for consultation on 16 December 2009. 94 For example fi ve years + fi ve years for Bulgaria and Poland. 95 For example Cyprus, Estonia, Ireland and Malta add one year. 96 Austria, Bulgaria, Italy, Lithuania, Poland, Slovenia, Spain: ten years; Denmark: nine years; Cyprus, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Slovak Republic: eight years; Luxembourg, Norway, Romania: seven years; Estonia, Portugal: six years; Belgium, Czech Republic, France, Ireland, Japan, Latvia, Malta, Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States: fi ve years; Australia: four years; Belgium: three years. 97 Australia, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, New Zealand. 98 Germany, Greece, Luxembourg. 99 Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Portugal, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom. 100 Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Romania, United Kingdom, United States. 119 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

The obvious objective is to ensure that the newly minted national does notbecome a fi nancial burden on the host society101. Clean police record, good characterand good health Most national laws will deny naturalisation to persons convicted of criminal off encesin the country of residence, or sometimes abroad. They oft en make a distinction depending on the severity of the off ence and the length of the prison sentence that was imposed. Good character is a condition only in certain countries102. It is sometimes required that the applicant be of good health103. No threat to public order and activity contrary to the interests of the country This condition is expressly required in some countries laws104 but not in others105. Conduct contrary to the public order is oft en punishable as a crime, and will be included either in the requirement for a clean police record or in the requirement of good character, or it may be grounds for expulsion of a foreigner, which is in itself an obstacle to naturalisation106. Activity contrary to the interests of the country, which is not required in all countries,targets essentially conduct thatconstitutes disloyalty to the country, for example: enlistment in a foreign army or employment in the public service of a country with which the host country is in confl ict, or involvement in relations with another country contrary to the interests of the host country107. Undertaking to reside in the country aft er naturalisation Most common-law countries impose this requirement, as does Norway108. Relinquishment of former nationality Some countries opposed to dual nationality require candidates for naturalisation torenounce their former nationality or to supply proof that it will lapse automatically109. Some impose special provisions when the naturalisation applicant is a citizen of the country that does not allow for the loss of its nationality. The obligation to renounce a foreign nationality in order to acquire the nationality of the host country is sometimes waived when the foreign law does not provide for loss of nationality or if the foreign country refuses to grant a release from allegiance110,or if that requirement would cause grave prejudice to the individual111, or if the foreigner is a citizen of a country of the European Union112. Taking of an oathand a citizenship ceremony 101Austria, Bulgaria, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Turkey. 102 Australia, Cyprus, Finland, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Malta, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States. 103 Bulgaria, Turkey, United Kingdom. In France health status is not included in the conditions for naturalisation but the Minister may request a medical examination if necessary (Civil Code art. 21-25). 104Australia, Austria, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Malta, Netherlands, Romania, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland. 105 Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States. 106 Austria, Canada, France, Germany, Greece, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, United Kingdom, United States. 107 Australia, Austria, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Norway, Spain, Switzerland. 108 Australia, Cyprus, Ireland, New Zealand, Norway, United Kingdom 109 Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain. 110 Austria, Czech Republic, Germany. 111 Czech Republic. 112 Austria, Netherlands, Germany. 120 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

The taking of an oath or a pledge of loyalty to the country granting naturalisation isan increasingly frequent requirement113.Several countries have recently made provision in their laws for a citizenship ceremony, as a way of offi cially welcoming new members of the national community114. These ceremonies are designed to have a predominantly emotional eff ect on the new citizen, but also on the general public. Exceptional naturalization Lastly, naturalisation may be granted on an exceptional basis under a specifi cprocedure to persons who have rendered important services to the country of a scientifi c, cultural or economic nature or who have contributed to its international reputation and prestige115. Naturalisation granting authority and Appealsand Collective eff ects Naturalisation is granted either by the Head of State116 or by the government117, or by a minister118or by the immigration offi ce or department,41 sometimes on the advice of a specialised commission comprising judges119; it may also be conveyed by an act of parliament120. In Switzerland, naturalisation procedures fall under the legislation of the cantons and the communes.A decision refusing naturalisation will not always be subject to appeal121.In most cases naturalisation has a collective eff ect on minors living with the naturalised parent122. Restoration of nationalityand other ways of acquiring nationality Most national laws make provision whereby nationals who have lost their nationality may apply for its restoration, subject sometimes to simplifi ed conditions.In addition to naturalisation, which is the principal means of acquiring the nationalityof a country, there are other procedures for acquisition, such as registration or declaration123, the right of option124, or uninterrupted ostensible “possessionof the status” of a national for ten years125.Since 2003, Estonia has been granting nationality to persons holding a

113 Austria, Australia, Canada, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Netherlands, New Zealand, Romania, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, United Kingdom, United States. 114 Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, United Kingdom. 115 Australia, Austria, Australia, Canada, Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, New Zealand, Norway, Romania, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom. 116 Bulgaria, France, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland. 117 Austria, Latvia. 118 Australia, Canada, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States. 119 Romania. 120 Belgium, Denmark. 121 Appeals are allowed in the following countries: Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Latvia, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom. 122 Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey. 123 Australia, Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States. 124 Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Netherlands, Slovak Republic, Switzerland, Spain, Turkey. 125 Australia, Belgium, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Spain; in Switzerland possession of status allows simplifi ed naturalisation. 121 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 passport delivered through administrativeerror126.

III. Types of Naturalisationin Switzerland

A.Ordinary Naturalization The Federal Offi ces for Migration examines whether applicants are integrated in the Swiss way of life, are familiar with Swiss customs and traditions, comply with the Swiss rule of law, and do not endanger Switzerland’s internal or external security. In particular, this examination is based on cantonal and communal reports. If the requirements provided by federal law are satisfi ed, applicants are entitled to obtain a federal naturalisation permit from the Federal Offi ce for Migration127. Thus the federal naturalisation permit only constitutes the Confederation’s “green light” for the acquisition of Swiss nationality128. In order to receive this authorization the foreigner must show129: a. His/her aptitude and b. That he/she has resided in Switzerland for the requisite number of years (12 years) c. Compliance with rule of law d. No danger to internal or external security Aptitude is understood to mean that the foreigner is integrated into Switzerland and he/she is accustomed to the Swiss traditions and Swiss way of life130. Unless international treaties establish shorter time requirements or there are other exceptions established by law, twelve years of residence are required to qualify for a naturalization permit. The time that was spent in Switzerland between the age of 10 and 20 counts double131. Once issued, the authorization is valid only in one canton and expires aft er a period of three years, unless prolonged132. The authorization is a prerequisite for deposing a naturalization demand in the canton and municipality. The authorization can be changed, so as to include additional family members, or the authorization can be revoked when facts become known that would have led to the denial of the authorization133. When this authorization is refused the foreigner 126 Law of 19 January 1995 amended by Law of 29 January 2003, art. 35. 127https://www.bfm.admin.ch/content/bfm/en/home/themen/buergerrecht/einbuergerung/ordentliche_ einbuergerung.htl 128 Art. 12 of the Federal Citizenship Act 1 The ordinary naturalisation procedure enables persons to acquire Swiss citizenship by naturalisation in a canton and a commune. 2 Naturalisation is only valid if a naturalisation licence has been issued by the competent federal offi ce (the Federal Offi ce). 129 Barwig, K. Davy, U. Fischer, L. A. Hailbronner, Kay. Winfried, K. (2010). Schriften zum Migrationsrecht, Lämmermann, F. Einbürgerung-aktuelle Entwicklungen und Perspektiven, p. 81-95. 130 Art. 14 of the Federal Citizenship Act. Before the licence is granted, the applicant's suitability for naturalization must be verifi ed, and in particular whether he or she: a. is integrated into Swiss society; b. is familiar with Swiss habits, customs and practices; c. abides by Swiss law; d. does not pose a risk to Swiss internal or external security. 131 Art. 15 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 Foreign nationals may only apply for a licence if they have lived in Switzerland for a total of twelve years, including three of the fi ve years prior to the application being made. 2 When calculating the period of twelve years, the period that the applicant has lived in Switzerland between the ages of 10 and 20 counts as double. 132 Art. 13 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 The licence is issued by the Federal Offi ce25.26 2. The licence is issued for a specifi c canton. 3 It is valid for three years and may be extended. 4 It may be amended to include family members. 133 . 13 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 4 It may be amended to include family members. 5 The Federal Offi ce 122 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 or the canton can appeal before the Federal Administrative Court134. However, the cantons and communities have their own, additional residence requirements which applicants have to satisfy. Swiss citizenship is only acquired by those applicants who, aft er obtaining the federal naturalisation permit, have also been naturalised by their communities and cantons. The procedure includes cantonal and municipal authorities. Naturalization on the municipal level tends to be the most diffi cult to obtain. The Federal Supreme Court in one decision in 2003 ruled that a denial of citizenship without proper reasoning violated the Swiss Constitution in particular the right not to be discriminated135 and the right to be heard136. Against all cantonal decisions of last instance can be lodged with the Federal Supreme Court. The Constitutional appeal is restricted to the control of the violation of constitutional rights137. Municipalitiesin Switzerland can establish diff erent criteria for naturalizing foreigners as Swiss citizens: 1. While some municipalities counted all periods shorter or longer during which the alien has resided lawfully in the town, others take into account only the permits that the foreigners have (permits B and C)138. 2. While some municipalities naturalise only holders of a residence permit (B) or domicile (C), others extend the possibility of naturalisation on other persons also. For example to the persons that have a residence permit (F) or to the members of the diplomatic corps and their respective family (Ci). Between 1992 and 2010, 12 percent of the ordinary naturalisations and 18 percent of facilited naturalisations regard foreigners who were not in possession of a residence permit (C) at the time of may revoke the licence before naturalisation if information comes to its knowledge that would have caused it not to issue the licence. 134 Art. 51 of the Federal Citizenship Act 1 Appeals against fi nal rulings by the cantons and against decisions by the federal administrative authorities are governed by the general provisions on the administration of federal justice. 2 The cantons and communes concerned also have a right of appeal. 135 Art. 8 of the Swiss Contitution (2).No person may be discriminated against, in particular on grounds of origin, race, gender, age, language, social position, way of life, religious, ideological, or political convictions, or because of a physical, mental or psychological disability. 136 Art. 29 of the Swiss Constitution. (2). Each party to a case has the right to be heard. Decision of the Federal Supreme Court BGE 129 (I) 217. Also in another decision the Federal Supreme Court decided that this does not exclude the municipalities to make use of direct democratic instruments in the naturalization procedures. The citizens assembly can still decide on naturalization demands if the decision is based on a proper discussion and voting (Decision of the Federal Supreme Court 130 (I) 140). Against these two decisions was launched a popular initiative that proposed a constitutional provision that provided that the municipal people can regulate in the municipal charter which authority is in charge of naturalization decisions. The framers of the initiative succeeded in collecting the required 100.000 signatures for a constitutional amendment, however, the initiative was rejected in the popular vote on 1 June 2008. 137 Art. 15a of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 The procedure in the canton and in the commune is governed by cantonal law. 2 Cantonal law may provide that an application for naturalisation may be submitted to the vote of the communal electorate at a communal assembly. Art. 15b1 Reasons must be given for rejecting an application for naturalisation. 2 The communal electorate may reject an application for naturalization only if a reasoned motion has been made that they should do so. Art. 15c1 The cantons shall ensure that the privacy of applicants is respected in cantonal and communal naturalisation procedures. 2 The communal electorate shall be given the following particulars of applicants: a. nationality; b. length of residence; c. information required to assess whether the applicant meets the naturalisation requirements, and in particular the requirement of integration into Swiss society. 3 When selecting information under paragraph 2, the cantons shall take account of the persons to whom the information is to be given. 138 Art. 38 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 The federal authorities, together with the cantonal and communal authorities may charge a fee for their decisions that amounts to no more than the procedural costs. 2 The Confederation shall waive the fee in the case of indigent applicants. 123 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 naturalization139. 3. Also, the criteria used to judge the ‘”suitability” of the applicant diverge. While some municipalities grant naturalization only if the alien is able to write and speak the local language, others deny it, if the person in question benefi ts a social help or has contracted debts. Some municipalities require the applicant notions of civic and geography as well as a good knowledge of the city. For others it is essential that the applicant provides evidence of having contacts with the Swiss140. B. Facilitated Naturalization and Reatt ribution of Swiss Citizenship The decision to grant facilitated naturalisation is in the sole responsibility of the Confederation. The canton in question is fi rst given a hearing and, like the community is question, has a right of appeal. People who want to be naturalised in this way must be integrated into their Swiss environment. In addition, they must comply with the Swiss rule of law, and they must not endanger Switzerland’s internal or external security.The facilitated naturalization is regulated exclusively by federal law. According to Article 32 of the Federal Citizenship Act, the federal authorities decide on naturalization aft er consultation with the canton. Apart from a simple fee the facilitated naturalization is free of charge141. According to Federal Citizenship Act there are fi ve groups of persons that benefi t from facilitated naturalization: (1). The spouse of a Swiss citizen living in Switzerland142 (2). Persons who based on good faith believed that they were Swiss citizens143 (3). A Stateless child144 (4). A child of less than 22 years who has not been included in the naturalization of its parents145 (5). A child with close links to Switzerland whose parents has lost Swiss citizenship 139 Wanner, P. and Steiner, I. (2012). Naturalisation en Suisse-Evolution 1992-2010, p.20. 140 Wanner, P. and Steiner, I. (2012). Naturalisation en Suisse-Evolution 1992-2010. p.19. 141 Art. 32 of the Federal Citizenship Act. The Federal Offi ce decides on simplifi ed naturalisation; it shall consult the canton beforehand. 142 Art. 27 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 After marrying a Swiss citizen, a foreign national may apply for simplifi ed naturalisation if he or she: a. has lived for a total of fi ve years in Switzerland; b. has lived in Switzerland for a year and c. has lived in matrimony with the Swiss citizen for three years. 2 The applicant is granted the same cantonal and communal citizenship as that held by his or her Swiss spouse.Art. 28 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 The foreign spouse of a Swiss citizen who lives or has lived abroad may apply for simplifi ed naturalisation if he or she: a. has lived for six years in matrimony with the Swiss citizen and b. has close ties with Switzerland. 2 The applicant is granted the same cantonal and communal citizenship as that held by his or her Swiss spouse. 143 Art. 29 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 A foreign national who for at least fi ve years has believed in good faith that he or she is a Swiss citizen and during this period has actually been treated as such by the cantonal or communal authorities may be naturalised under the simplifi ed procedure. 2 He or she is normally granted citizenship of the canton responsible for the error. This canton decides at the same time which communal citizenship is acquired. 3 If the applicant has already done Swiss military service, no minimum period applies. 4 Paragraphs 1 and 3 apply mutatis mutandis to a foreign national who has lost Swiss citizenship due to termination of fi liation with his or her Swiss parent (Art. 8). He acquires the cantonal and communal citizenship he held previously. 144 Art. 30 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 A stateless minor child may apply for simplifi ed naturalisation if he or she has lived in Switzerland for a total of fi ve years, one year of which must be immediately before the application is made. 2 The child acquires the citizenship of his or her commune and canton of residence. 145 Article 31a Naturalization Act A foreign child, not yet 22 years old, who was not included in the naturalization of one of his/her parents and has lived in Switzerland for at least fi ve years, one year of which being immediately prior to application. The child must be a minor at the time of application for naturalization by the parent. There must be close links with Switzerland. 124 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 before its birth146. A spouse of a Swiss citizen benefi t from facilitated naturalization, the partner of a Swiss citizen who lives in a registered partnership does not. However, he/she benefi ts from a shorter waiting period until he/she can demand naturalization147. There are two categories of persons that can reatt ribute citizenship upon their demand if they have links with Switzerland, respect the legal order of Switzerland and do not pose a threat the internal and external security of Switzerland; (1). Persons who lost their citizenship because they were born and lived abroad, had another citizenship and did not register at any Swiss authority and did not declare that they want to keep Swiss citizenship before obtaining the age of 22 (Articles 10, 18 and 21 of the Federal Citizenship Act). (2). Persons who on their request have been released from Swiss citizenship (Articles 18 and 23 of the Federal Citizenship Act). 1. 1 Revision of the Swiss Citizenship Act The Swiss Citizenship Act (SCA, SR 141.0) was enacted in 1952. Since then, it has been revised on numerous occasions. The SCA is unique within Swiss legislation in that no implementing ordinance to this Federal Act has ever been enacted. This means that the authorities and courts have had to issue countless directives and circulars, which have only made it increasingly diffi cult for users to gain a clear overview. In 1992, the Citizenship Act has undergone a major revision with it two key changes: 1. Firstly, it was introduced the equalization of citizens and citizens of foreign nationality. The foreign spouse of a Swiss citizen cannotanymore take immediately the Swiss citizenship, but he/she have to apply through the facilitated process for the acquisition of the Swis citizenship in the federal level. 2. Secondly, it was abolished the prohibition of dual citizenship. Switzerland, as well as in the mean time, other countries (eg. Belgium, Germany, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, Spain, Por ¬ tugal and Turkey), no longer requires the applicant to renounce their citizenship. 148. On 16 December 2009, the Federal Council began consultationsregarding a complete revision of the Federal Act of 29 September 1952 on the acquisition and loss of Swiss Citizenship (SR 141.0), otherwise referred to as the Swiss Citizenship Act. This piece of legislation had become unclear and cumbersome to read over the years as a result of countless partial revisions. The complete revision was intended update the content to refl ect present-day circumstances and ensure that149: 1. Only well-integrated third-state nationals are able to obtain a Swiss passport; 2. There is no administrative overlap between the federal, cantonal and communal naturalisation authorities; 3. The naturalisation process becomes less complex. Under the terms of the revised draft , naturalisation applicants must meet even more 146 Art. 31b 1 A foreign child who was unable to acquire Swiss citizenship because a parent lost Swiss citizenship before the child's birth may be naturalized under the simplifi ed procedure if he or she has close ties with Switzerland. 2 The child acquires the citizenship that the parent who lost citizenship lost formerly held. 147 Article 15 (5). It is suffi cient that the registered partner of a Swiss citizen has livedfor a total of fi ve years in Switzerland, including one year immediately prior to the application being made, provide he or she has been the registered partner of the Swiss citizen for three years. 148 FFJP, Migration Report 2012, p.24. 149 FFJP, Migration Report 2009, pg. 38-39. 125 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 stringent integration requirements than was previously the case. They must: 1. observe public security and order, which also includes abiding by the law; 2. respect the basic principles of the Federal Constitution; 3. be capable of communicating in one of Switzerland’s national languages; 4. express willingness to be economically active or pursueeducation and training. In early August 2012, the Federal Offi ce for Migration (FOM)published a new Citizenship Handbook on the Internet. This project, which began in 2008, has now come to an end. The handbook serves two main purposes: it provides useful information to staff at the FOM’s Citizenship Division on how to properly handle naturalisation cases from a legal perspective. At the same time, it encourages adoption of a common doctrine and provides interested persons with answers to questions regarding citizenship. As such, the handbook is a source of reference and clarifi cation of specifi c FOM and court practices. 1.2Improvements in the sector of familyreunifi cation The Foreign Nationals Act brings considerable improvementsto the sector of family reunifi cation150. There is thus now the possibility for relatives to join short-term permit holders and students in Switzerland (Art. 42ff . AuG)151. The foreign spouses and single off spring below the age of 18 of short-term residence permit holders may also be granted a short-term residence permit. This is possible on condition that they share a household with the holder of the short-term residence permit already in Switzerland. Furthermore, appropriate accommodation must be available and the family must produce proof that they are not recipients of welfare assistance. In cases of family reunifi cation, account is also taken of the fact that the swift admission of relatives has a positive eff ect on their integration. Swiss citizens, foreign nationals with a permanent residence permit and annual residence permit holders must send for their children within fi ve years. For children aged over 12, there is a deadline of one year (Art. 47 AuG). As a rule, in family reunifi cation – except in the case of shortt erm residence holders the authorities check whether the person wishing to send for his/her spouse or children has a Swiss passport, a permanent or an annual residence permit. The foreign spouses and the children of Swiss citizens or permanent residence permit holders are entitled to a permanent residence permit (Art. 42ff . AuG). Relatives of foreign nationals with an annual residence permit may be granted an annual residence permit by the canton (Art. 44 AuG). This is granted under the condition that they share a household with the foreign national who is resident in Switzerland, appropriate accommodation is available and they do not draw welfare assistance. The Foreign Nationals Act accords Third-State nationals the same rights in cases of family reunifi cation as members of EU/ EFTA Member States. The possibility of sending for the foreign family members of Swiss citizens now largely corresponds to the provisions of the AFMP applying to family members of persons from EU/EFTA Member States

150 FFJP, Migration Report 2007, p.11. 151 Specha, M. Thür, H. Zünd, A. Bolyli, P. (2012). Migrationsrecht Kommentar, p. 36-40. Specha, M. (2007). Migrations-Abwehr im Fokus der Menschen-Rechte, p. 77. 126 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

IV. Loss of nationality

Loss of nationality is recognised in most countries, as is its recovery152.The loss may be automatic by virtue of acquisition of another nationality153or it may result from a specifi c procedure such as a declaration, an act of the administrative authority, or a court ruling154. It applies more generally to persons who have acquired nationality155. The loss of nationality may respond to a concern for eff ectiveness when the national issett led in a country where he has acquired nationality or when he has remained outside the national territory for a very long time156. Where a foreign nationality is acquired, countries opposed to dual nationality insist either on the automatic loss of that nationality or on an obligation to renounce it157. This rule applies alike to nationals from birth and to those who have acquired nationality. However, this mode of losing nationality seems to be in decline. All the countries examined provide furthermore that loss of nationality may also resultfrom a voluntary individual decision158. Most countries,except France and Luxembourg, also allow these two categories of grounds for withdrawing acquired nationality, even if it may lead to statelessness. A decision to withdraw nationality is sometimes subject to appeal159.In some countries, the loss of nationality has a collective eff ect on the children160,while others refuse to allow such an eff ect. Lastly, several national laws provide that nationality may be withdrawn only within a certain period of time aft er the acquisition of nationality161. A. Lossing Swiss Citizenship There are three cases in Swiss law in which Swiss citizenship is lost ex offi cio: (1). When the link of parentage to the person who transferred Swiss citizenship is annulled unless the child would become stateless162. (2). When a Swiss child is adopted by foreigners and receives the foreign citizenship163. 152 de Groot, G.-R. and M. Vink (June 2010), Loss of Citizenship, Trends and regulation in Europe, p. 78. 153 Austria and Greece (except with authorisation),Czech Republic (in case of voluntary acquisition), Germany, Denmark, Estonia, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, United States. 154 Belgium, Denmark, France, Latvia, Lithuania, Portugal, United States. 155 Some countries provide that its nationals by birth cannot be stripped of their nationality. See above, note 1. Apart from constitutional provisions this is also stipulated in the legislation of some States, e.g. Bulgaria, Estonia, Romania. 156 Germany: ten years; Cyprus, Ireland, Malta, Turkey: seven years; Spain: three years; Slovenia: three or 15 years. In Denmark, Norway and Sweden a person who has never lived in the kingdom automatically loses his nationality at the age of 22, provided he does not thereby become stateless; in France, the ascendants must have remained abroad for 50 years and the applicant must never have had a residence in France or possession d’état (ostensible status) as French. 157 Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, United States. 158 Non-member countries of the European Union or the OECD, however, sometimes prohibit their citizens from giving up their nationality. See above, notes 32 and 33 for the exceptions that some countries make to the prohibition on dual nationality. 159 Australia, Belgium, Canada, Finland, France, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom. 160 Australia, Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany (with special mention), Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Slovak Republic, Sweden, Switzerland. 161 Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Germany, Finland, France, Hungary, Latvia, Malta, Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland. 162 Art. 8 of the Federal Citizenship Act. If fi liation is terminated with the parent who has conferred Swiss citizenship on the child, the child loses Swiss citizenship provided the child does not become stateless thereby. 163 Art. 8a of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 If a minor Swiss citizen is adopted by foreign nationals, he or 127 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019

(3). At the age of 22 in case the person was born and has always lived outside of Switzerland, when he/she has another citizenship and was never registered with a Swiss authority outside of Switzerland or did not declare that he/she wants to maintain Swiss citizenship164. The Swiss authorities can intervene to annul citizenship when citizenship was att ained through false declarations or the misrepresentation of essential facts165. Minors of less than 15 years who do not reside in Switzerland, who have dual citizenship or are guaranteed another citizenship are included in their parents dismissal from Swiss citizenship166. Citizenship also establishes duties and restrictions for the citizen. Swiss citizens have a general duty to be loyal to Switzerland. Men must do military service or alternative service. When they cannot do either, they must pay a tax167. Swiss citizens are prohibited to serve in the army of a foreign country. Some international treaties allow exceptions so as to dispense persons from Swiss military and allow foreign military service and vice versa. It is permitt ed for example to serve in the army of the Vatican. Additionally, Swiss citizens have a duty to assist at elections for collecting and for counting votes and, in some cantons they must serve jury duty when so requested. Conclusions

The current Citizenship Act, dated 1952, is a collage formed over these years and its not able nowdays to satisfy the requirements of a professional procedure. It is insuffi cent and cannot guarantee equal treatment and cannot excludes discrimination. Thus, there is a glaring contradiction with the vital interests of Switzerland, a country where so many foreign nationals have elected as their domicile. It is therefore legitimate to ask she loses Swiss citizenship on adoption if he or she acquires the nationality of the adoptive parent thereby or already holds that nationality. 1bis Swiss citizenship is not lost if fi liation with a Swiss parent is established on adoption or such fi liation remains following adoption.19 2 If adoption is annulled, loss of Swiss citizenship is deemed not to have taken place. 164 Art. 10 of the Federal Citizenship Act 1 A child born abroad to a Swiss parent who is a citizen of another country loses Swiss citizenship on reaching the age of 22, unless his or her birth has been notifi ed to a Swiss authority abroad or in Switzerland or he or she has declared in writing that he or she wishes to remain a Swiss citizen. 165 Art. 41 of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 A naturalisation decision may be declared null and void by the Federal Offi ce with the consent of the authority in the canton of origin if it has been obtained by using false information or by concealing material facts. 1bis The naturalisation decision may be declared null and void within two years of the Federal Offi ce becoming aware of the legally relevant circumstances, and at the latest within eight years of acquisition of Swiss citizenship. After each investigative act that has been notifi ed to the naturalised person concerned a new two year limitation period begins. The limitation periods are suspended during appeal proceedings. 2 Subject to the same requirements, a naturalisation decision under Articles 12–17 may also be declared null and void by the cantonal authority. 166 Art. 42of the Federal Citizenship Act. 1 A Swiss citizen shall on request be relieved of his or her Swiss citizenship if he or she is not resident in Switzerland and holds or has been assured of another nationality. For minors, Article 34 applies mutatis mutandis. 2 Relief is granted by the authority in the canton of origin. 3 Loss of cantonal and communal citizenship and thus of Swiss citizenship take effect on service of the certifi cate of relief of citizenship. 167 Art. 59 of the Swiss Constitution. Military service and alternative service1 Every Swiss man is required to do military service. Alternative civilian service shall be provided for by law. 2 Military service is voluntary for Swiss women. 3 Any Swiss man who does not do military or alternative service is liable to pay a tax. This tax is levied by the Confederation and assessed and collected by the Cantons. 4 The Confederation shall legislate for fair compensation for loss of income. 5 Persons who suffer damage to their health or lose their lives while doing military or alternative civilian service are entitled to appropriate support from the Confederation, whether for themselves or for their next of kin. 128 ISSN 2410-759X Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Vol. 5 No.1 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria May, 2019 whether this democratic state can exclude from the political processes a quarter of the population. For a bett er democracynear to the ideal liberal democracy, Switzerland needs a model of naturalisation based on some basic criteria which are: 1. A naturalization process to a single level as well to replace the current three-level procedure; 2. A simple, unique and transparent procedure for all applicants, regardless of marital status and residence permit; 3. Mechanisms for an automatic naturalization of foreigners from the second generation. 4. Accede to the European Convention on Nationality 5. It should approve its adherence to the UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness cases. 6. The applicants should have access to all the necessary information concerning the procedure for naturalization at communal and cantonal level. 7. The process of naturalisation should be transparent and professional. 8. The documents that are att ached to the application should be the same everywhere. 9. The questions for a naturalisation must be examined within a clear defi ned term. 10. The suspension of applications should not be allowed. 11.Decisions should be made within a clearly defi nished term. 12. Transposition of international minimum standards into the Swiss naturalisation system. 13. Acquisition of Swiss citizenship should be reduced on 8-10 years maximum.

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