DOCSLIB.ORG

Reporting Neigbours.Indd

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Reporting Neigbours.Indd Albanian Media Institute Instituti Shqiptar i Medias REPORTING NEIGHBOURS IN BALKAN MEDIA REPORTING NEIGHBOURS IN BALKAN MEDIA Publisher: Albanian Media Institute Albanian Media Institute Instituti Shqiptar i Medias Rr “Gjin Bue Shpata”, Nr. 8, Tiranë TelFax: ++355 4 2229800 E-mail: [email protected] www.institutemedia.org © Copyright: Albanian Media Institute 2015 ISBN: This publication has been produced with funding from Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). The content of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and in no way can be taken to reflect the views of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) or the Swiss Government. Editor: Remzi Lani Layout: Bujar Karoshi Table of Contents Foreword........................................................................................................................5 ALBANIA: Between shadows of the past and interest of the present ................................................................7 BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA: The ethnic principle continues to be dominant ........................................................................................................29 KOSOVO: Between lack of coverage and bias reporting .......................47 MACEDONIA: Few neighbours, one profession and many truths ......................................................................................................69 MONTENEGRO: When neighbours are treated as “the rest of the world” .....................................................................................97 SERBIA: Tabloids and comments sections spread stereotypes and hate speech like in war times .......................................115 Foreword Media is all around us, we consume it daily. It influences our thinking and reflects what we think and how we feel. Therefore, if we want to learn more about each other, we must observe the media channels, what they report about us, about others, about our neighbours. What do the Western Balkan countries say about each other in their media outlets? The studies presented in this publication give some answers. The findings are interesting: some confirm the obvious, some are encouraging, and yet others are disturbing. For example, using derogatory names for a neighbouring population should ring alarm bells to all of us. On the other hand, I am pleased to note that fair and unbiased portrayal of other countries and nationalities are often present in most Western Balkan media. This publication opens up a path for dialogue and better mutual understanding among media actors in the various Western Balkan countries. I see its main value in presenting facts and bringing different perspectives together. This is a promising base to further foster bridges between journalists, reporters and media experts. I hope that these bridges will extend to reach wider publics in the region, so that all of us will have a greater understanding and tolerance for the ‘others’. It is for this purpose that the Swiss Government supported the studies in this publication on “Reporting Neighbours in Balkan media”. Switzerland stays engaged in promoting initiatives that bring peace, stability and cooperation among the Western Balkan countries. Looking at the experience of my own country, I am convinced that ‘good neighbourhood’ is not only key for peace and stability, but also for development and prosperity. Christoph Graf Swiss Ambassador in Albania July 2015 ALBANIA: between shadows of the past and interest of the present Rrapo Zguri media expert, Tirana Geopolitical context From geopolitical context standpoint, the Balkan region where Albania is located represents an area where the strategic interests of the three most important global actors are intertwined in the region: the West, Russia, and Turkey. In the context of western influence, the two neighboring countries that are EU members, Italy and Greece, have a direct impact on the international relations of the region’s countries. However, after the strong economic crisis it has been under in recent years, the role of Greece has weakened to some extent. Among the region’s countries, Albania’s closest neighbors in terms of geographical proximity are Greece, Macedonia, Kosovo, Montenegro, and Serbia. Following the so-called initiative “Balkan Schengen,” the region’s countries have applied the lifting of visas and free movement of their citizens, which helps, among others, in mutual familiarization. With regard to strategic alliances, Albania and Greece are NATO members, while Macedonia and Montenegro also intend to join the Atlantic Alliance. With regard to EU integration, Albania received the status of candidate country during 2014. Macedonia, Serbia, and Montenegro have acquired this status as well, while Greece is an EU member since 1981.1 Lagging farthest behind in integration in Euro-Atlantic structures is Kosovo, also because of the lack of full recognition by the UN. Methodology This study on reporting neighbors in Albania’s media is mainly based on data from empirical research collected from the press, but there is also data coming from the online environment as well as from the main television stations. The empirical study conducted in the form of monitoring was focused on some of the country’s best-known newspapers such as Panorama, Shekulli, Tema, Shqip and Gazeta Shqiptare. The monitoring also includes other newspapers when it comes to certain aspects of the themes addressed by this study. The target of the empirical research included news, articles, analyses, editorials, as well as other materials that, in terms of content, make up the reporting or commenting on the situation and relations with neighbors. 1 http://europa.eu/about-eu/countries/index_en.htm Albania: between shadows of the past and interest of the present 9 Besides the monitoring, another employed method is that of case studies to move the empirical research and analysis to a concrete terrain of developments. The study analyzes separately the reporting in the media on each of Albania’s neighboring countries, such as Serbia, Greece, Macedonia, Kosovo, and Montenegro, by picking the most typical case studies for each country. The typology of the selection of case studies relies on two criteria: first, those developments or events that have had the highest profile and have received the most extensive coverage; second, we selected the events that were the most approximate in time, in order to study the current situation of Albania media in terms of reporting neighbors. International news Reporting in the media and Reporting the Balkans The economic crisis that media in Albania is undergoing has had a considerable impact on the international reporting of these media outlets. Cuts in human resources first affected international news departments. At present, only some of the country’s television stations, such as Top Channel, TV Klan and Vizion Plus, have correspondents in some European or regional capitals, such as Brussels, London, Belgrade, Pristina, Skopje, or Athens. Newspapers do not have correspondents for foreign news stationed in other countries. This has led to a situation whereby international news reporting in Albania’s media, as well as most of the reporting in television stations, is done relying on the translation or adaptation of information obtained from Internet resources or other media. Nevertheless, reporting on neighbors is more present compared to reporting on other regions or countries in the world. On the other hand, reporting on neighbors is more frequent at times of crises or problems in bilateral relations among the countries and rarer in calm periods of the development of these relations. In general, media in Albania are correct when reporting different domestic developments in the neighboring countries, such as reporting on the crisis in Greece. However, when the reporting involves events related to conflicts or unresolved issues between the two countries, media discourse appear to show the stereotypes and prejudice for other peoples in the Balkans. In these cases, one also sees an expansion of nationalist rhetoric and an involvement of politics and extremist nationalist elements in media discourse. It is a positive fact that Albania has no independent media outlets with a nationalistic orientation. This reflects also the poor support that nationalist- 10 Albania: between shadows of the past and interest of the present based organizations have in the country. For instance, the only party in the country with a nationalistic profile, such as the AK (Red & Black Alliance) only managed to get about 1% of votes in the 2013 parliamentary elections, unlike other neighboring countries, where political forces with a nationalistic program have extensive support and a large number of representatives in the respective parliaments. In reporting neighbors, the forms of discourse vary to include ethnic or racial discourse, territorial integrity discourse, religious discourse, anti- terrorist discourse, European discourse, etc. Reporting on Serbia During the last decade, we notice an increase in economic relations between Albania and Serbia. Thus, during the period January – August 2014, over a period of eight months, imports from Serbia reached approximately 108 million Euros.2 However, in relations between the two countries, the issue of Kosovo and Serbia’s non-recognition of new realities created in Kosovo represents a permanent stalemate. These relations saw notable aggravation especially following incidents in the soccer
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nationalism As Ideology: a Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia
    Nationalism as Ideology: A Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia Master Thesis for the award of the academic degree of Master of Arts (MA) at the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz submitted by: Branimir Staletovik at the Centre for Southeast European Studies Supervisor: Univ. Professor Florian Bieber Graz, 2015 Table of Contents Introduction............................................................................................................................1 The Rise of Nationalism in Macedonia................................................................................1 Chapter I: Nationalism as Ideology .....................................................................................5 Antiquization and Skopje 2014 – a critical reflection on the existing approaches ..............5 From Identity to Ideology ....................................................................................................8 Beyond Identity..................................................................................................................10 Nationalism as Ideology ....................................................................................................13 Thesis Goals and Methods .................................................................................................16 Nationalism in Macedonia and the Post-Yugoslav States..................................................18 Chapter II: The evolvement of ancient narrative in Macedonia and ‘diaspora’...........24 A Historical Reflection on the
    [Show full text]
  • Il Dibattito Intellettuale E Politico in Albania Tra Le Due Guerre Mondiali
    Università Ca' Foscari Venezia Dottorato di ricerca in Storia sociale europea dal Medioevo all'età contemporanea Ciclo: XXIV Anno di discussione: 2013 Il dibattito intellettuale e politico in Albania tra le due guerre mondiali Mehdi Frashëri tra "i vecchi" e "i giovani" Settore scientifico disciplinare di afferenza: M-STO/04 Tesi di Dottorato di Redi Halimi, matricola 955643 Coordinatore del Dottorato Tutore del Dottorando Prof. Mario Infelise Prof. Alberto Masoero 1 2 Indice Introduzione p. 5 Tavola delle abbreviazioni 21 Capitolo 1 Mehdi Frashëri e l'Albania 1870-1939 23 1.1 La fine dell'impero 23 1.2 Riforme, conflitti, rivoluzioni 30 1.3 Evoluzione economica e trasformazioni sociali 32 1.4 Dall'indipendenza alla fine della Grande Guerra 38 1.5 La lotta per il potere e la dittatura di Zog 44 Capitolo 2 Stampa, società e correnti culturali 51 2.1 La stampa albanese tra le due guerre mondiali 54 2.2 Un quotidiano filo-italiano a Tirana? 60 2.3 La stampa e le appartenenze sociali 71 2.4 Correnti culturali e politiche 75 2.5 Circolazioni di uomini e di idee 85 Capitolo 3 La questione economica: Banca d'Albania e riforma agraria 91 3.1 Il rapporto Calmés 94 3.2 La Banca Nazionale 100 3.2 La riforma agraria 104 3.3 Il ruolo di Mehdi Frashëri 114 3.4 Il dibattito sulla riforma agraria 119 3.5 Il pensiero di Frashëri sulle cause dell'arretratezza 125 3 Capitolo 4 Religione e Istruzione: riforme, resistenze e discussioni 131 4.1 Le comunità religiose tra le due guerre mondiali 134 4.1.1 I musulmani 135 4.1.2 Gli ortodossi 137 4.1.3 I cattolici 140
    [Show full text]
  • Chameria History - Geographical Space and Albanian Time’
    Conference Chameria Issue: International Perspectives and Insights for a Peaceful Resolution Kean University New Jersey USA Saturday, November 12th, 2011 Paper by Professor James Pettifer (Oxford, UK) ‘CHAMERIA HISTORY - GEOGRAPHICAL SPACE AND ALBANIAN TIME’ ‘For more than two centuries, the Ottoman Empire, once so formidable was gradually sinking into a state of decrepitude. Unsuccessful wars, and, in a still greater degree, misgovernment and internal commotions were the causes of its decline.’ - Richard Alfred Davenport,’ The Life of Ali Pasha Tepelena, Vizier of Epirus’i. On the wall in front of us is a map of north-west Greece that was made by a French military geographer, Lapie, and published in Paris in 1821, although it was probably in use in the French navy for some years before that. Lapie was at the forefront of technical innovation in cartography in his time, and had studied in Switzerland, the most advanced country for cartographic science in the late eighteenth century. It is likely that it was made for military use in the Napoleonic period wars against the British. Its very existence is a product of British- French national rivalry in the Adriatic in that period. Modern cartography had many of its roots in the Napoleonic Wars period and immediately before in the Eastern Mediterranean, when intense naval competition between the British and French for control of these waters led to major scientific advances. In turn, in the eighteenth century, similar progress had been made in both countries as a result of earlier wars in the Atlantic. This map is titled ‘Chameria/Thesprotia’, and so at that time it is clear that the two traditional names for the region, Albanian and Greek, were both in common use then, not only locally but by the often classically-educated officers of a European Great Power.
    [Show full text]
  • Ekonomska- I Ekohistorija 145 ARTAN R
    Ekonomska- i Ekohistorija 145 ARTAN R. HOXHA - EXPLOITING AND CONSERVING EXPLOITING AND CONSERVING: FORESTS, NATION, AND STRATEGIES OF DEVELOPMENT IN 20TH CENTURY ALBANIA1 ISKORIŠTAVANJE I OČUVANJE: ŠUME, NACIJA I STRATEGIJE RAZVOJA U ALBANIJI U 20. STOLJEĆU Artan R. HOXHA Received / Primljeno: 12. 10. 2018. University of Pittsburgh Accepted / Prihvaćeno: 17. 12. 2018. 3702 Posvar Hall Original scientific paper / Izvorni znanstveni rad History Department UDK / UDC: 630*6(496.5)“20” Pittsburgh, PA 15260 630*9(496.5)“20” USA [email protected] Summary Since the 19th-century, forests have been considered both a source for the economic development and a patrimony to be defended. This dualism between the economic gains and ecological imperatives have remained largely unbridged. The Albanian experience is not an exception to this trajectory. Although the different political and intellectual elites have considered forests a national patrimony, they have failed to defend and expand the forest-cover which have been shrinking. The territory of today’s Albania, due to its geographical position, climatic influences, and topography has a very rich flora, including forests. Like everywhere else, human activity has historically played a critical role in the condition and distribution of forest cover in Albania. Until the establishment of the Albanian national state, both the rural population and the elite exploited the forests without paying attention to their regeneration. The Ottoman Empire started to implement policies for the central management of the forests, but in the Albanian provinces, their effects were limited. The Ottoman bureaucracy did not stop the rural communities and landlords to log the forests for fuel, export their timber, burn them for opening new pastures or rooting out the bandits hiding in them.
    [Show full text]
  • Nstitucionalizimi I
    Public administration in Albania from 1920-1945 UNIVERSITY “LUIGJ GURAKUQI”, SHKODËR FACULTY OF EDUCATION Marjana Lako Ministry of Education and Science [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract The Albanian public administration has been subject to a deep and thorough restructuring. This process has taken place in a lot of other ex-communist countries too. Contemporary reforms where this administration has been involved display as an important key element the application of the performance evaluation system. The study presents the public administration from a historical point of view, the period from 1920-1945. During this historical period Albania underwent transformations in the governing system, changes which had their reflection even in the functioning and management of the state administration. This study aims to scrutinize the performance evaluation system of the state administration from 1920 to 1945, by examining the problem not only through the social and historical point of view, but also from the institutional and managerial point of view related with other aspects of managing the administration, such as: recruitment, promotion, career etc. The study proves that the performance evaluation system of the Albanian state administration, which has been treated from two viewpoints interrelated with each other, has been effective for the creation of a professional administration considering the present conditions of the country. This system treated evaluation in regard to motivation, bonus, promotion, career etc. The system had also its faults which were the result of the policies and development of the time. The data for the study were gathered by different sources including interviews, documents and observations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Road to Peace in the Balkans Is Paved with Bad Intentions
    Pregledni rad Gregory R. Copley 1 UDK: 327.5(497) THE ROAD TO PEACE IN THE BALKANS IS PAVED WITH BAD INTENTIONS (An Address to the Conference on A Search for a Roadmap to Peace in the Balkans, organized by the Pan-Macedonian Association, Washington, DC, June 27, 2007) This conference is aptly titled “A Search for a Roadmap to Peace in the Balkans”, because we have yet to find a road map, let alone, should we find it, the right road to take. In any event, because of the short-term thinking, greed, fear, and ignorance which have plagued decision making with regard to the region by players inside it and out, the road to peace in the Balkans is paved with bad intentions. The short-term thinking, greed, fear, and ignorance have plagued decision making with regard to the region by players inside it and out. As a consequence, the road to peace in the Balkans is paved with bad intentions. It has been long and widely forecast that the security situation in the Balkans — indeed, in South-Eastern Europe generally — would become delicate, and would fracture, during the final stages of the Albanian quest for independence for the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. As pessimistic as those forecasts were, however, the situation was considerably worsened by the eight-hour visit to Albania on June 10, 1 Gregory Copley is President of the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), based in Washington, DC, and also chairs the Association’s Balkans & Eastern Mediterranean Policy Council (BEMPC). He is also Editor of Defense & Foreign Affairs publications, and the Global Information System (GIS), a global intelligence service which provides strategic current intelligence to governments worldwide.
    [Show full text]
  • PHD DISSERTATION.Pdf
    CHAPTER I Along the path of identity transformation of the different Albanian communities from their original Balkan environment to their destination in Italy as migrants The Albanian Issues and Identities - Introduction In 1912, noting the weakness of the Ottoman empire, the Albanian intellectual elite declared the founding of the Albanian state. Using the language and culture as bounds, they made the first step in erasing substantial cultural and religious differences and the creation of common identity between the Ghegs in Northern Albania and their Tosk cousins in the South. The newly founded state comprised, however, only a part of Albanian-inhabited lands while the rest was divided among the neighboring Slav states (Serbia and Montenegro) and Greece. A third of the Albanian population remained under the Serb and the Montenegrin administration, including the western coast of Lake Scutari, Kosovo and the western part of today’s Macedonia. Although this division had serious economic and psychological implications it was not the only reason for the Albanian discontent. In fact the Yugoslav state was from the beginning bitterly hostile to the ethnic Albanians. At first, the official state policy toward the “anti-national” and subversive Albanian element was one of the state sponsored assimilation through the Serbian education system. This policy, however, did not give the expected results and it was abandoned after it became clear that instead of aiding assimilation it was encouraging the growth of the Albanian national consciousness and oppositional activity. Considering that they were not able to assimilate them, the Serbian state authorities decided to adopt some more incisive policies of colonization and forced emigration.
    [Show full text]
  • Content Analysis Baden & Stalpouskaya
    Methodological Framework: Content Analysis Baden & Stalpouskaya 17 September 2015 INFOCORE Working Paper 2015/10 COMMON METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK: CONTENT ANALYSIS A MIXED-METHODS STRATEGY FOR COMPARATIVELY, DIACHRONICALLY ANALYZING CONFLICT DISCOURSE Christian Baden1 & Katsiaryna Stalpouskaya2 1Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2Ludwig Maximilian University Munich INFOCORE Working Paper 2015/10 1 www.infocore.eu/results/ www.infocore.eu/results/ Methodological Framework: Content Analysis Baden & Stalpouskaya COMMON METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK: CONTENT ANALYSIS (EXECUTIVE SUMMARY) The “common methodological framework” sets out those elements of INFOCORE’s methodological strategy shared by the analyses of INFOCORE’s four content-analytic WPs. The framework departs from an understanding of discourse as the use of lexical indicators (in different languages and manifold variations) to express semantic meaning – meanings that can be compared over time, across conflicts, across media, across cases, and in many other ways. In order to meet INFOCORE’s complex analytic demands, the framework combines inductive with deductive approaches, applies mixed qualitative and quantitative methodology, and formulates a sequence of steps to ensure that the respective strengths of each part are integrated to inform subsequent steps. Specifically, INFOCORE follows three main stages. In the first stage, the involved WPs and conflict leaders gather material and input on the cultural richness and variability of conflict-related discourse. From a detailed, qualitative
    [Show full text]
  • Gibbs Umd 0117E 12639.Pdf
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LEGITIMACY, TERRORIST ATTACKS AND POLICE Jennifer Catherine Gibbs Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Directed By: Professor Laura Dugan Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice Scholars often suggest that terrorism – “the threatened or actual use of illegal force and violence to attain a political, economic, religious or social goal through fear, coercion or intimidation” (LaFree & Dugan, 2007, 184) – is a battle of legitimacy. As the most ubiquitous representatives of the government’s coercive force, the police should be most susceptible to terrorism stemming from perceptions of illegitimacy. Police are attractive symbolic and strategic targets, and they were victimized in over 12% of terrorist attacks worldwide since 1970. However, empirical research assessing the influence of legitimacy on terrorist attacks, generally, and scholarly attention to terrorist attacks on police are scant. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the influence of state and police legitimacy and alternative explanations on the proportion of all and only fatal terrorist attacks on police in 82 countries between 1999 and 2008. Data were drawn from several sources, including the Global Terrorism Database and the World Values Survey. Surprisingly, results of Tobit analyses indicate that police legitimacy, measured by the percentage of the population who have at least some confidence in police, is not significantly related to the proportion of all terrorist attacks on police or the proportion of fatal terrorist attacks on police. State legitimacy was measured by four indicators; only the percentage of the population who would never protest reached significance, lending limited support for this hypothesis. Greater societal schism, the presence of a foreign military and greater economic inequality were consistently significant predictors of higher proportions of terrorist attacks on police.
    [Show full text]
  • Treaty of Lausanne: the Tool of Minority Protection for the Cham Albanians of Greece
    PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 2454-5899 Gözübenli & Çavuşoğlu, 2018 Volume 4 Issue 3, pp.474-481 Date of Publication: 23rd November 2018 DOI-https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.43.474481 This paper can be cited as: Gözübenli, A. S. & Çavuşoğlu, H. (2018). Treaty of Lausanne: The Tool of Minority Protection for the Cham Albanians of Greece. PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences, 4(3), 474-481. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA. TREATY OF LAUSANNE: THE TOOL OF MINORITY PROTECTION FOR THE CHAM ALBANIANS OF GREECE Abdullah Sencer Gözübenli, MA Mother Teresa University, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia [email protected] Halim Çavuşoğlu, Ph.D Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey [email protected] Abstract Cham Albanians, a predominantly Muslim sub-group of Albanians who originally reside in the coastal region of Southern Epirus in Greece’s border region with Albania, had been expelled from Greece twice.As the majority of Cham Albanians were Muslim, they were treated with the same contempt as ethnic Turks living in Greece. According to official data, 3.000 of them were transferred to Turkey as part of the Greek-Turkish population exchange according to the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations signed at Lausanne on 30 January 1923. Articles 37 to 44 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty attribute substantive rights for exempted Muslims in Greece and non-Muslims in Turkey from the Greek-Turkish population exchange and 17,008 of them wereexempted from the exchange.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Politics in the Western Balkans
    Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation.
    [Show full text]
  • Tomasz KAMUSELLA ALBANIA
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 96 E-ISSN 2537–6152 REVISTA DE ETNOLOGIE ŞI CULTUROLOGIE Chișinău, 2016 Volumul XX Tomasz KAMUSELLA ALBANIA: A DENIAL OF THE OTTOMAN PAST (SCHOOL TEXTBOOKS AND POLITICS OF MEMORY)1 Rezumat Summary Albania: negarea trecutului otoman (manualele Albania: A Denial of the Ottoman past (School şcolare şi politicile de conservare a memoriei) textbooks and politics of memory) În şcolile din Albania postcomunistă, pe lângă ma- In post-communist Albania’s schools, alongside reg- nualele destinate pentru predarea istoriei, de asemenea, în ular textbooks of history for teaching the subject, school calitate de material didactic suplimentar sunt utilizate şi atlases of history are also employed as a prescribed or atlasele şcolare. Faptele şi relatările istorice ale trecutului adjunct textbook. In the stories and facts related through otoman, menţionate atât prin texte cât şi prin hărţi, sunt in- texts and maps, the Ottoman past is curiously warped discret denaturate şi marginalizate. Ca rezultat, în prezent, and marginalized. As a result, the average Albanian is left cetăţeanul albanez este incapabil să explice de ce în Albania, incapable of explaining why Albania is a predominantly unde predomină un sistem de guvernământ musulman, în Muslim polity, but with a considerable degree of tolerant acelaşi timp persistă un grad considerabil de toleranţă poli- poly-confessionalism. Furthermore, school history educa- confesionalistă. Cu toate acestea, curricula şcolară albaneză tion in Albania propagates the unreflective anti-Ottoman la disciplina „Istorie” continuă să propage în mod denaturat feeling encapsulated by the stereotypes of ‘Turkish yoke’ sentimentul antiotoman încapsulat de stereotipurile „jugul or ‘the five centuries of Turkish occupation.’ This simplis- turcesc” sau „cinci secole de ocupaţie turcească”.
    [Show full text]