Nationalism As Ideology: a Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Nationalism As Ideology: a Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia Nationalism as Ideology: A Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia Master Thesis for the award of the academic degree of Master of Arts (MA) at the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz submitted by: Branimir Staletovik at the Centre for Southeast European Studies Supervisor: Univ. Professor Florian Bieber Graz, 2015 Table of Contents Introduction............................................................................................................................1 The Rise of Nationalism in Macedonia................................................................................1 Chapter I: Nationalism as Ideology .....................................................................................5 Antiquization and Skopje 2014 – a critical reflection on the existing approaches ..............5 From Identity to Ideology ....................................................................................................8 Beyond Identity..................................................................................................................10 Nationalism as Ideology ....................................................................................................13 Thesis Goals and Methods .................................................................................................16 Nationalism in Macedonia and the Post-Yugoslav States..................................................18 Chapter II: The evolvement of ancient narrative in Macedonia and ‘diaspora’...........24 A Historical Reflection on the Development of Ancient Narrative in the Balkans and Macedonia .........................................................................................................................24 Diaspora Nationalism.........................................................................................................30 Chapter III: The ancient narrative in independent Macedonia – why narrative shift did not occur? ..................................................................................................................38 Macedonian Context .........................................................................................................39 Between Structure and Agency ..........................................................................................48 Chapter IV: “Antiquization campaign” and shift of dominant national narrative ......53 Post-conflict Macedonia ....................................................................................................54 Agency, Nationalism and State .........................................................................................56 Nationalism as Ideology – “Antiquization” and “Skopje 2014”........................................61 The Dissemination of the Ancient Narrative and Ideologisation Process .........................63 Beyond Nation-Building and Identity ...............................................................................70 Concluding Remarks ...........................................................................................................72 Bibliography ........................................................................................................................75 Abstract This thesis examines the recent rise of nationalism in Macedonia, which unprecedentedly highlights the importance of ancient symbolism and narrative. The central focus lies on the process of narrative shift, that is, a tendency to make the ancient narrative a dominant national narrative. I tried to show that the scholars’ focus in this regard is predominantly structural, which prevent us from a comprehensive analysis of the Macedonian case. While acknowledging the significance of larger factors, I tried to explain the ongoing phenomenon by focusing on the role of agency and state. Moreover, unlike the state of art in this regard, I attempt to argue that the rise of nationalism in Macedonia is better explainable by looking at ideology, rather than ‘identity’ and ‘nation-building’. Zusammenfassung In dieser Arbeit wird der jüngste Aufstieg von Nationalismus in Mazedonien analysiert, der wie nie zuvor, die Bedeutung antiker Symbole und Narrativen unterstreicht. Der zentrale Fokus dieser Studie liegt auf dem “Narrativ-Transfer” Prozess, bzw. auf der Tendenz das antike Narrativ zum dominanten nationalen Narrativ in Mazedonien zu hervorzuheben. In der Arbeit habe ich versucht auf bisherige Forschungen in diesem Themenbereich einzugehen, welche hauptsächlich Struktur-fokussiert sind. Während diese Analyse einen sozial-politischen Kontext in den Vordergrund stellt, liegt der Hauptfokus auf der Rolle von regierenden Eliten und dem Staat. Im Vergleich zur bisherigen Forschung über das Thema des „neuen mazedonischen Nationalismus“, demonstriert diese Arbeit, dass man den Nationalismus in Mazedonien besser durch Ideologie verstehen und erklären kann, und weniger durch die Kategorien, wie „Identität“ und/oder „Nation-Building.“ INTRODUCTION The Rise of Nationalism in Macedonia Before I reflect on the recent rise of nationalism in Macedonia championed by the ruling conservative party VMRO-DPMNE, which unprecedentedly highlights the importance of the ancient past, events and heroes, I would like to clarify what I mean by the “rise of nationalism.” This does not imply that the nationalism was present in a (significantly) smaller-scale before the VMRO-DPMNE took the power in Macedonia, nor that the nationalism has to be discussed as a detrimental and violent force. As a matter of fact, as we have learned from Michael Billig’s banal nationalism,1 Ernest Gelner’s account of nationalism as a product of modernity,2 but also from other studies reflecting on the everyday nationalism,3 as well as from Siniša Malešević’s thesis on nationalism as a dominant operative ideology of modernity,4 it would be misleading to reduce nationalism to retrograde and conflict nature. This view dominates in political and journalistic discourses, yet, things seem to be far more complex. In order to approach nationalism methodologically and conceptually better, it is of crucial importance to avoid moral connotation surrounding it. This, however, does not mean that we should avoid criticizing and condemning its conflictual potential. To the contrary, we shall be able to better understand its ubiquitousness – and condemning it accordingly if necessary – if we conceptualize it beyond the violent and retrograde assumptions often ascribed to it. As Billig observes: “Analysts, such as Giddens, are reserving the term ‘nationalism’ for outbreaks of ‘hot’ nationalist passion, which arise in times of social disruption and which are reflected in extreme social movements. In so doing, they are pointing to a recognizable phenomenon – indeed, one which is all too familiar in the contemporary world. The problem is not what such theories describe as nationalist, but what they omit. If the term nationalism is applied only to forceful social movements, something slips from theoretical awareness.5[…] It 1 Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage Publications, 1995). 2 Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983). 3 See for example, Jon E. Fox and Cynthia Miller-Idriss, “Everyday Nationhood,” Ethnicities 8, 4 (2008); also Tim Ederson, National Identity, Popular Culture and Everyday Life (New York: Berg, 2002). 4 Siniša Malešević, Identity as Ideology: Understanding Ethnicity and Nationalism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 5 Billig, Banal Nationalism, 44. 1 would seem more likely that the identity is part of a more banal way of life in the nation- state.6 The last sentence I quoted implies that the real strength of nationalism might lie exactly in this banal and non-disputed form that takes ‘national identity’ for granted, without even contesting and wondering about its reality. It suggests that the nation-state is a both natural and normative environment. In this sense, nationalism might not be endangered as it is in times of smaller or larger (violent) ethno-national conflicts, which, in turn, makes it less likely to be harmed or lost. However, the line between “banal” and “hot” nationalism sometimes is very thin, and further empirical insights of when and how nationalism evolves into a violent action are of essential analytical importance.7 One of the examples for this kind of ‘everyday nationalism’ is a massive urban project called “Skopje 2014.” With over 130 monuments and dozens of newly erected buildings “Skopje 2014” offers to the citizens an exceptional experience, and in this way communication with nationalism on daily basis. However, the banality of the project, often interpreted through the “disneyfication” phenomenon, has been producing tensions and divisions in the society, suggesting that the line between the ‘banal’ and detrimental nationalism is not always that fine indeed. I will reflect on this issue later when discussing the project “Skopje 2014”. Before that, it is necessary to acknowledge that this urban undertaking is considered to be a part of the larger process called by the opposition and opponents as an “antiquization campaign.”8 This process attempts to prove the presumed linkage between ancient Macedonia(ns) and today’s Macedonia(ns).9 This has been carried out through invention of new traditions, introducing a new popular discourse and symbols, a shift in the historical production, re-naming streets, squares, airports and highways after ancient heroes, to culminate with the massive 6 Ibid., 46. 7 See for example the
Recommended publications
  • PHD DISSERTATION.Pdf
    CHAPTER I Along the path of identity transformation of the different Albanian communities from their original Balkan environment to their destination in Italy as migrants The Albanian Issues and Identities - Introduction In 1912, noting the weakness of the Ottoman empire, the Albanian intellectual elite declared the founding of the Albanian state. Using the language and culture as bounds, they made the first step in erasing substantial cultural and religious differences and the creation of common identity between the Ghegs in Northern Albania and their Tosk cousins in the South. The newly founded state comprised, however, only a part of Albanian-inhabited lands while the rest was divided among the neighboring Slav states (Serbia and Montenegro) and Greece. A third of the Albanian population remained under the Serb and the Montenegrin administration, including the western coast of Lake Scutari, Kosovo and the western part of today’s Macedonia. Although this division had serious economic and psychological implications it was not the only reason for the Albanian discontent. In fact the Yugoslav state was from the beginning bitterly hostile to the ethnic Albanians. At first, the official state policy toward the “anti-national” and subversive Albanian element was one of the state sponsored assimilation through the Serbian education system. This policy, however, did not give the expected results and it was abandoned after it became clear that instead of aiding assimilation it was encouraging the growth of the Albanian national consciousness and oppositional activity. Considering that they were not able to assimilate them, the Serbian state authorities decided to adopt some more incisive policies of colonization and forced emigration.
    [Show full text]
  • Content Analysis Baden & Stalpouskaya
    Methodological Framework: Content Analysis Baden & Stalpouskaya 17 September 2015 INFOCORE Working Paper 2015/10 COMMON METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK: CONTENT ANALYSIS A MIXED-METHODS STRATEGY FOR COMPARATIVELY, DIACHRONICALLY ANALYZING CONFLICT DISCOURSE Christian Baden1 & Katsiaryna Stalpouskaya2 1Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2Ludwig Maximilian University Munich INFOCORE Working Paper 2015/10 1 www.infocore.eu/results/ www.infocore.eu/results/ Methodological Framework: Content Analysis Baden & Stalpouskaya COMMON METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK: CONTENT ANALYSIS (EXECUTIVE SUMMARY) The “common methodological framework” sets out those elements of INFOCORE’s methodological strategy shared by the analyses of INFOCORE’s four content-analytic WPs. The framework departs from an understanding of discourse as the use of lexical indicators (in different languages and manifold variations) to express semantic meaning – meanings that can be compared over time, across conflicts, across media, across cases, and in many other ways. In order to meet INFOCORE’s complex analytic demands, the framework combines inductive with deductive approaches, applies mixed qualitative and quantitative methodology, and formulates a sequence of steps to ensure that the respective strengths of each part are integrated to inform subsequent steps. Specifically, INFOCORE follows three main stages. In the first stage, the involved WPs and conflict leaders gather material and input on the cultural richness and variability of conflict-related discourse. From a detailed, qualitative
    [Show full text]
  • Gibbs Umd 0117E 12639.Pdf
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LEGITIMACY, TERRORIST ATTACKS AND POLICE Jennifer Catherine Gibbs Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Directed By: Professor Laura Dugan Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice Scholars often suggest that terrorism – “the threatened or actual use of illegal force and violence to attain a political, economic, religious or social goal through fear, coercion or intimidation” (LaFree & Dugan, 2007, 184) – is a battle of legitimacy. As the most ubiquitous representatives of the government’s coercive force, the police should be most susceptible to terrorism stemming from perceptions of illegitimacy. Police are attractive symbolic and strategic targets, and they were victimized in over 12% of terrorist attacks worldwide since 1970. However, empirical research assessing the influence of legitimacy on terrorist attacks, generally, and scholarly attention to terrorist attacks on police are scant. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the influence of state and police legitimacy and alternative explanations on the proportion of all and only fatal terrorist attacks on police in 82 countries between 1999 and 2008. Data were drawn from several sources, including the Global Terrorism Database and the World Values Survey. Surprisingly, results of Tobit analyses indicate that police legitimacy, measured by the percentage of the population who have at least some confidence in police, is not significantly related to the proportion of all terrorist attacks on police or the proportion of fatal terrorist attacks on police. State legitimacy was measured by four indicators; only the percentage of the population who would never protest reached significance, lending limited support for this hypothesis. Greater societal schism, the presence of a foreign military and greater economic inequality were consistently significant predictors of higher proportions of terrorist attacks on police.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma
    Paper prepared for the Sixth Euroacademia International Conference Re-Inventing Eastern Europe Belgrade, 27 – 28 January 2017 This paper is a draft Please do not cite or circulate 1 Make Macedonia great again! The new face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ identity dilemma. Piacentini Arianna University of Milan [email protected] Abstract For long time, the existence and the nature of the Macedonian nation have been contested by Macedonia’s neighbours - particularly Greece and Bulgaria. With the establishment of Tito’s Yugoslavia Macedonia became a federal unit and its inhabitants, the Macedonians, a constituent nation. However, the Yugoslav decades seems to have been only a buffer-time period, and identity disputes re-emerged in 1991 with Macedonia’s declaration of independence. A huge debate with Greece started over the use of the term Macedonia but, more profoundly, over the symbolical meaning and national importance of all that the term Macedonia symbolizes. From 2010, the Macedonian government has undertaken a project called “Skopje 2014”, aimed to renew the capital city Skopje not only by adopting neo-baroque style and building statues but also renaming the major streets, the stadium, the airport and the schools after the names of alleged ancestors lived in “a glorious past”. Hence, the project has gradually shaped, and changed, not only the identity of Skopje but the one of the Macedonian nation more generally, producing new national narratives. The importance in analysing what seemed to be a simple urban renovation lays, therefore, in a devious identity politics whose narrative is emphasizing a direct descent of the Macedonian people from Alexander the Great.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Politics in the Western Balkans
    Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation.
    [Show full text]
  • North Macedonia: 'New' Country Facing Old Problems
    North Macedonia: ‘New’ country facing old problems A research on the name change of the Republic of North Macedonia Willem Posthumus – s4606027 Master Thesis Human Geography - Conflicts, Territories and Identities Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Supervisor Henk van Houtum October 2019 36.989 words Once, from eastern ocean to western ocean, the land stretched away without names. Nameless headlands split the surf; nameless lakes reflected nameless mountains; and nameless rivers flowed through nameless valleys into nameless bays. G. R. Stewart, 1945, p. 3 2 I Preface After a bit more than a year, I can hereby present my master’s thesis. It’s about a name. Around 100 pages about a name: I could not have thought it would be such an extensive topic. Last year I had heard about Macedonia, or the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as it was often called. I didn’t know it that well, just that it used to be part of Yugoslavia, obviously. An item in the news, however, triggered my interest: the country was about to change its name to North Macedonia. ‘Why?’ I thought. I didn’t know about the name dispute, but the more I read about it, the more I wanted to know. When I had to choose a subject for my master’s thesis, I knew I would look at this name change. A year later, I think I understand the name change and the dispute better. Still, the topic is more complicated than I thought. Understanding everything there is about it would probably take a lot more time.
    [Show full text]
  • Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Anastas Vangeli
    ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 15, No. 4 (MK) February 2019 Macedonia external relations briefing: Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Anastas Vangeli 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Introduction The Prespa Agreement by which the former Republic of Macedonia obliged to change its constitutional name to the Republic of North Macedonia (hereinafter Macedonia) had brought the infamous Macedonian-Greek naming dispute to an end, at least for the time being. The political will to come to an agreement was not (only) a result of the cosmopolitan outlook of the elites in Skopje and Athens, but rather, a product of careful pragmatic calculus about the respective countries' international position. For Macedonia, a solution of the name dispute is expected to unlock and accelerate its accession to NATO, and facilitate its accession to the EU. For Greece, aside from opening new opportunities to re-emerge as a constructive stakeholder in the region of the Balkans, it was also an option to portray itself as a constructive actor in the Euro-Atlantic community. The Agreement itself was thus considered to be of utmost importance to the EU, NATO, and the governments of Western European countries and the US; and the way in which Macedonia (and Greece) aligned their strategic interests with the West. However, by changing the dynamics of the region and adjusting the positions of Greece and Macedonia, the Prespa Agreement has also potential to affect the two countries' relations with other, non- Western actors as well.
    [Show full text]
  • A Balanced View of the Balkans
    aBalanced View of theBalkans DESPITE SUCCESSES, PILLARS OF PROGRESS SEEM TO BE ERODING Dr. Matthew Rhodes and Dr. Dragan Lozancic George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies hroughout the 1990s, interethnic violence placed Southeast Europe at the center of the Euro-Atlantic security agenda. Today, perceptions of the region gravitate toward one of two extremes. Many current policymakers, pressed with greater immediate challenges elsewhere, dismiss the Balkan conflict as a problem Tresolved. Meanwhile, prominent former officials and area specialists warn that the region once again stands on the brink of explosion. More balanced assessments seem lost in between. Despite the end of armed conflict, and steps toward recovery and transformation, remaining problems should not be underestimated. Still, “crying wolf” alarmism risks reinforcing the very complacence it seeks to overcome. What is required is more sober examina- tion of the factors producing qualified success as well as those blocking further advancement. Progressively addressing the Balkans’ unfinished business is vital in the first place for the people of the region themselves. It would also offer hope and lessons for resolving conflicts elsewhere. One key element that helped end large-scale fighting and open the way for political and economic renewal has been the scope of international effort. The initial NATO peacekeeping forces in Bosnia and Kosovo numbered 60,000 and 45,000 troops, respectively. Relative to local population, these levels were roughly 50 times higher than in post-2001 Afghanistan and four times the surge peak in Iraq.1 The $14 billion in foreign aid assistance to Bosnia through 2007 translated into a similar edge of $300 per person per year versus $65 in Afghanistan.2 A second factor has been the pull of Euro-Atlantic integration.
    [Show full text]
  • Sovereignty Is Socially Constructed the State of and That It Changes with Time and Place
    WORLD HISTORY | POLITICAL SCIENCE Howland EXPLORES HOW STATES CONSTRUCT and White THEMSELVES AND HOW STATE FORMS SEEK TO BE SOVEREIGN THE Contributors “The multidisciplinary character of the contributions reinforces the focus of the work—that sovereignty is socially constructed the state of and that it changes with time and place. Nearly unique in Mark Philip Bradley presenting the diff erent operationalizations of sovereignty while s Keith Brown avoiding the superfi ciality of other attempts to do so.” TATE Frederick Cooper —William Reno, Northwestern University Kevin C. Dunn The State of Sovereignty examines how the nation-state became the prevailing form of governance in the world today. Spanning s Siba N. Grovogui the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and addressing colo- OVEREIGNTY OF Douglas Howland nization and decolonization around the globe, these essays argue that sovereignty is a set of historically contingent practices, and Aida A. Hozic not something that accrues naturally to states. The contributors explore the diff erent ways in which sovereign political forms s Martha Kaplan have been defi ned and have defi ned themselves, placing recent debates about nations and national identity within a broader OVEREIGNTY John D. Kelly history of sovereignty, territory, and legality. Aims McGuinness DOUGLAS HOWLAND is the David D. Buck Professor Leonard V. Smith of Chinese History at the University of Wisconsin– Territories, Milwaukee. David Tucker LUISE WHITE is Professor of History at the University Laws, Luise White of Florida. Populations 21st Century Studies—Daniel J. Sherman, editor Edited by Douglas Howland INDIANA Cover illustration from Leviathan by University Press Thomas Hobbes, courtesy Special Collections, and Bloomington & Indianapolis University of Virginia Library INDIANA http://iupress.indiana.edu Luise White 1-800-842-6796 THE STATE OF SOVEREIGNTY The State of Sovereignty: Territories, Laws, Populations is Volume 3 in the series 21st Century Studies Center for 21st Century Studies University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee daniel j.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Economic Globalisation on the Rise of Nationalism: the Case of Western Balkan Countries
    POLITIKON: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science Vol 39 (December 2018) The Impact of Economic Globalisation on the Rise of Nationalism: The Case of Western Balkan Countries Fiammetta Colombo https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.39.4 Fiammetta Colombo, 25, from Pisa (Italy), is a graduate who received her bachelor’s degree in International Relations at the University of Pisa in 2017. She wrote her bachelor’s thesis on the decolonisation of East Timor and currently studies at the University of Pisa as a master’s degree student. Her interests include Balkan studies, postcolonial studies, and gender studies. E-mail: [email protected]. Abstract The Western Balkans went through a transition process when globalisation was at its maximum strength and expansion. This paper examines the Western Balkan economies during said transition period and the impact of the 2008 economic crisis on their social fabric. The aim is to investigate the repercussions of economic globalisation on nationalism. Using a comparative approach, this work firstly analyses the economic transition of Western Balkans, focusing on social consequences of economic globalisation. The results found in this first step are then compared with the electoral results of nationalist parties in the region. Furthermore, their attitude towards globalisation is examined. The findings show that the economic transition had strong consequences on unemployment, poverty, and inequality rates in the region; this fallout had a subsidiary role in the growth of nationalist parties. Finally, with the only exception of the Serbian case, nationalist forces appear to be in favour of globalisation. Keywords Comparative method; Economic crisis; Economic globalisation; Nationalism; Western Balkans 86 POLITIKON: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science Vol 39 (December 2018) Introduction Nowadays, the impact of globalisation on nationalism is considered one of the core issues both inside and outside the academic context.
    [Show full text]
  • Macedonian Domestic and International Problems (1990−2019) 195 Which Considered That the Macedonian Orthodox Church Should Be Only a Part of It, Was Renewed
    p O3l 2S /k 6 a. $a k$ a .D $e ' m (I 0a , $u m80,(-ĉ712ĝ&,I e j ę t n O ś c I To720m XXX ;;9, Stu678',$DIa śROD ĝ52'.2:2(8523(-6.,(kOWOeuROpejSkIe I B a, Ł%$à.$1,67<&=1(kanIStYcZne 2021 DOI'2,;66% 10.4467/2543733XSSB.21.014.13807 KATERINA%$5%$5$.5$8=02=(5 TODOROSKA Institute8QLZHUV\WHW-DJLHOORĔVNL of National History Skopje 72ĩ6$02ĝû±&=<72 7</.2680$6327.$ē MACEDONIAN DOMESTIC,232:,(ĝ&," AND INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS (1990−2019) 7RĪVDPRĞüXIRUPRZDQDMHVWZDUXQNLHPRWZDUFLDVLĊQDĞZLDW1 Summary -5DW]LQJHU The article addresses the complex relations between the Republic of Macedonia and the neigh- 6áRZDNOXF]RZHIRUP\WRĪVDPRĞFLWRĪVDPRĞüXIRUPRZDQDWRĪVDPRĞüMHGQRVWNRZDWRĪVD boring countries formed after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Several reasons behind said difficul- PRĞü]ELRURZDG\VNXVMHRWRĪVDPRĞFL ties are discussed, namely: the dispute between Serbia and Macedonia concerning Belgrade’s lack of recognition7RĪVDPRĞü" of the A±DutocephalyFyĪWR]DRVREOLZRĞü"&RXNU\ZDVLĊ]DW\PVáRZHPEĊGąF\POHN of the Macedonian Orthodox church, the conflict with Albanians, whoV\NDOQą]DJDGNąNWyUHX]QDOLĞP\]DWDNXĪ\WHF]QHĪHMHVWHĞP\VNáRQQLSRVáXJLZDüVLĊ point out to human rights violations by the government in Skopje, and the contestations between North Macedonia and Bulgaria addressing Bulgaria’s suppression of Macedonian national identity QLPEH]UHÀHNV\MQLHX]QDZDü]DQLH]EĊGQHPLPRĪHÄQLHMDVQH´WUXGQHGRGHV\JQRZDQLD and language in the province of Pirin Macedonia (Blagoevgrad Province). Finally, we discuss the conflictZ\P\NDMąFHVLĊ]Z\Ná\PPHWRGRPREVHUZDFMLL with Greece
    [Show full text]
  • National Myths in Interdependence
    National Myths in Interdependence: The Narratives of the Ancient Past among Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia after 1991 By Matvey Lomonosov Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts CEU eTD Collection Advisor: Professor Maria Kovács Budapest, Hungary 2012 Abstract The scholarship on national mythology primarily focuses on the construction of historical narratives within separate “nations,” and oftentimes presents the particular national ist elites as single authors and undisputable controllers of mythological versions of the past. However, the authorship and authority of the dominant national ist elites in designing particular narratives of the communal history is limited. The national past, at least in non- totalitarian societies, is widely negotiated, and its interpretation is always heteroglot . The particular narratives that come out of the dominant elites’ “think-tanks” get into a polyphonic discursive milieu discussing the past. Thus they become addressed to alternative narratives, agree with them, deny them or reinterpret them. The existence of those “other” narratives as well as the others’ authorship constitutes a specific factor in shaping mythopoeic activities of dominant political and intellectual national elites. Then, achieving personal or “national” goals by nationalists usually means doing so at the expense or in relations to the others. If in this confrontation the rivals use historical myths, the evolution of the later will depend on mutual responses. Thus national historical myths are constructed in dialogue, contain voices of the others, and have “other” “authors” from within and from without the nation in addition to “own” dominant national ist elite.
    [Show full text]