The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma
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Nationalism As Ideology: a Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia
Nationalism as Ideology: A Reflection on the Group Remaking Tendencies in Macedonia Master Thesis for the award of the academic degree of Master of Arts (MA) at the Karl-Franzens-University of Graz submitted by: Branimir Staletovik at the Centre for Southeast European Studies Supervisor: Univ. Professor Florian Bieber Graz, 2015 Table of Contents Introduction............................................................................................................................1 The Rise of Nationalism in Macedonia................................................................................1 Chapter I: Nationalism as Ideology .....................................................................................5 Antiquization and Skopje 2014 – a critical reflection on the existing approaches ..............5 From Identity to Ideology ....................................................................................................8 Beyond Identity..................................................................................................................10 Nationalism as Ideology ....................................................................................................13 Thesis Goals and Methods .................................................................................................16 Nationalism in Macedonia and the Post-Yugoslav States..................................................18 Chapter II: The evolvement of ancient narrative in Macedonia and ‘diaspora’...........24 A Historical Reflection on the -
Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: from Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset*
164 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2/2016 Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: From Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset* LJUPCHO PETKOVSKI AND DIMITAR NIKOLOVSKI** Abstract Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. In the 2009–2012 period, smaller groups of citizens rallied around issues as different as protection of public spaces, police brutality, rising prices of electricity, etc. Yet, it was not before the larger student mobilizations took place in 2014 that the social space significantly opened up with a number of social groups protesting the increasingly authoritarian rule of the il- liberal incumbents. In this paper, we investigate and compare the discursive strategies of the social movements (SM) in the two periods, especially the shift from ‘anti-populist rhetorical trap’ from the first period to the broader appeals for solidarity and a construction of equivalences which charac- terized the second period. In so doing, we hypothesize and demonstrate that the relative success in the second period can be accounted for in terms of the more inclusive discourse which helped SM avoid the ‘anti-populist trap’, thus challenging illiberal populism with progressive and (formally) populist discourse. Theoretically, the analysis goes back and forth between two approaches to stud- ying populism: the dominant theory which sees populism as democratic illiberalism and Laclau’s theory of hegemony that sees populism as a formal political logic with no predetermined ideological content. Keywords: Macedonia; populism; social movements; anti-populist rhetorical trap DOI: 10.5817/PC2016-2-164 1. Introduction Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. -
General Elections in Macédonia 5Th June 2011
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN MACEDONIA 5th june 2011 European Elections monitor Four months of Parliamentary boycott by the opposition lead Nikola Gruevski to convene early Corinne Deloy general elections in Macedonia Translated by Helen Levy On 15th April the Sobranie, the only Chamber of Parliament in Macedonia, was dissolved by 79 of the ANALYSIS 120 MPs and early general elections were convened for 5th June by Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola 1 month before Gruevski (Revolutionary Organisation-Democratic Party for National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE). According the poll to the electoral law the election has to be organised within 60 days following dissolution. This decision follows the political crisis that Macedonia has been experiencing since the beginning of 2011. An early election after political crisis The VMRO-DPMN qualified the opposition forces decision “as a crime contrary to the interests of Macedonia and Indeed since 28th January the opposition forces – the its perspective for a European future.” “The irresponsible Social Democratic Union, SDSM and the Albanian Demo- behaviour of some politicians may ruin the results that cratic Party, PDA-PDSh (i.e. 38 MPs in all) – decided to we have achieved,” declared parliament’s spokesperson boycott the sessions of Parliament in protest against the Trajko Veljanovski who denounced the ‘artificial political freezing of the bank accounts of media tycoon Velij Aram- crisis’ created by the opposition parties. kovski, owner of the TV channel A1 and the newspapers The SDSM which indicated that it would not give up its Vreme, Shpic and E Re. Velij Aramkovski was arrested with boycott of Parliament announced that it would take part 16 of his employees in December 2010; he is accused of in the next general elections. -
The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security. -
Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia
Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia Metamorphosis, the IFEX member from Macedonia, expressed grave concern about the publicly announced allegations of mass and unauthorized surveillance of citizens, performed through criminal association and official misconduct in the state institutions and/or influential corporations. Invasions of privacy directly affect freedom of expression in Macedonia, and fueling the overall climate of fear and silence. "The right to privacy is an extremely important human right, and the threat to privacy is also a direct threat to our freedom. Authorities must make the decisions on wiretapping and surveillance in accordance with the applicable laws. Those decisions must not be arbitrary decisions made by individuals who have the power to do so. The allegations for mass eavesdropping of more than 20,000 citizens are very serious and the public must seek responsibility from the relevant institutions"‐ said Bardhyl Jashari, director of the Metamorphosis Foundation. Metamorphosis reminded the public that the protection of privacy, the protection of personal data, and the protection of human rights related to freedom and dignity that may be violated by eavesdropping, is stipulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and protected by number of laws, including the Law on Personal Data Protection, while the Criminal Code sanctions unauthorized wiretapping. On the other hand, the 2014 European Commission Progress Report on the Republic of Macedonia indicated that it is necessary to further adjust the sector‐specific laws in order to fully comply with the European regulations on personal data protection. Setting the protection of privacy as a priority in building an information society, Metamorphosis has since 2004 publicly indicated, on a number of occasions, the possibility for abuse due to the lack of mechanisms for supervision over institutions that have the capacity to conduct eavesdropping by the Parliament. -
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs Crisis Group Europe Briefing N°75 Skopje/Brussels, 9 July 2015 I. Overview Macedonia is reeling from two shocks. Amid a scandal over leaked wiretaps revealing a state apparatus captured and corrupted by the leading party, a battle in ethnically mixed Kumanovo between police and ethnic-Albanian gunmen, many from Kosovo, caused the region’s worst loss of life in a decade. Unless addressed urgently, the double crisis (government legitimacy/regional security) carries risk that could extend to violent confrontation, perhaps in worst case to elements of the conflict narrowly averted in 2001. Discredited national institutions cannot cope alone. The opposition has broken off talks on a European Union (EU) mediated deal between parties for reforms and early elections that deadlocked, substantially over whether the prime minister, in power since 2006, must resign and the time a transitional government would need to level the field. The EU must press for a comprehensive agreement addressing the state capture and alleged corruption, including independ- ent investigation and monitoring with international help. Macedonia and Kosovo, also with aid, should jointly investigate Kumanovo. In February 2015, the main opposition party began publishing excerpts from what it said was an illegal wiretap program leaked by unidentified persons. The massive surveillance, from at least 2010 to 2014, seems to have targeted thousands, including nearly all top opposition and government officials, as well as ambassadors and media figures. The fraction of published wiretaps focus on what appear to be conversations of senior government persons plotting to subvert elections, manipulating courts, controlling a nominally independent press and punishing enemies. -
To Download a PDF of an Interview with H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime
INTERVIEW VIEW Blacksands Pacific Group, Inc. Interview INTEGRITY – one of the fastest growing and INTER Macedonia’s COMMITMENT most dynamic energy companies in the United States – will soon be making a DYNAMISM series of announcements about Advantages far-reaching global partnerships that will produce and deliver energy An Interview with efficiently around the world. H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime Minister of Macedonia improvements in Additionally, we created free economic the quota system zones with a tax holiday in the fi rst 10 years for and the admin- companies operating there. This is an important Oil and Gas Exploration & Production istration, and in advantage. the fight against We’re also a small country with two million Crude Oil and Petroleum Products Trading corruption and people within 25,000 square kilometers, but we Gas and Power H.E. Nikola Gruevski criminals. have free trade agreements with all countries in The fifth of Europe except Russia. This means everything EDITORS’ NOTE Nikola Gruevski has been the our top priorities is education; not only that is produced in Macedonia can be exported Prime Minister of Macedonia since August 2006, fi nding ways to improve its quality but also to those countries without paying custom du- and has led the ruling VMRO-DPMNE party making education easier and more ac- ties. Products produced in Macedonia get the since May 2003. He was Minister of Finance in cessible for all citizens across the country. same treatment in any country in continental the VMRO-DPMNE government until September Connected to this is also innovation, and Europe except Russia. -
North Macedonia: 'New' Country Facing Old Problems
North Macedonia: ‘New’ country facing old problems A research on the name change of the Republic of North Macedonia Willem Posthumus – s4606027 Master Thesis Human Geography - Conflicts, Territories and Identities Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Supervisor Henk van Houtum October 2019 36.989 words Once, from eastern ocean to western ocean, the land stretched away without names. Nameless headlands split the surf; nameless lakes reflected nameless mountains; and nameless rivers flowed through nameless valleys into nameless bays. G. R. Stewart, 1945, p. 3 2 I Preface After a bit more than a year, I can hereby present my master’s thesis. It’s about a name. Around 100 pages about a name: I could not have thought it would be such an extensive topic. Last year I had heard about Macedonia, or the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as it was often called. I didn’t know it that well, just that it used to be part of Yugoslavia, obviously. An item in the news, however, triggered my interest: the country was about to change its name to North Macedonia. ‘Why?’ I thought. I didn’t know about the name dispute, but the more I read about it, the more I wanted to know. When I had to choose a subject for my master’s thesis, I knew I would look at this name change. A year later, I think I understand the name change and the dispute better. Still, the topic is more complicated than I thought. Understanding everything there is about it would probably take a lot more time. -
Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Anastas Vangeli
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 15, No. 4 (MK) February 2019 Macedonia external relations briefing: Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Anastas Vangeli 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Relations Between Macedonia, Greece and China After the Prespa Agreement Introduction The Prespa Agreement by which the former Republic of Macedonia obliged to change its constitutional name to the Republic of North Macedonia (hereinafter Macedonia) had brought the infamous Macedonian-Greek naming dispute to an end, at least for the time being. The political will to come to an agreement was not (only) a result of the cosmopolitan outlook of the elites in Skopje and Athens, but rather, a product of careful pragmatic calculus about the respective countries' international position. For Macedonia, a solution of the name dispute is expected to unlock and accelerate its accession to NATO, and facilitate its accession to the EU. For Greece, aside from opening new opportunities to re-emerge as a constructive stakeholder in the region of the Balkans, it was also an option to portray itself as a constructive actor in the Euro-Atlantic community. The Agreement itself was thus considered to be of utmost importance to the EU, NATO, and the governments of Western European countries and the US; and the way in which Macedonia (and Greece) aligned their strategic interests with the West. However, by changing the dynamics of the region and adjusting the positions of Greece and Macedonia, the Prespa Agreement has also potential to affect the two countries' relations with other, non- Western actors as well. -
Macedonia Name Issue: the Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux
Macedonia name issue: The Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux 03.12.2009 From Skopje, Risto Karajkov nathangibbs/flickr According to the European Commission, Macedonia is ready for the accession negotiations, but needs to solve the dispute with Greece first. Despite some positive signals between Skopje and Athens, like the meeting between Gruevski and Papandreou, the country expects a further disappointment Macedonia is reliving its Bucharest syndrome. With just days away from the meeting of the European Council, scheduled for 10-11 December, when a decision should be made whether to open accession negotiations with Skopje, political fever in the country is on the rise. In its recent annual progress report, the European Commission (EC) suggested Macedonia was ready for starting accession talks with the EU. Now the European Council must make the political decision – to accept the EC’s recommendation and set a date for the opening of the talks. However, a big obstacle remains: Greece’s resolve to veto Macedonia’s integration until resolution of the 18-year old issue of Macedonia’s name. A similar situation occurred in spring 2008, when during the NATO summit in Bucharest, Macedonia hoped until the very last moment that something – help from allies, or a sheer miracle – would allow it into the NATO alliance despite Greece’s objection. The miracle did not materialize, and Greece effectively exercised its power and kept Macedonia from joining NATO. Many in Macedonia were disappointed. The country entered a period of political crisis, which in turn led to early national elections. The stock market declined seriously in response to the excessive political gloom. -
A Balanced View of the Balkans
aBalanced View of theBalkans DESPITE SUCCESSES, PILLARS OF PROGRESS SEEM TO BE ERODING Dr. Matthew Rhodes and Dr. Dragan Lozancic George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies hroughout the 1990s, interethnic violence placed Southeast Europe at the center of the Euro-Atlantic security agenda. Today, perceptions of the region gravitate toward one of two extremes. Many current policymakers, pressed with greater immediate challenges elsewhere, dismiss the Balkan conflict as a problem Tresolved. Meanwhile, prominent former officials and area specialists warn that the region once again stands on the brink of explosion. More balanced assessments seem lost in between. Despite the end of armed conflict, and steps toward recovery and transformation, remaining problems should not be underestimated. Still, “crying wolf” alarmism risks reinforcing the very complacence it seeks to overcome. What is required is more sober examina- tion of the factors producing qualified success as well as those blocking further advancement. Progressively addressing the Balkans’ unfinished business is vital in the first place for the people of the region themselves. It would also offer hope and lessons for resolving conflicts elsewhere. One key element that helped end large-scale fighting and open the way for political and economic renewal has been the scope of international effort. The initial NATO peacekeeping forces in Bosnia and Kosovo numbered 60,000 and 45,000 troops, respectively. Relative to local population, these levels were roughly 50 times higher than in post-2001 Afghanistan and four times the surge peak in Iraq.1 The $14 billion in foreign aid assistance to Bosnia through 2007 translated into a similar edge of $300 per person per year versus $65 in Afghanistan.2 A second factor has been the pull of Euro-Atlantic integration. -
The West's Responsibility in Macedonia
No Stability without Accountability – The West’s Responsibility in Macedonia A DPC Policy Paper by Kurt Bassuener Sarajevo, June 2015 http://democratizationpolicy.org A report from Democratization Policy Council Author: Kurt Bassuener Editing: DPC Editorial Board Sarajevo June 2015 http://democratizationpolicy.org TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS .............................................................. I MACEDONIA’S JOURNEY ............................................................................................................................. 1 GRUEVSKI IN POWER .................................................................................................................................. 4 INTERNATIONAL FACTOR: PERVERSE SYMBIOSIS, AUTHORITARIAN DRIFT ............................................... 13 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................. 16 http://democratizationpolicy.org EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS1 The Republic of Macedonia (hereinafter “Macedonia”), once considered an island of relative stability in a troubled region, is now once again in the news, for the first time in almost a decade and a half, on account of internal turmoil. The hostility or opportunism of Macedonia’s neighbors has in the past decade abetted the degeneration of an already clientelistic domestic political culture into one in which neo-authoritarianism has taken strong hold.2 The Social Democratic Union of