General Elections in Macédonia 5Th June 2011
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ANNEX 2 Crosstabulations of the Survey Questions with The
"WHO OWNS ALEXANDER THE GREAT?": A QUESTION UPON WHICH EU ENLARGEMENT RELIES ANNEX 2 Crosstabulations of the survey questions with the respondents ethnicity According to you which was the most important period for the formation of Macedonian identity? Ethnicity Macedonian Albanian Turk According to you which Antiquity 7.6% 0.5% was the most important Medieval Slavic Christianity (period of 22.2% 12.5% 21.9% period for formation of Brothers Cyril and Methodius) Macedonian identity? Ilinden Uprising (organized revolt 16.7% 1.9% 18.8% against the Ottoman Empire 1903) Partisan period of WWII 7.6% 4.6% 15.6% SFR Yugoslavia 14.5% 19.0% 18.8% Independence (1991- present) 21.5% 19.4% 12.5% Bucharest agreement (1913) 0.2% I don’t know 7.5% 13.9% 12.5% No answer 2.0% 28.2% They are all important The end of the 19century 0.2% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0 % Ethnicity Roma Serbian Vlach Other According to you which Antiquity 4.5% 18.2% was the most important Medieval Slavic Christianity 17.4% 13.6% 32.0% 4.5% period for formation of (period of Brothers Cyril Macedonian identity? and Methodius) Ilinden Uprising (organized 8.7% 18.2% 12.0% 18.2% revolt against the Ottoman Empire 1903) Partisan period of WWII 13.0% 18.2% 12.0% SFR Yugoslavia 32.6% 22.7% 20.0% 45.5% Independence (1991- 8.7% 18.2% 20.0% 13.6% present) Bucharest agreement (1913) I don’t know 15.2% 4.0% No answer 4.3% They are all important 4.5% The end of the 19century Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Ethnicity Total Refuse to answer According to you which was the Antiquity 5.8% most important -
Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: from Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset*
164 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2/2016 Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: From Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset* LJUPCHO PETKOVSKI AND DIMITAR NIKOLOVSKI** Abstract Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. In the 2009–2012 period, smaller groups of citizens rallied around issues as different as protection of public spaces, police brutality, rising prices of electricity, etc. Yet, it was not before the larger student mobilizations took place in 2014 that the social space significantly opened up with a number of social groups protesting the increasingly authoritarian rule of the il- liberal incumbents. In this paper, we investigate and compare the discursive strategies of the social movements (SM) in the two periods, especially the shift from ‘anti-populist rhetorical trap’ from the first period to the broader appeals for solidarity and a construction of equivalences which charac- terized the second period. In so doing, we hypothesize and demonstrate that the relative success in the second period can be accounted for in terms of the more inclusive discourse which helped SM avoid the ‘anti-populist trap’, thus challenging illiberal populism with progressive and (formally) populist discourse. Theoretically, the analysis goes back and forth between two approaches to stud- ying populism: the dominant theory which sees populism as democratic illiberalism and Laclau’s theory of hegemony that sees populism as a formal political logic with no predetermined ideological content. Keywords: Macedonia; populism; social movements; anti-populist rhetorical trap DOI: 10.5817/PC2016-2-164 1. Introduction Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. -
The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security. -
Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia
Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia Metamorphosis, the IFEX member from Macedonia, expressed grave concern about the publicly announced allegations of mass and unauthorized surveillance of citizens, performed through criminal association and official misconduct in the state institutions and/or influential corporations. Invasions of privacy directly affect freedom of expression in Macedonia, and fueling the overall climate of fear and silence. "The right to privacy is an extremely important human right, and the threat to privacy is also a direct threat to our freedom. Authorities must make the decisions on wiretapping and surveillance in accordance with the applicable laws. Those decisions must not be arbitrary decisions made by individuals who have the power to do so. The allegations for mass eavesdropping of more than 20,000 citizens are very serious and the public must seek responsibility from the relevant institutions"‐ said Bardhyl Jashari, director of the Metamorphosis Foundation. Metamorphosis reminded the public that the protection of privacy, the protection of personal data, and the protection of human rights related to freedom and dignity that may be violated by eavesdropping, is stipulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and protected by number of laws, including the Law on Personal Data Protection, while the Criminal Code sanctions unauthorized wiretapping. On the other hand, the 2014 European Commission Progress Report on the Republic of Macedonia indicated that it is necessary to further adjust the sector‐specific laws in order to fully comply with the European regulations on personal data protection. Setting the protection of privacy as a priority in building an information society, Metamorphosis has since 2004 publicly indicated, on a number of occasions, the possibility for abuse due to the lack of mechanisms for supervision over institutions that have the capacity to conduct eavesdropping by the Parliament. -
A Perfect Storm: Macedonia's Political Chaos and the Refugee Crisis
A perfect storm: Macedonia’s political chaos and the refugee crisis blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2016/01/28/a-perfect-storm-macedonias-political-chaos-and-the-refugee-crisis/ 1/28/2016 Macedonia has been experiencing a prolonged political crisis, with the country’s Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, resigning in January this year ahead of new elections intended to be held in April. Dejan Marolov writes on the roots of the crisis and how the present standoff between the ruling party and the opposition has developed. He argues that resolving the political stalemate will be vital if Macedonia is to meet a number of key challenges it faces, such as the country’s location on one of the main routes for asylum seekers and migrants to travel into northern Europe. The Republic of Macedonia is facing possibly the toughest political crisis in its existence (if we exclude the armed conflict from 2001). As a result of the crisis, which was initiated by a phone tapping scandal, an EU-mediated agreement, known as the ‘Przino agreement’, was reached between the main political parties in July 2015 to undertake a series of measures to resolve the situation. This was to culminate in new, fair and democratic elections, which were set for April 2016. The resignation of the country’s Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, was part of this agreement – and it was this element that generated a particularly large level of attention. The roots of the current crisis Gruevski has been Prime Minister from mid-2006, which means he has governed the country for almost 10 years. -
Studia Politica Nr. 42014
www.ssoar.info Balkan politicians, mostly immune to the influence of EU integration Mitropolitski, Simeon Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Mitropolitski, S. (2014). Balkan politicians, mostly immune to the influence of EU integration. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(4), 497-514. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445874 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Balkan Politicians, Mostly Immune to the Influence of EU Integration SIMEON MITROPOLITSKI Are the post-communist politicians changing their political identities as a result of European Union (EU) integration? Are they more likely to accept democratic norms and procedures as their countries are moving toward EU membership? The literature gives two mutually excluding answers with possible shades of gray between them. On the one hand, Vachudova and Spendzharova 1, Levitsky and Way 2, Pridham 3, Hullen and Borzel 4, share the optimistic vision of EU integration as beneficiary to democratic development in post-communist context, including also its role in promoting democratic political culture, in shifting political calculations toward accepting western norms, and in teaching local political elites the rules of democratic bargaining. As an alternative, authors such as Gallagher 5, Raik 6 and Bideleux 7 tell a different story. -
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs Crisis Group Europe Briefing N°75 Skopje/Brussels, 9 July 2015 I. Overview Macedonia is reeling from two shocks. Amid a scandal over leaked wiretaps revealing a state apparatus captured and corrupted by the leading party, a battle in ethnically mixed Kumanovo between police and ethnic-Albanian gunmen, many from Kosovo, caused the region’s worst loss of life in a decade. Unless addressed urgently, the double crisis (government legitimacy/regional security) carries risk that could extend to violent confrontation, perhaps in worst case to elements of the conflict narrowly averted in 2001. Discredited national institutions cannot cope alone. The opposition has broken off talks on a European Union (EU) mediated deal between parties for reforms and early elections that deadlocked, substantially over whether the prime minister, in power since 2006, must resign and the time a transitional government would need to level the field. The EU must press for a comprehensive agreement addressing the state capture and alleged corruption, including independ- ent investigation and monitoring with international help. Macedonia and Kosovo, also with aid, should jointly investigate Kumanovo. In February 2015, the main opposition party began publishing excerpts from what it said was an illegal wiretap program leaked by unidentified persons. The massive surveillance, from at least 2010 to 2014, seems to have targeted thousands, including nearly all top opposition and government officials, as well as ambassadors and media figures. The fraction of published wiretaps focus on what appear to be conversations of senior government persons plotting to subvert elections, manipulating courts, controlling a nominally independent press and punishing enemies. -
The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma
Paper prepared for the Sixth Euroacademia International Conference Re-Inventing Eastern Europe Belgrade, 27 – 28 January 2017 This paper is a draft Please do not cite or circulate 1 Make Macedonia great again! The new face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ identity dilemma. Piacentini Arianna University of Milan [email protected] Abstract For long time, the existence and the nature of the Macedonian nation have been contested by Macedonia’s neighbours - particularly Greece and Bulgaria. With the establishment of Tito’s Yugoslavia Macedonia became a federal unit and its inhabitants, the Macedonians, a constituent nation. However, the Yugoslav decades seems to have been only a buffer-time period, and identity disputes re-emerged in 1991 with Macedonia’s declaration of independence. A huge debate with Greece started over the use of the term Macedonia but, more profoundly, over the symbolical meaning and national importance of all that the term Macedonia symbolizes. From 2010, the Macedonian government has undertaken a project called “Skopje 2014”, aimed to renew the capital city Skopje not only by adopting neo-baroque style and building statues but also renaming the major streets, the stadium, the airport and the schools after the names of alleged ancestors lived in “a glorious past”. Hence, the project has gradually shaped, and changed, not only the identity of Skopje but the one of the Macedonian nation more generally, producing new national narratives. The importance in analysing what seemed to be a simple urban renovation lays, therefore, in a devious identity politics whose narrative is emphasizing a direct descent of the Macedonian people from Alexander the Great. -
To Download a PDF of an Interview with H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime
INTERVIEW VIEW Blacksands Pacific Group, Inc. Interview INTEGRITY – one of the fastest growing and INTER Macedonia’s COMMITMENT most dynamic energy companies in the United States – will soon be making a DYNAMISM series of announcements about Advantages far-reaching global partnerships that will produce and deliver energy An Interview with efficiently around the world. H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime Minister of Macedonia improvements in Additionally, we created free economic the quota system zones with a tax holiday in the fi rst 10 years for and the admin- companies operating there. This is an important Oil and Gas Exploration & Production istration, and in advantage. the fight against We’re also a small country with two million Crude Oil and Petroleum Products Trading corruption and people within 25,000 square kilometers, but we Gas and Power H.E. Nikola Gruevski criminals. have free trade agreements with all countries in The fifth of Europe except Russia. This means everything EDITORS’ NOTE Nikola Gruevski has been the our top priorities is education; not only that is produced in Macedonia can be exported Prime Minister of Macedonia since August 2006, fi nding ways to improve its quality but also to those countries without paying custom du- and has led the ruling VMRO-DPMNE party making education easier and more ac- ties. Products produced in Macedonia get the since May 2003. He was Minister of Finance in cessible for all citizens across the country. same treatment in any country in continental the VMRO-DPMNE government until September Connected to this is also innovation, and Europe except Russia. -
Human Rights in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
January 1994 Vol. 6, Issue 1 HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA CONTENTS Introduction ..........................................................................................................................................................1 Background ..........................................................................................................................................................3 Complaints of excessive use of force by police..................................................................................................4 Inter-ethnic relations ............................................................................................................................................5 Minority rights .....................................................................................................................................................5 General minority complaints..................................................................................................................6 The Albanian minority ...........................................................................................................................6 The Serbian minority............................................................................................................................10 The Turkish minority ...........................................................................................................................12 The Roma (Gypsy) minority ................................................................................................................13 -
Macedonia Name Issue: the Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux
Macedonia name issue: The Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux 03.12.2009 From Skopje, Risto Karajkov nathangibbs/flickr According to the European Commission, Macedonia is ready for the accession negotiations, but needs to solve the dispute with Greece first. Despite some positive signals between Skopje and Athens, like the meeting between Gruevski and Papandreou, the country expects a further disappointment Macedonia is reliving its Bucharest syndrome. With just days away from the meeting of the European Council, scheduled for 10-11 December, when a decision should be made whether to open accession negotiations with Skopje, political fever in the country is on the rise. In its recent annual progress report, the European Commission (EC) suggested Macedonia was ready for starting accession talks with the EU. Now the European Council must make the political decision – to accept the EC’s recommendation and set a date for the opening of the talks. However, a big obstacle remains: Greece’s resolve to veto Macedonia’s integration until resolution of the 18-year old issue of Macedonia’s name. A similar situation occurred in spring 2008, when during the NATO summit in Bucharest, Macedonia hoped until the very last moment that something – help from allies, or a sheer miracle – would allow it into the NATO alliance despite Greece’s objection. The miracle did not materialize, and Greece effectively exercised its power and kept Macedonia from joining NATO. Many in Macedonia were disappointed. The country entered a period of political crisis, which in turn led to early national elections. The stock market declined seriously in response to the excessive political gloom. -
Branko Crvenkovski
Branko Crvenkovski Macedonia, Presidente de la República; ex primer ministro Duración del mandato: 12 de Mayo de 2004 - de de Nacimiento: Grbavica, Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, 12 de Octubre de 1962 Partido político: SDSM Profesión : Técnico de robótica ResumenAunque macedonio, nació en Grbavica, un suburbio del sur de Sarajevo, capital de la vecina república de Bosnia-Herzegovina, donde su padre, oficial del Ejército federal yugoslavo, estaba destinado. Su pertenencia a una familia de funcionarios comunistas de Skopje le aseguró un precoz ascenso en el escalafón de la Liga de los Comunistas Macedonios (SKM), rama republicana de la Liga de los Comunistas Yugoslavos (SKJ), destacándose entre la última generación de militantes llamados a desempeñar cargos de responsabilidad en el partido antes de que éste terminara por sucumbir, en las postrimerías de la década, a las tensiones surgidas después de la muerte de Tito en 1980. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 10 Biografía En 1986 se graduó en la especialidad de Robótica en la Escuela de Ingeniería Eléctrica de la Universidad San Cirilo y San Metodio de Skopje y posteriormente accedió a un puesto de ejecutivo en la compañía Semos, una empresa fabricante de hardware informático, aunque la política pronto monopolizó su carrera profesional. Fue uno de los 31 diputados colocados por la SKM, que en una obligada demostración de aggiornamento ideológico adquirió la coletilla de Partido de los Cambios Democráticos (SKM-PDT), en los comicios pluralistas del 11 y el 25 de noviembre de 1990, los cuales fueron ganados con una mayoría muy leve por la opositora Organización Revolucionaria Interna de Macedonia-Partido Democrático para la Unidad Nacional Macedonia (VMRO-DPMNE).