DOCSLIB.ORG

To Download a PDF of an Interview with H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
To Download a PDF of an Interview with H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime INTERVIEW VIEW Blacksands Pacific Group, Inc. Interview INTEGRITY – one of the fastest growing and INTER Macedonia’s COMMITMENT most dynamic energy companies in the United States – will soon be making a DYNAMISM series of announcements about Advantages far-reaching global partnerships that will produce and deliver energy An Interview with efficiently around the world. H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime Minister of Macedonia improvements in Additionally, we created free economic the quota system zones with a tax holiday in the fi rst 10 years for and the admin- companies operating there. This is an important Oil and Gas Exploration & Production istration, and in advantage. the fight against We’re also a small country with two million Crude Oil and Petroleum Products Trading corruption and people within 25,000 square kilometers, but we Gas and Power H.E. Nikola Gruevski criminals. have free trade agreements with all countries in The fifth of Europe except Russia. This means everything EDITORS’ NOTE Nikola Gruevski has been the our top priorities is education; not only that is produced in Macedonia can be exported Prime Minister of Macedonia since August 2006, fi nding ways to improve its quality but also to those countries without paying custom du- and has led the ruling VMRO-DPMNE party making education easier and more ac- ties. Products produced in Macedonia get the since May 2003. He was Minister of Finance in cessible for all citizens across the country. same treatment in any country in continental the VMRO-DPMNE government until September Connected to this is also innovation, and Europe except Russia. 2002. In 1996, he also acquired qualifi cations bringing more of an entrepreneurial spirit to With this step, we overcame the handicap for the international capital market from a the citizens and, of course, developing many of small markets, and it’s helping us, in combi- London Securities Institute. In December of instruments to help do this. nation with low costs and with well-educated 2006, he obtained a master’s degree from the When foreign investors talk about mar- people, to be a gateway into Europe. Many Faculty of Economics at Ss. Cyril and Methodius kets that provide opportunity, we don’t al- companies overseas are buying locations, start- University of Skopje. Gruevski founded the ways hear about Macedonia but you have ing facilities, and cover all of Europe with the Brokerage Association of Macedonia in built a platform that is open for foreign in- products they produce here. 1998 and made the first transaction on the vestment. Is that message and the oppor- It’s also important that we have improved Macedonian Stock Exchange. In 2014, he won tunities and stability Macedonia can offer the business climate over the past nine years. In the Order St. Nicholas – Highest Award of Štip well understood? 2006, when we were elected to the government, and in 2015, he won the Order Baptist (Preteca) We’re a country that has political stabil- the World Bank Doing Business report ranked from Saint Jovan Bigorski Monastery. He has ity and macroeconomic stability. Our growth us at the 96th position; today, we are in the also been recognized with the Vienna Economic has been about 2 percent per year over the 12th position in the world and 6th in Europe. Forum award for contribution to national and past 15 to 20 years. We have maintained state Only Great Britain and the Scandinavian coun- regional economic development. debt at 36 percent of GDP and public debt tries are ahead of us in Europe. That is serious at 43.8 percent. Before 2006, state debt was improvement. You have been very forthcoming on a num- at 40 percent. We have a stable local cur- In the meantime, we have also been one ber of goals for your administration. What rency that is fixed to the Euro; and all other the top 10 reformers in the world four times are those priorities and how have they items connected to macroeconomic health and were number three two times, according to progressed? are stable. the World Bank. The government has fi ve strategic priorities Over the past two years, we reached the This came as a result of many steps we took. and they are all, more or less, equally important. second biggest GDP growth in Europe – 3.8 We passed one project involving bureaucratic The fi rst is to realize our plan to join NATO and percent – this year, and the year before as well. reform, which made thousands of processes in the European Union, and to fi nd a solution on I hope this year, we will have some very good the country faster or cheaper. We worked to- how to do this without Greece revoking our results in cooperation with all of the European gether with the Chambers of Commerce and membership in both organizations. countries. more than 350 companies from different sectors Our second very important strategy is con- One of the most attractive advantages that and sizes. We detected all weaknesses in the bu- nected to the economy. We have opened it for Macedonia offers is one of the lowest costs reaucracy that they were feeling and eliminated new jobs and outside investors, and created for doing business in Europe. When I talk about most of them, and we made those that we could a good business climate and a strong general costs, I mean all costs for doing business start- not eliminate faster and cheaper to adhere to. www.blacksandspacific.com economy with new jobs. ing with taxes and custom duties and going to We also changed many things that were The third one is connected to keeping logistics costs, energy costs, labor costs, and so disadvantages for our country at the time and good internal relations within the country. on. made them into advantages. For example, Macedonia is a multiethnic country and this is We have the lowest taxes in Europe. in 2001 and 2002, our Ministry of Finance es- very important. This includes the implementa- Personal income tax in Macedonia is 10 percent tablished for the fi rst time a central register. tion of the Ohrid Agreement signed in 2001 and profi t tax is 10 percent. If the profi t tax is Today, according to The World Bank, the and assisting in the normalization of relations reinvested, it is 0 percent. We decreased customs Macedonia Central Register is number one in BLACKSANDS PACIFIC ENERGY CORPORATION BLACKSANDS PACIFIC INTERNATIONAL LIMITED and creating a better atmosphere between the and duties, we decreased the contributions to the Europe, and number 16 in the world. North America Africa and Beyond different ethnic communities. health and pension funds, and we have taken Another reform relates to the time it takes The next one of our priorities is con- many other steps connected with decreased to create a company. In the past, it took sev- nected with the rule of law and different kinds of taxes, such as implementing a fl at-rate tax. eral months to open a company here – today, it VOLUME 39, NUMBER 1 POSTED WITH PERMISSION. COPYRIGHT © 2016 LEADERS MAGAZINE, INC. LEADERS 13 Untitled-1 2 8/8/2014 11:35:51 AM takes four hours for those from anywhere in We changed the curriculum in basic el- were in a position to do something about this the world. We also have free Internet and low ementary and secondary school to where it now and change the strategy. In the beginning, we start-up costs. includes IT, ethics, innovation, business, entre- didn’t pay much attention when 500 people We offer the electronic payment of preneurship, and other subjects that we believe passed through our country in one day, but taxes and electronic communications with are important for young people in this phase of when it rose to 2,000 or more, we determined the custom office, and have 100 percent development of our country. we must be better organized. We included coverage throughout the country for work- We also created a rule in which secondary the army and the police, and people from our ing electronically with clients. Previously, school is mandatory and free of charge, so all health system to provide health services. We those were all disadvantages and they are children are going to secondary school. Ninety- created a system that is functioning well now now advantages. nine percent of children are fi nishing secondary where people who come to our borders are Free economic zones are also interesting school, which is very important for the mea- given food and water and medical care. One to investors. For example, outside of the tax sures we created. A very high percentage of to two hours are spent on registrations, which holiday where they don’t have to pay per- people are starting university because we are provides data we electronically share with other sonal income tax or profi t tax in the fi rst 10 subsidizing higher education. We decreased the European countries. After that, they are trans- years, there is also no custom duty or VAT for price of university to $250 per year. ferring to trains because many want to go to raw materials imported by those companies We also translated more than 1,000 books Germany, Sweden, or elsewhere. for the purpose of producing goods that will that are used in the top 10 universities in the For now we are managing. The number be exported. world and gave them to different universities in now passing through has reached 6,000 ev- Plus, our latest development, is very low Macedonia from all sectors.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: from Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset*
    164 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2/2016 Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: From Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset* LJUPCHO PETKOVSKI AND DIMITAR NIKOLOVSKI** Abstract Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. In the 2009–2012 period, smaller groups of citizens rallied around issues as different as protection of public spaces, police brutality, rising prices of electricity, etc. Yet, it was not before the larger student mobilizations took place in 2014 that the social space significantly opened up with a number of social groups protesting the increasingly authoritarian rule of the il- liberal incumbents. In this paper, we investigate and compare the discursive strategies of the social movements (SM) in the two periods, especially the shift from ‘anti-populist rhetorical trap’ from the first period to the broader appeals for solidarity and a construction of equivalences which charac- terized the second period. In so doing, we hypothesize and demonstrate that the relative success in the second period can be accounted for in terms of the more inclusive discourse which helped SM avoid the ‘anti-populist trap’, thus challenging illiberal populism with progressive and (formally) populist discourse. Theoretically, the analysis goes back and forth between two approaches to stud- ying populism: the dominant theory which sees populism as democratic illiberalism and Laclau’s theory of hegemony that sees populism as a formal political logic with no predetermined ideological content. Keywords: Macedonia; populism; social movements; anti-populist rhetorical trap DOI: 10.5817/PC2016-2-164 1. Introduction Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times.
    [Show full text]
  • General Elections in Macédonia 5Th June 2011
    GENERAL ELECTIONS IN MACEDONIA 5th june 2011 European Elections monitor Four months of Parliamentary boycott by the opposition lead Nikola Gruevski to convene early Corinne Deloy general elections in Macedonia Translated by Helen Levy On 15th April the Sobranie, the only Chamber of Parliament in Macedonia, was dissolved by 79 of the ANALYSIS 120 MPs and early general elections were convened for 5th June by Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola 1 month before Gruevski (Revolutionary Organisation-Democratic Party for National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE). According the poll to the electoral law the election has to be organised within 60 days following dissolution. This decision follows the political crisis that Macedonia has been experiencing since the beginning of 2011. An early election after political crisis The VMRO-DPMN qualified the opposition forces decision “as a crime contrary to the interests of Macedonia and Indeed since 28th January the opposition forces – the its perspective for a European future.” “The irresponsible Social Democratic Union, SDSM and the Albanian Demo- behaviour of some politicians may ruin the results that cratic Party, PDA-PDSh (i.e. 38 MPs in all) – decided to we have achieved,” declared parliament’s spokesperson boycott the sessions of Parliament in protest against the Trajko Veljanovski who denounced the ‘artificial political freezing of the bank accounts of media tycoon Velij Aram- crisis’ created by the opposition parties. kovski, owner of the TV channel A1 and the newspapers The SDSM which indicated that it would not give up its Vreme, Shpic and E Re. Velij Aramkovski was arrested with boycott of Parliament announced that it would take part 16 of his employees in December 2010; he is accused of in the next general elections.
    [Show full text]
  • The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
    Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security.
    [Show full text]
  • Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia
    Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia Metamorphosis, the IFEX member from Macedonia, expressed grave concern about the publicly announced allegations of mass and unauthorized surveillance of citizens, performed through criminal association and official misconduct in the state institutions and/or influential corporations. Invasions of privacy directly affect freedom of expression in Macedonia, and fueling the overall climate of fear and silence. "The right to privacy is an extremely important human right, and the threat to privacy is also a direct threat to our freedom. Authorities must make the decisions on wiretapping and surveillance in accordance with the applicable laws. Those decisions must not be arbitrary decisions made by individuals who have the power to do so. The allegations for mass eavesdropping of more than 20,000 citizens are very serious and the public must seek responsibility from the relevant institutions"‐ said Bardhyl Jashari, director of the Metamorphosis Foundation. Metamorphosis reminded the public that the protection of privacy, the protection of personal data, and the protection of human rights related to freedom and dignity that may be violated by eavesdropping, is stipulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and protected by number of laws, including the Law on Personal Data Protection, while the Criminal Code sanctions unauthorized wiretapping. On the other hand, the 2014 European Commission Progress Report on the Republic of Macedonia indicated that it is necessary to further adjust the sector‐specific laws in order to fully comply with the European regulations on personal data protection. Setting the protection of privacy as a priority in building an information society, Metamorphosis has since 2004 publicly indicated, on a number of occasions, the possibility for abuse due to the lack of mechanisms for supervision over institutions that have the capacity to conduct eavesdropping by the Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs
    Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs Crisis Group Europe Briefing N°75 Skopje/Brussels, 9 July 2015 I. Overview Macedonia is reeling from two shocks. Amid a scandal over leaked wiretaps revealing a state apparatus captured and corrupted by the leading party, a battle in ethnically mixed Kumanovo between police and ethnic-Albanian gunmen, many from Kosovo, caused the region’s worst loss of life in a decade. Unless addressed urgently, the double crisis (government legitimacy/regional security) carries risk that could extend to violent confrontation, perhaps in worst case to elements of the conflict narrowly averted in 2001. Discredited national institutions cannot cope alone. The opposition has broken off talks on a European Union (EU) mediated deal between parties for reforms and early elections that deadlocked, substantially over whether the prime minister, in power since 2006, must resign and the time a transitional government would need to level the field. The EU must press for a comprehensive agreement addressing the state capture and alleged corruption, including independ- ent investigation and monitoring with international help. Macedonia and Kosovo, also with aid, should jointly investigate Kumanovo. In February 2015, the main opposition party began publishing excerpts from what it said was an illegal wiretap program leaked by unidentified persons. The massive surveillance, from at least 2010 to 2014, seems to have targeted thousands, including nearly all top opposition and government officials, as well as ambassadors and media figures. The fraction of published wiretaps focus on what appear to be conversations of senior government persons plotting to subvert elections, manipulating courts, controlling a nominally independent press and punishing enemies.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma
    Paper prepared for the Sixth Euroacademia International Conference Re-Inventing Eastern Europe Belgrade, 27 – 28 January 2017 This paper is a draft Please do not cite or circulate 1 Make Macedonia great again! The new face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ identity dilemma. Piacentini Arianna University of Milan [email protected] Abstract For long time, the existence and the nature of the Macedonian nation have been contested by Macedonia’s neighbours - particularly Greece and Bulgaria. With the establishment of Tito’s Yugoslavia Macedonia became a federal unit and its inhabitants, the Macedonians, a constituent nation. However, the Yugoslav decades seems to have been only a buffer-time period, and identity disputes re-emerged in 1991 with Macedonia’s declaration of independence. A huge debate with Greece started over the use of the term Macedonia but, more profoundly, over the symbolical meaning and national importance of all that the term Macedonia symbolizes. From 2010, the Macedonian government has undertaken a project called “Skopje 2014”, aimed to renew the capital city Skopje not only by adopting neo-baroque style and building statues but also renaming the major streets, the stadium, the airport and the schools after the names of alleged ancestors lived in “a glorious past”. Hence, the project has gradually shaped, and changed, not only the identity of Skopje but the one of the Macedonian nation more generally, producing new national narratives. The importance in analysing what seemed to be a simple urban renovation lays, therefore, in a devious identity politics whose narrative is emphasizing a direct descent of the Macedonian people from Alexander the Great.
    [Show full text]
  • Macedonia Name Issue: the Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux
    Macedonia name issue: The Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux 03.12.2009 From Skopje, Risto Karajkov nathangibbs/flickr According to the European Commission, Macedonia is ready for the accession negotiations, but needs to solve the dispute with Greece first. Despite some positive signals between Skopje and Athens, like the meeting between Gruevski and Papandreou, the country expects a further disappointment Macedonia is reliving its Bucharest syndrome. With just days away from the meeting of the European Council, scheduled for 10-11 December, when a decision should be made whether to open accession negotiations with Skopje, political fever in the country is on the rise. In its recent annual progress report, the European Commission (EC) suggested Macedonia was ready for starting accession talks with the EU. Now the European Council must make the political decision – to accept the EC’s recommendation and set a date for the opening of the talks. However, a big obstacle remains: Greece’s resolve to veto Macedonia’s integration until resolution of the 18-year old issue of Macedonia’s name. A similar situation occurred in spring 2008, when during the NATO summit in Bucharest, Macedonia hoped until the very last moment that something – help from allies, or a sheer miracle – would allow it into the NATO alliance despite Greece’s objection. The miracle did not materialize, and Greece effectively exercised its power and kept Macedonia from joining NATO. Many in Macedonia were disappointed. The country entered a period of political crisis, which in turn led to early national elections. The stock market declined seriously in response to the excessive political gloom.
    [Show full text]
  • The West's Responsibility in Macedonia
    No Stability without Accountability – The West’s Responsibility in Macedonia A DPC Policy Paper by Kurt Bassuener Sarajevo, June 2015 http://democratizationpolicy.org A report from Democratization Policy Council Author: Kurt Bassuener Editing: DPC Editorial Board Sarajevo June 2015 http://democratizationpolicy.org TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS .............................................................. I MACEDONIA’S JOURNEY ............................................................................................................................. 1 GRUEVSKI IN POWER .................................................................................................................................. 4 INTERNATIONAL FACTOR: PERVERSE SYMBIOSIS, AUTHORITARIAN DRIFT ............................................... 13 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................. 16 http://democratizationpolicy.org EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS1 The Republic of Macedonia (hereinafter “Macedonia”), once considered an island of relative stability in a troubled region, is now once again in the news, for the first time in almost a decade and a half, on account of internal turmoil. The hostility or opportunism of Macedonia’s neighbors has in the past decade abetted the degeneration of an already clientelistic domestic political culture into one in which neo-authoritarianism has taken strong hold.2 The Social Democratic Union of
    [Show full text]
  • The Resolution of the Macedonian Name Dispute: A
    THE RESOLUTION OF THE MACEDONIAN NAME DISPUTE: A STUDY OF THE FACTORS THAT LED TO THE SIGNING OF THE PRESPA AGREEMENT Asen Voynov [email protected] S2247216 June 2019 Asen Voynov S2247216 Table of Contents Abstract ......................................................................................................................................2 List of Abbreviations...................................................................................................................3 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................4 1.1 Research Question .............................................................................................................5 1.2 Relevance ..........................................................................................................................6 2. Historical Context ...................................................................................................................8 2.1 The Birth of the Macedonian Question ...............................................................................8 2.2 The Birth of a Nation ....................................................................................................... 10 2.3 The Birth of the Name Dispute ........................................................................................ 11 3. Literature Review .................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • North Macedonia
    BTI 2020 Country Report North Macedonia This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2020. It covers the period from February 1, 2017 to January 31, 2019. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of governance in 137 countries. More on the BTI at https://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2020 Country Report — North Macedonia. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2020. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2020 | North Macedonia 3 Key Indicators Population M 2.1 HDI 0.759 GDP p.c., PPP $ 16359 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.0 HDI rank of 189 82 Gini Index 35.6 Life expectancy years 75.6 UN Education Index 0.697 Poverty3 % 9.7 Urban population % 58.0 Gender inequality2 0.145 Aid per capita $ 72.0 Sources (as of December 2019): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2019 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2019. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary North Macedonia has a new government after 11 years of absolute political control by the right- wing conservative party, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) and its junior coalition partner, the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration (DUI).
    [Show full text]
  • Old Wine in New Bottles? | Clingendael Spectator 4 – 2017
    Clingendael Spectator 4 – 2017 (vol.71) – Item 9 of 11 ARTICLE Old wine in new bottles? Re-awakening of nationalism in Southeastern Europe Vedran Džihić In Southeastern Europe, the process of democratisation and Europeanisation as a major paradigm since the beginning of the 2000s made the EU and many in the Western Balkans believe the time of wars and nationalist excesses belongs to the past. Recent events teach us the contrary. The new rise of nationalism across the Western Balkans is the major challenge for the European democratic project for the region. Looking at the history of the Former Yugoslavia since the late 1980s one can easily argue that politics of nationalism and nation-state building based on strict borders between nations and newly established identity boundaries have become major features in the processes of state dissolution of the Socialist Yugoslavia and lately nation-state constructions in the Post- Yugoslav region. The final transformation of the Yugoslav society started in 1989 and was marked by the celebrations on the Field of Blackbirds (Kosovosko polje) on the 28th of June, a symbol for new demarcation lines within the broader Yugoslav society. Nearly one million Serbs gathered to celebrate the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo Polje. Slobodan Milošević, who had taken power in Serbia in 1987, gave the major speech during the celebrations and launched the final phase of his nationalist-populist campaign against alleged discrimination of Serbia within the Yugoslav state. By reminding the crowd of possible violent conflicts in the near future and deploying all his rhetorical power to draw thick lines of distinction between Serbs and “unfriendly” nations within the Yugoslav federation Milošević marked the beginning of new form of power politics based on the resource of nationalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnonationality and Inter-Generational Dis-Continuities
    Università degli studi di Milano Università degli studi di Torino Dip. di Scienze Sociali e Politiche Dip. di Culture, politica e società PhD PROGRAM SOCIOLOGY AND METHODOLOGY OF SOCIAL RESEARCH – 30th cohort Ethnonationality and Inter-Generational Dis-Continuities. Political regimes, ideologies and masses in Bosnia Herzegovina and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, from their Yugoslav past until nowadays. Doctoral dissertation by Arianna Maria Bambina Piacentini Supervisor: Prof. Dario Tuorto Co-Supervisor: Prof. Paolo Segatti Director of Doctoral Program: Prof. Mario Cardano II 1 To those who believed in it. III 1 IV 1 Table of Content List of Table XIII List of Abbreviations XV Acknowledgement XVII INTRODUCTION 1 0.1 Topic of the research 1 0.1.1 Aims and Relevance of the study 3 0.2 Research questions and Hypothesis 4 0.3 Research design and Methodological choices 7 0.3.1 Time period and political regimes: why Yugoslavia and post-Yugoslavia 7 0.3.2 Context: Why Macedonia and Bosnia Herzegovina 10 0.3.2.1 Skopje and Sarajevo 13 0.3.3 Unit of analysis: why two generations 13 0.3.3.1 Scientific Relevance in Considering Parents and Children 14 0.4 Methodology of the Research 16 0.4.1 Families and semi-structured interviews 16 0.4.1.1 Structure and topics of the interviews 17 0.4.2 Informants and semi-structured interviews 19 0.4.3 Research obstacles 20 0.5 Structure and findings of the research 22 CHAPTER 1 – CONCEPTS AND THEORIES. COLLECTIVITIES, IDEOLOGIES AND THE STATE 26 1.1 Ethnic groups and Nations 27 1.1.1 Ethnic boundaries
    [Show full text]