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Analyzing Competing Origin Myths and Interpretations Through Hegemonic Representations

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Analyzing Competing Origin Myths and Interpretations Through Hegemonic Representations 138 EDEFINING NATIONAL IDENTITY IN MACEDONIA RAnalyzing Competing Origin Myths and Interpretations through Hegemonic Representations Maja Muhić ka tribina 37, vol. 44, 2014., str. 138-152 44, 2014., str. 37, vol. ka tribina Faculty of Languages, Cultures, and Communications, š South East European University, Tetovo, Macedonia etnolo Aleksandar Takovski English Language Center, South East European University, Tetovo, Macedonia ' is paper analyzes symbolism pertaining to and popular receptions of the project Skopje 214, an architectural journey in the capital of the Republic of Macedonia. While a) empting to understand the multifaceted symbolic meanings and perceptions associated with this project, we pay a) ention to the existence of previous narratives of Macedonian national identity prior to the announcement of Skopje 2014 and therefore position the project against that backdrop. We want to argue that Skopje 2014 represents a monumental and spectacular turning point in o+ cial narratives of Macedonian national identity. ' e gap between the previously dominant narrative of Macedonian national identity, and the new o+ cial discourse o* ered and realized in and through Skopje 2014, and the multicultural reality of the country are the central themes of this work. Key words: cultural symbolism, discourse, meaning, semiotics, national identity, antiquisation, de- o) omanization, Skopje 2014 Introduction c paper, submitted 21.12.2013., accepted 26.6.2014. c paper, / is paper analyzes the agendas, popular reception, and interpretations of a recent architec- tural project in Skopje, the capital of the Republic of Macedonia, a project named Skopje 2014. While a& empting to understand the multifaceted symbolic meanings and perceptions associated with this project, we will pay a& ention to the existence of previous narratives of Macedonian national identity prior to the announcement of Skopje 2014. However, we want to argue that Skopje 2014 represents a monumental and spectacular turning point in o0 cial narratives of Macedonian national identity. / e disjuncture between the previously domi- nant narrative of Macedonian national identity and the new o0 cial discourse o) ered and realized in and through Skopje 2014 is one of the central themes of this paper. / e ' rst part of the paper explores this disconnectedness by examining how the politics of space and representation manifested by Skopje 2014 reworks premises of national iden- tity formulated against two central features – the Yugoslav (and socialist) and the O& oman (and Islamic) legacies. / e fact that Macedonian national identity is heavily marginalized by neighboring ideologies is a source of inspiration for the project. / e second part of the paper DOI:10.15378/1848-9540.2014.37.05 original scientifi DOI:10.15378/1848-9540.2014.37.05 original engages with a seemingly public debate largely constructed by the two competing discours- MAJA MUHIĆ I ALEKSANDAR TAKOVSKI. Redefi ning National Identity… 139 es o) ered by the political elites. In this respect, it will be argued that this semiotic struggle marked by the political dominance of the Government over the oppositions’ criticism has had a divisional impact on Macedonian political and national realities. In this respect, the study proposes two central arguments. / e ' rst argument, in the ' rst part of the paper, a& empts to show that Skopje 2014 destabilized or at its best, builds a su- per' cial national identity in Macedonia in profound ways that are still emerging. Second, it tries to show that what seems to be an ongoing public debate where views and ideologies clash over the question of the interpretation of the projects multi-perspectival and heteroge- neous values and functions is in essence a very speci' c situation. Namely, we believe that it re* ects a situation of power imbalance and abuse in which government discourses are trying to silence opposing voices, thus irreversibly risking not only the abolition of public space, but more importantly the creation of insurmountable social, political and ideological ' ssures in an otherwise unstable and threatened national and civic unity. Methodology and Parameters of the Study / is research consists of a three layered-methodology. First, we will start by providing a re- view of the anthropological literature concerning nation building processes in Macedonia as a backdrop against which Skopje 2014 will be positioned to show how it disrupts past nar- ratives and proposes a new allegedly linear evolution of Macedonian identity going back to antiquity. / is will be followed with an overview of some policies (principally cultural) relat- ing to the multi-ethnic context of the country including the Ohrid Framework Agreement, which was complicated thanks to the simultaneous cra+ ing of ethno-nationalist politics and projects such as Skopje 2014. / e versatility of this discourse will be positioned against the backdrop of international recommendations and pressures for the country as they greatly in* uence the nationalist narratives and partly, as they served as an inspiration for the Skopje 2014 project. Finally, within this context of opposed discourses operating in hierarchically organized levels of enunciation (party-critics-people), we will try to trace a rhetoric and discursive continuity, the inter-relation and interdependence between the formative role of the parties’ discourses, their reiteration and ampli' cation in the texts produced by intellectuals, experts, social critics and the like, as well as their impact on people’s a& itudes. / e purpose of this is to demonstrate how the dominant discourse concerning the project, whilst seemingly oppo- sitional, is in fact a power ridden, hegemonic discourse, imposed by the political elite. Constructing a Macedonian National Identity amidst Neighboring Discourses and the Country’s Multicultural Reality Historically speaking, Macedonia refers to a geographical and historical region of the Bal- kan Peninsula. Its boundaries have drastically changed throughout history. Today, it includes parts of modern-day Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Kosovo, and the Republic of Macedonia. / e territory of the present day Republic of Macedonia was under O& oman rule for a long pe- riod of time, that is, from 1371, when the O& omans gained access to a number of cities that 140 ARTICLES belonged to the wider / racian and Macedonian region including the central region of what is today the Republic of Macedonia (around the town of Prilep) until 1913. / e territory of the present day Republic of Macedonia was in 1913 the last part of the Balkans ruled by the O& oman Empire. A+ er 1919, Macedonia entered the Kingdom of Yugoslavia under Serbian jurisdiction and without any administrative autonomy. A+ er 1945, Macedonia was de' ned as the People’s Republic of Macedonia within the framework of Yugoslavia. A+ er the breakup of Yugoslavia, Macedonia declared independence on 8 September 1991 and was admi& ed to the UN on 8 April 1993 as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) until an agreement concerning the new state’s name could be reached with Greece. / e naming dis- pute has still not been resolved and is to a great extent a crucial factor for the strengthening of nationalist discourses, artistic production, and tensions between the two major ethnicities in the country – Macedonians and Albanians.1 / is brief overview of the historical circumstances sheds light on complexities regarding the construction of Macedonian national identity. Before moving to analyze Skopje 2014 let us look brie* y into an exciting nation-building journey proposed by the anthropologist Keith Brown in his ' e Past in Question (2003). / e main focus of his work is on the organ- ized revolt against the O& oman Empire known as the Ilinden Uprising of August 1903 taking place in the small town of Krushevo, in the present day Republic of Macedonia. / is event resulting in the short-lived Krushevo Republic, which became a national symbol for the Re- public of Macedonia, and still resonates strongly among those who feel Macedonian. Brown immaculately dissects the multifaceted ways in which the “local histories”, that is, various explanations of the nature of the uprising of the inhabitants of Krushevo (a historically mixed town incorporating Greeks, Turks, Albanians, Macedonians, and Vlachs) interacted with the national history. / e Ilinden uprising is in Brown’s account, the gravitational center of Mac- edonian historiography over time, including the period of Socialism and the period follow- ing the independence of the country in 1991. / e metaphor of the Ilinden uprising has been powerfully applied in the 1950s when the Partisan Struggle in WWII has been referred to as the “Second Ilinden” of Macedonian national liberation, thus promoting this period and this event as a symbol and paradigm of national awakening and liberation. Disrupting Narratives: The Newly Emerging Facades of a Non-existent Past Skopje 2014 breaks away from this pa& ern and disturbs these narratives, proposing a new allegedly linear history of the Macedonian nation, stretching all the way back to antiquity. So far, this project has radically changed the face of the city, launching itself with the erection of a monumental statue of Alexander the Great in the central square, dubbed ' e warrior on a horse, as well as at least ' + y additional sculptures, bridges, Churches, and museums. SK 2014 is also known and criticized as Antiquisation.2 / e main investor in SK 2014 is the Govern- 1 According to the last population census in 2002, 1,297,981 inhabitants declared themselves to be Macedonians, representing 64.18% of the total population. Approximately 509,083 inhabitants declared themselves as Albanians, representing 25.17% of the population. Smaller ethnic minorities include Turks (77,959 or 3.85%), Roma (53,879 or 2.66%), Serbs (35,939 or 1.78%), Bo- sniaks (17,018 or 0.84%), Vlachs (9,695 or 0.48%), and others (20,993 or 1.04%). / e Macedonian national census records most ethnic groups, but the smaller ones are not enumerated separately in the ' nal report.
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