Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-7, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in

Ethnography of Print and Broadcast Media in

Paul Anyidoho Concordia University

Abstract: This article presents an ethnographic 2. Professionalization of Ghanaian journalism overview of the emergence of journalism in Ghana, detailing the sociocultural components of print and Ghanaian journalistic production can be broadcast media that are relevant to this situation. It divided into three phases with respect to argues that just as sociocultural factors influence the professionalisation (i.e. journalism that consists of learning process, these factors affect mass media formal institutions, trained journalists, modern production in Ghana. This article traces the financing, analytic reporting, printing presses, professional, cultural, political, and economic language skills, and modern infrastructure).1 The factors that shape the development of English- first phase involves amateur newspaper production language print media in contrast to African- and does not deploy markers for professional news language media in Ghana. Finally, it compares print production. The second phase is marked by and broadcast media in this context, with the commercialism, in which amateur journalists argument that sociocultural constituents offer insight produce alternative publications to critique pre- into the social aspects of languages that revolve independence government politics and around Ghanaian media. administration. The third phase evolves from amateur production and commercialism to Keywords: media production, professional professional journalism with modern infrastructure journalism, sociocultural theory, indigenous media, and training. Sociocultural perspectives of Ghanaian ethnography, Ghanaian media, African languages. newspapers are defined in terms of their professional production, the classificatory names assigned to them, and their scopes (see Awetori Yaro 2013; 1. Introduction Weeks, Hills and Stoler 2013; Ankomah 2003). The first phase of journalism in Ghana Sociocultural factors affect the learning began in 1822 with Sir Charles MacCarthy’s Royal process (Simeon 2016; Masuda et al 2015; Lantolf Gold Coast Gazette. This newspaper aimed to and Poehner 2014), digital consumerism (Edwards provide British merchants in the Gold Coast (Ghana) 2014), and coaching in sports (Jones 2016). Spitulnik with economic and commercial information, as well (1993) called for inquiries into the sociocultural as to disseminate news concerning Britain and the conditions that influence the emergence of various West African colony. Given that Sir Charles forms of media in different societies. Based on MacCarthy was the governor of the Gold Coast from Spitulnik’s theoretical stance, this article examines 1822 to 1824, the English journalistic tradition that the sociocultural perspectives of the media in terms he implanted in the colony set the tone as a of professional media practices that shape the sociopolitical reference point for subsequent production and development of mass media (see governments throughout the history and development Meyer 2015). In this article, sociocultural features refer to the cultural, political, and economic factors 1 of a society. This analytical method is used to Several authors have discussed the characteristics explore the professional markers of journalism and of professional journalism. See Swati Chauhan. sociocultural characteristics that are incorporated Principles and Practices of Professional Journalism. into the production of Ghanaian media in both Jersey City, NJ: Kanishka, 2008; Anna McKane. English and local languages. This article contrasts Journalism: A Career Handbook. London: A & C print media with broadcast media in Ghana, to show Black, 2004; von Johannes Dohnanyi. The Impact of the features of sociocultural status attributed to Media Concentration on Professional Journalism. languages with regard to Ghanaian media. Vienna: OSCE, 2003; T.N. Rastogi. Encyclopaedia of Practical Journalism. New York: Anmo, 2002; Michael Kunczik, ed. Ethics in Journalism: A Reader on their Perception in the Third World. Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 1999.

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-7, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in of journalism in Ghana. This type of news The first phase of journalism in Ghana thus production gradually became standard practice in involved amateur journalistic production by the British colonies throughout sub-Saharan Africa from government, native Ghanaians, and missionary 1822 to 1930 (Heath 2001). Subsequent pre- groups. The period of Ghanaian journalism that was independence governments in Ghana published the marked by amateur productions did not comprise the Gold Coast Assize in 1883, the Gold Coast News in characteristics of what one would consider 1884, and the Gold Coast Pioneer in 1921 (Jones- professional journalism–namely, formal institutions, Quartey 1975). trained journalists, modern financing, analytic Within the first phase of journalism in reporting, printing presses, language skills, and Ghana, native Ghanaian amateur journalists drew on modern infrastructure. Sir Charles MacCarthy’s English-language tradition The second phase of journalistic production in order to launch alternative print media to the in Ghana stretched from 1931 to 1945. It began with mainstream (government) newspapers. For instance, J.B. Dankuah’s West African Times in 1931 and Charles Bannerman founded the West African Herald Ghana Statesman in 1948. This phase of Ghanaian in 1857, James Hutton Brew launched the Gold newspaper production is termed the age of Coast Times from 1874 to 1885, James Hutton Brew commercialism, in which amateur journalists created and J. E. Casely Hayford published the Western Echo alternative newspapers to express their criticism from 1885 to1887, and Casely Hayford started the against the pre-independence government (Asante Gold Coast Echo between 1888 and 1889. Similar 1996). These private newspaper producers adopted endeavours included Timothy Laing’s Gold Coast an analytical approach to journalism, critiquing the Express between 1897 and 1900, J. Mensah Sarbah’s pre-independence government’s administrative Gold Coast People from 1891 to 1896, Casely policies and decisions. These English newspapers Hayford et al.’s Gold Coast Leader from 1902 attracted a readership that wished to pass judgment to1934, and Alfred J. Ocansey, R.W. Dupigny, and on the government. Other such newspapers included R.B. Wuta-Ofei’s Gold Coast Spectator between Azikiwe and I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson’s African 1927 and 1955, all of which promoted alternative Morning Post and John and Nancy Tsiboe’s Ashanti political points of view in the emerging Ghanaian Pioneer in 1939. print media. The titles of these newspapers illustrated Ghanaian individuals also established local- the sociocultural situations of the pre-independence language newspapers during this phase of government vis-à-vis the native outlook during this journalism, to promote traditional core values. For era in Ghana. For example, the names of the instance, A.J. Ocansey’s City Press launched the newspapers such as pioneer, royal, echo, people, and Akan-language newspaper Asenta (News) in 1935 to leader suggested the involvement of sociopolitical serve as an alternative source of secular news parallel interest groups and advocates as well as various to the -language newspapers. Kofi initiatives in media production during this phase of Akumia Badu edited Amanson (People), a Fante- journalism. newspaper published in 1937. Another Fante- During the first phase, missionary societies dialect newspaper, Amansuon (All Nations), was created apolitical newspapers for evangelisation and established in 1943, with John Maxwell Y. Awotwi the spread of the Christian faith. These included the as the editor. However, none of the local-language Methodist Mission’s Christian Messenger in 1857, newspapers took root because their founders Christian Report in 1857, and Gold Coast Methodist encountered problems with funding, printing, and in 1886, and the Catholic Mission’s Gold Coast circulation. Catholic in 1926. Interestingly, missionaries also Newspapers titles of this second era ensured that local-language newspapers emerge illustrated the sociocultural scope of the period. during this time. The Basel Evangelical Missionary English-language newspapers took on broader Society started Sika Nsona Sanegbalo (Christian territorial political stances, as shown by such titles as Messenger for the Gold Coast) in 1859. The Catholic West African Times, Ghanaian Statesman, and Mission founded Mia Holo (Our Friend) in 1894, African Morning Post, to exemplify the African while the Basel Mission established Nutifafa Na Mi context of the sociocultural reality that they (Peace Be With You) in 1903 as a competitive represented. response to the first newspaper in the Ewe-language The third phase of journalistic production in territory in Togo (Gérard 1981). Missionaries Ghana began with ’s Accra ascribed names to these newspapers that portrayed Evening News in 1947 and Morning Telegraph in the apolitical sociocultural perspective of their 1949. During this period, journalists began to train in communication, and depicted their Christian three institutes: the Ghana School of Journalism, message. Thus, titles such as Our Friend, Christian established in 1959; the School of Communication Messenger, and Peace Be With You represented the Studies, founded in 1972; and the National Film and core of messages of this era’s missionary Television Training Institute, founded in 1978. newspapers. Nkrumah contributed to this professional journalistic

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-7, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in phase by funding the production of mainstream sociocultural perspectives of the native people. For newspapers (Asante, 1996). As professional example, the Catholic Mission in the Gold Coast productions, Nkrumah’s newspapers criticised the introduced the Akan Kyerema (Akan Drum) in 1948 pre-independence government’s administration, primarily for missionary activities, but it covered policies, and newspapers. He used his newspapers to secular news as well. The Bureau of Ghana advocate for immediate independence from colonial Languages, a wing of the government, lent its rule. During the same era, the London-based Mirror expertise to the publication of non-professional group–a private British-trained press syndicate newspapers in local languages, with the aim of headed by Cecil King–started the Daily Graphic in promoting adult literacy programs rather than serving 1950 and the Sunday Mirror in 1953. The Mirror as professional sources of news. This Bureau Group practiced investigative journalism, attempting published the Akan Akwansosem (Aim of the Visit) in to expose the underpinnings of the pre-independence 1951. It also produced a series of newspapers that government’s policies and administration. As Asante were adapted to selected local languages and noted, “The establishment of the Graphic opened yet in Ghana. These included the Akan Nkwantabisa another significant chapter in the history of the (Enquirer about the Road Map [Direction]) in the Ghana press, for it used the first modern press to be three Akan dialects (Fante, Akwapim, and Asante), set up in the country” (Asante 1996: 7). Ashanti with versions in six Ghanaian languages, such as the Goldfields Corporation’s Ashanti Times in 1947 also Motabiala in Ewe, the Lahabali Tsunu in Dagbani, followed this tradition of alternative professional the Mansralo in Ga, the Labaare or Labaari in newspapers within the third phase of journalism in Kasem, and the Kakyevole in Nzema. These select, Ghana. government-sponsored, rural newspapers were During the post-independence era, Nkrumah printed from 1951 to 1970, mainly to supplement and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) officials in adult literacy programs in local languages.2 Oman the First Republic of Ghana created Guinea Press Nwomaye Fekuw established the Akwapim- Limited to publish the Ghanaian Times (1958) and dialect newspaper Duom (Move On) in 1953 to the Weekly Spectator in 1963. In order to control disseminate secular news, but could not adopt the professional journalistic production in Ghana–given professional characteristics of the English-language that he had used newspapers to critique the pre- newspapers. independence government–Nkrumah bought the The Ghanaian government also produced an Mirror Press, thereby bringing the Daily Graphic Ewe-language newspaper Kpodoga (Gong) in 1976. and the Sunday Mirror under CPP government The title of this rural newspaper, Kpodoga, has control (Ansah 1993; Nkrumah 1965). sociocultural significance. Its meaning, gong, After the Nkrumah era, Kofi Abrefa Busia represents the bell used in traditional Ghanaian of the Second Republic encouraged freedom of the society to solicit attention preceding the press, which resulted in a proliferation of private dissemination of news by an itinerant announcer or newspapers during his political regime from 1969 to town crier, as portrayed in African novels such as 1972. Jerry John Rawlings’ government reduced the Kofi Awoonor’s This Earth My Brother (1971), restrictions on the press, which led to another rapid Kwakuvi Azasu’s The Stool (2004), and Chinua proliferation in professional journalistic production Achebe’s Things Fall Apart (1966). By extension, in Ghana from 1992 onward. John Kufuor (2001- the gong is reminiscent of the sociocultural media 2009), John Evans Atta Mills (2009-2012), and John through which the traditional chief of a village or Dramani Mahama (2012 onwards) have encouraged chiefdom convokes and informs his people. As the the establishment of many private news agencies in title of this newspaper indicates, the name was Ghana. symbolic of both the medium and the instrument in The classificatory names or titles assigned the native system of communication and life. to the newspapers of the third phase of Ghanaian Kpodoga was established as an journalism portrayed the sociocultural character of experimental rural community and pedagogical the Ghanaian political era, in which private newspaper by the Institute of Adult Education at the newspaper producers discussed political topics, University of Ghana, with the collaboration of policies and projects. The classificatory titles of UNESCO (Ansah 1981). The editorial board that some of the English newspapers included words such gathered and organised the materials for print was as time, spectator, mirror, morning, and evening. supervised by a professional journalist, trained in These words illustrated the agency of time within which the media producers of this journalistic phase 2 See Carla W Heath. Regional radio: A response by understood their political and cultural the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation to responsibilities. democratization and competition. Canadian Journal Local-language newspapers in this stage did of Communication 26, no. 1 (2001): 89–106; Louise not undergo professional journalistic production, but M. Bourgault.Mass Media in Sub-Saharan Africa. the names ascribed to these newspapers depicted the Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

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English-language newspapers tradition at the This Ghanaian-language newspaper was published Institute of Journalism in Ghana, but was not trained until July 2004. Gbeku, the assistant editor of the in the local language. He had worked primarily as a newspaper, pointed out that resuming publication reporter for English-language newspapers. To would depend on professional journalistic production enhance the professional style of this local-language markers, such as the availability of funding, printing newspaper, a trained teacher of the facilities, personnel, critical journalistic practices, was hired as a columnist to write about the common and people interested in local-language print media. grammatical errors in written Ewe, and to describe Nutifafa (Peace), the most recent Ewe- recurrent Ewe expressions and language stylistic language newspaper, was launched in April 2007. devices such as proverbs, adages, tropes, and other Spearheaded by Esther Malwine Kuto Edu-Yao, this Ewe lore. In spite of these linguistic contributions to non-professional newspaper was the brainchild of the its production, this rural newspaper failed to acquire Nyanyui Hamea (Good News Church) Christian the professional features (analytic journalism, community at Ho, located in the Volta region of modern financing, and a printing press) that Ghana. Catechists and amateur writers have characterised English-language newspapers in contributed news items and Ewe lore to its Ghana. production. Like other local-language newspapers, UNESCO co-sponsored other newspaper Nutifafa lacks funding, printing equipment, trained projects in Ghana as well. It helped to publish the journalists, and analytic journalistic practices. non-professional newspaper Wonsuom (Nation) in Table 1 below captures the salient the Fante dialect.3 The Ministry of Education and characteristics of the three phases of journalism in Non-formal Education of Ghana also published a Ghana. local-language newspaper, Atumpani (Talking Drum) As noted early on, the professionalisation in 1989 to enhance literacy and functional skills (through institutes, trained journalists, analytic among Ewe adults aged 50 and above, who had reporting, modern financing, language expertise, and lacked English-language education in early printing presses) of journalism in Ghana led to the childhood. This non-professional newspaper served prominence of print media written in English. as reading material as well as a writing medium for Nonetheless, producers of both these adults, who partook in non-formal adult Table 1. Phases of Ghanaian media education in the local languages. The title Talking Production Drum (Atumpan in Asante-Twi or Atumpani in Ewe) Features English Ewe referred to a special set of drums–one designated as Phase 1 amateur missionary female and the other as male–in the sociocultural life government church merchants faith circles of the native Ghanaians. These twin drums are funding personal budget played with two curved sticks shaped similarly to the information evangelization number seven. The traditional drummer plays political apolitical rhythms that convey sociocultural constituents of the Phase 2 commercial church/local traditional Ghanaian life such as proverbs, wise criticism narrative sayings, panegyrics for chiefs, epithets, appellations, activists believers/traditional poetic names, praise names, chieftaincy-stool titles, Phase 3 Professional Amateur chiefdom mottos, etc., in the various local languages government church/NGO of Ghana. Atumpan as a newspaper title symbolically investigative literacy/faith-based conveyed the idea that, just as drums communicate infrastructure rudimentary press formal training self-trained messages through the language of rhythm, they schools personal skills symbolically communicate news through print media during the contemporary era. By using the name language-domain newspapers had a symbiotic Atumpan, the newspaper associated itself with the rapport in drawing on each other’s characteristics. traditional instrument of the communication of For example, the producers of English-language messages or information–above all, the news–by newspapers have drawn on the sociocultural integrating aspects of traditional sociocultural life constituents of the African context, such as names, and symbolism into the contemporary sociocultural political situations, and people, by integrating the situation of news production. newspapers in the Ghanaian context. Producers of Midim (Seek Me) was a missionary- local-language print media have imitated the initiated, non-professional newspaper published in accuracy of language by hiring local-language the Ewe language. It was founded in 2001 by P.W.D. teachers to oversee the language quality of their Nutornutsi of the Apostles’ Revelation Society, newspapers. However, English-language media has although he had no formal training in journalism. provided the social infrastructure (see Bourdieu 1979; Spitulnik 1993) for its own development, 3 See Paul A. V. Ansah. Rural Journalism in Africa. whereas the local-language media has lacked the Paris: UNESCO, 1981

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-7, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in institutions necessary for its development (see were ascribed the sociocultural markers of English- Salawu 2006). These factors have contributed to the language newspapers, whereas local-language construed adherence to flux or mobile domains with newspapers were attributed to indigenous political regard to African and English print media. As a leaders such as chiefs, clan heads, and landlords (see result, Ghanaians seeking professional production Nukunu 1969). and practices in print media have turned to English- Ghanaian print media reflected other aspects language media, whereas those looking for non- of sociocultural domains. However, those domains professional production and practices have looked to were not mutually exclusive. For instance, in 1874, local-language print media. Those searching for James Hutton Brew et al.’s English-language English-language sociocultural constituents and news newspaper Gold Coast Times focused on social read the English-language print media, while those issues (chiefs and social infrastructure) in an attempt who desired traditional African sociocultural to highlight the new sociocultural domain that was elements and news read Ghanaian-language emerging through European-African cultural contact newspapers. For example, readers seeking news and symbiosis or dialogue. During the pre- about English lore and customs sought out English- independence era, Brew naturally focused on social language newspapers, whereas those searching for issues that occupied centre stage at that time, such as African lore and customs turned to local-language independence from colonial rule, territorial wars, and newspapers. trade. For instance, the editor of the Gold Coast Times cautioned Chief Ghartey IV of Winneba to 3. Journalistic production of print media bring his education to bear on his chiefdom–an attempt to initiate a dialogue between the Print media made use of various sociocultural sociocultural markers of English-language repertoire elements in its journalistic productions (Bate 2002; and local-language domain. However, the editor Spitulnik 1993). Ghanaian print media attested to this adopted a neutral tone, avoiding partisan political fact by reflecting sociocultural repertoires, such as polemics. topics on which Ghanaian readers draw. Topics that Print media in Ghana have displayed other illustrated the sociocultural markers of newspaper sociocultural traits in journalistic production. In production in Ghana were distinct: English-language Western Echo in 1885, Brew and his assistants, newspapers focused on urban issues (industrial Joseph Casely Hayford and Timothy E. Laing agriculture, formal education, financial institutions, adopted an analytical approach to journalism. Within telecommunication systems, professional institutions, its sociocultural context, the Western Echo gained modern infrastructure, etc.), while local-language popularity among readers because its editorial team newspapers covered rural-based news (indigenous wrote a special column, The Owl, to publish agriculture, non-formal education, agricultural investigative reports. The classificatory name owl, a economy, indigenous systems of communication, nocturnal bird, is a symbol of the whistle-blower or traditional institutions, rudimentary infrastructure, sentinel in the Ghanaian context. The producer chose etc.). For instance, Tsumasi (1985) attested to this this name to refer to the amateur journalist who, like situation in his investigations of the relationship an owl, stayed awake at night to uncover hidden between social class, social mobility, and newspaper secrets, unhindered by night hazards. Under the guise readership. He contended that the amount of English of this personified owl, the editorial team exposed newspaper coverage of various social classes, such as the secrets of political leaders, criticised the pre- rural and urban dwellers, was disproportionate in independence government’s policies, and suggested sections such as news stories, editorial opinions, and ways by which the government and the people could feature articles. Based on his analysis of how improve the Gold Coast. In the Accra Herald frequently journalists wrote reports about politicians, (October 5, 1857), Bannerman declared the professionals, senior civil servants, ordinary workers, following principles in order to recapitulate the peasant farmers, traders, anglers, and so on, he policies of journalistic production for his newspaper, pointed out that English-language newspaper articles which was an alternative print medium to the focus on urban issues and politicians. During my government newspaper: ethnographic research and comparative analysis of The plan which we laid down for our own Ghanaian newspapers, I noticed that, with regard to guidance is simple. We sincerely respect the politicians in print media, the proportion of news Authorities, and for that reason we shall keep coverage decreased as one moved from English- our eye on them, so that we may, whenever language to local-language newspapers. For they slip from the right path, humbly example, Kpodoga contained local news items, endeavour to point out the road. If we mainly regarding agricultural activities, local sometimes boldly tell the Government what is festivals, traditional customs, Ewe oral tradition, and the public feeling on such or such a subject, rural activities (see Amenga 2011). This situation the Government should not be offended emerged because democratic leaders or politicians (Bannerman 1857).

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During this journalistic phase in Ghana, the Ewe professional journalism and African communication newspapers (Mia Holo [Our Friend] and Nutifafa Na practices. Mi [Peace be with you]) used a narrative approach to Another instance of the sociocultural present their contents and to engage their readers in dimension of journalistic production in Ghana missionary works. concerned the indigenisation of the Another dimension of print media in print media (Smith 1987). In particular, English- concerned the sociocultural communication elements language newspaper readers partly affected language that are incorporated into journalistic production to use by sanctioning the linguistic style of the replicate sociocultural repertoires in Ghana. For journalists. The readers endorse some level of instance, traditional Ghanaian societies (such as the indigenisation of English, a practice whereby Akwapim, Ashanti, Ewe, Fante, and Ga chiefdoms) journalists occasionally adopt local-language words disseminated information mainly through indigenous into English-language newspapers. For instance, oral media, material culture (drums, musical Ghanaian-language words such as kalabule (the instruments, textiles, art, etc.), symbols, and special hoarding and selling of goods in secret), wahala agents. The traditional agents for public information (picketing and demonstration), have gained public included royal spokespersons, wandering announcers acceptance and have been used in English-language with gongs, and ceremonial specialists (Yankah print media in Ghana. Given this adapted 1995). Ghanaian traditional societies used material sociocultural situation, readers of English media culture, such as the gong (bell), sceptre, and drum from elsewhere would have to adapt to a few (known as the talking drum) to reinforce the Ghanaian sociocultural contexts in order to integrate communication of official public information. For with the English-language print media in Ghana. instance, wandering announcers beat gongs with Journalists and newspaper corporations in Ghana sticks, rather than ringing bells, to gain the attention thus base their production policies on the particular of the inhabitants of a village whenever they need to political situation and sociocultural context. Local- relay a message from the chief or the elders. These language newspapers borrowed English words to cultural elements have been extensively referenced in incorporate into language repertoire. Ghanaian-language newspapers and print media, The print media have also depended on while the English-language domain in Ghana has economic factors in setting sociocultural markers for used print media such as newspapers, letters, professional journalism in Ghana. For instance, Sir postcards, telegraphs, magazines, journals, and Charles McCarthy brought the first printing press to annals. the Gold Coast in 1822. Missionaries followed this Sociocultural elements have been adapted to initiative by bringing their own printing equipment. modern or contemporary forms of communication The economic aspects of Ghanaian newspapers vary such as print media, broadcast media, novels–and in terms of printing presses, funding, personnel, and gradually–Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, websites, printing materials. The Royal Gazette, for instance, cyberspace, Myspace, Instagram, etc., in order to cost sixpence in 1817, when the readers were mainly reach audiences targeted by the construed cultural European traders and pre-independence repertoires of both English-language and African- administrators. In 1870, the price of the West African language media. For instance, the name of the Ewe Herald was 1s (shilling) 2d (pennies) by which time newspaper Atumpani constitutes an enculturation of a few natives had studied in the Gold Coast and in the pre-independence form of communication with Europe, thereby increasing readership numbers traditional forms. In Ewe society, as in other (Jones-Quartey 1974: 65). The West African Herald Ghanaian-language territories, the atumpani was partly funded by publishing advertisements from drummer plays rhythms that enunciate the epithets J. Mensah Sarbah and other merchants. Most of the and panegyrics of a chief, the motto of a chiefdom, English-language newspapers had commercial and the heroic deeds of a chief or legendary sponsors. These sociocultural constituents sustained personage. For example, the drummer could play the repertoire of English-language print media. rhythms that call to mind the following motto of the In 2005, an editor of the Graphic Anlo chiefdom: Anlo, kotsia klolo, naketi deka no Corporation disclosed to me that the Daily Graphic, dzo me bi nu (Anlo, the mighty one, a single stick in for instance, produced on average about 90,000 a hearth suffices to cook). By naming the newspaper copies during peak periods such as electoral Atumpani, the editorial team used the traditional campaigns. It circulated about 4000 copies in the connotation of this element of Ewe material culture Volta Region, where Kpodoga, Midim, the Ghanaian in a print medium that belonged to a different Times, the Daily Guide, and other newspapers also culture–namely modern European communication circulated. During the same period, Kpodoga and culture, which began with the emergence of the Midim circulated only 1000 copies each within the printing press (Anderson 1983). This sociocultural same region. Whereas English-language newspaper practice illustrates how the print media can serve as offices were located in the capital, local-language the nexus of the enculturation of European newspaper editorial offices were located in rural

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-7, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in areas, which obliged them to wait until they got to Radio One, which broadcasted nationally, the capital to print their newspapers. These transmitted programs in English and a select number socioeconomic factors affected the repertoires of the of local languages. It provided programs for rural Ghanaian print media, for better or for worse. dwellers on topics such as farming, animal The stratification of readers also affected husbandry, rural development, health, and local the sociocultural markers of the Ghanaian print festivals. Through this station, news bulletins were media. Readers of the local-language newspaper broadcasted in each of six Ghanaian languages Kpodoga were enrolled in adult literacy programs (Akan, Ga, Dagbani, Nzema, Dagaare, and Hausa) (rural people aged 50 and over in the 1970s and 80s three times a day: 10 minutes of local and who could not go to school), extension workers international news in the morning, five minutes of (agricultural specialists advising local farmers), and international news in the afternoon, and eight peasants (local farmers, anglers, and traders). The minutes of local and international news in the Kpodoga editorial team also inspired the formation evening. These broadcasts included news bulletins, of local-language readers’ clubs in various towns and official political speeches, presidential discourses, villages in the Volta Region, where groups of people and parliamentary debates. met to discuss news items and make suggestions for Before reporting the news in local subsequent news publications. In contrast, the languages, newscasters first received the news English-language newspaper the Ghanaian Times reports in English and translated them into local targeted average readers in Ghana–that is, those with languages (see Heath 2001). The editor of the at least a high school education. The editor of the English section first screened each news item before Ghanaian Times and the Spectator believed that the sending it to the newsroom for approval. A copy was writer of a news report should always provide the then transferred to the local-language newscaster, sociocultural background of the story in order to who adapted the text to the target audience by enhance the reader’s understanding of the report’s focusing on its essential message. Besides these news context. These factors have contributed to the role of broadcasts, Radio One also offered programs on a language in Ghanaian print media. Table 2 below variety of topics, including entertainment (such as contained the summary of the sociocultural short plays and music), youth topics (covering sports, characteristics of journalistic production in Ghana. summer camps, and associations), regional topics This summary showed features of (such as festivals and coronations), educational journalistic production in English and Ewe in Ghana. programs (on health), programs for senior citizens (on cultural heritage and values), and other programs Table 2. Sociocultural Features oriented to rural dwellers. Radio One was therefore Feature English Ewe the station for select languages in Ghana. Sociocultural urban issues regional Radio Two offered commercial issues broadcasting in English. The station was launched in Leaders politicians chiefs Accra in 1967 to provide national information Cultural global indigenous services in English. It provided music programs Approach analytic narrative (popular, traditional, and gospel) and movies, as well Communication contemporary traditional media media as hourly news broadcasts, sports updates and Language nativisation loanwords commentaries, business and financial news, Economic modern printing rudimentary Ghanaian press reviews, and interviews with press printing prominent leaders in Ghana. It also presented Readers National local regional investigative reports about ongoing Stratification formal literacy adult literacy developments, current affairs, rural issues, and program program school-related programs. In addition, it offered a number of services such as advertising, public announcements, and obituaries, interspersing these with English-language programs that targeted elite 4. Overview of broadcast media audiences. These programs explored themes such as national policies and social issues. The presenters at The Ghana Broadcasting Corporation Radio Two reviewed government activities, (GBC) was established in Accra in 1935 by Sir objectives, projects, and development plans. The Arnold Hodson with the support of British radio station broadcasted programs such as plays, basic engineer F.A.W. Byron. The corporation later science topics, English-language instruction, French- underwent a series of changes in 1965, when language instruction, and cultural topics for primary television was added to diversify broadcasting in and secondary schools as well as colleges. Religious Ghana. GBC operated three radio stations in Ghana: programs such as Sunday celebrations, songs of Radio One (GBC 1); Radio Two (GBC 2); and an praise, and religious reflections were also offered. FM station (GBC FM).

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The FM station Radio Gar was established Ewe versions, the hostess added the following in 1986 as a local station for the city of Accra and its question to the original eighth item: “What advice surrounding communities. Initially, it provided a would you give to the [Ewe] citizens [of Ghana]?” variety of music throughout the day, but over time it Such additional elements attested that although the began to broadcast news, announcements, reports, English questionnaire regulated the uniformity of the and advertisements. A similar station provided GTV programs broadcasted in the selected local service in each regional centre, both in English and languages, the hostesses and broadcasters adapted in the local language(s) of the region. For example, the program to the particular concerns of their local- at Bolgatanga in the north-eastern part of Ghana, the language audiences. local FM station broadcasted in English as well as in A second difference in the scripts is the the Gurune, Sisal, Kusaal, Kasem, Buli, and Dagaare orthography of certain words in the two versions of languages of the region. Besides the government- the Ewe text. In these, the Ewe program hostess used owned radio stations, several private radio stations the dialectical versions of certain words–versions have since emerged in Ghana as a result of the that are typical of sound changes in the Anlo dialect freedom of speech and the press that was established in the southeast region of Ghana. For example, she in the 1992 Constitution of Ghana. used mekawoe (who) rather than the Standard Ewe Ghana Television, known as GTV, was orthography amekawoe (who), ameyiwo (people established in Accra in 1965 to broadcast in English who) instead of ame siwo (people who), and yiwo and in six local languages. Initially, it was intended (those) instead of siwo (those). In the case of as a medium for education, information, and mekawoe, for instance, the word-initial phoneme is development. Gradually, however, entertainment- syncopated. In the case of ameyiwo and yiwo, there is related programs began to be offered, such as a sound change that involves lenition, which occurs storytelling, music dedications, and quizzes. in the vicinity of Keta and Anloga, the towns that Regional offices were established in the Ashanti, represent the core area of the Anlo dialect. In this Central, Volta, Northern, North-eastern, and Western sound change, obstruents are palatalised when regions to gather information on regional programs followed by the high [i]; the palatals then for nationwide broadcast. Three such stations were undergo further sound changes, which culminate in located in Accra: the TV3 cable network was the lenition of the phonemes when followed by a established by a private group in 1997 to provide high front vowel [i], to yield first [h] and later [y]. In entertainment, particularly movies and popular other words, palatals → lenition/–high front vowel music, to individual subscribers in selected cities; the (i.e. ame siwo → ame hiwo → ame yiwo). There are MNET cable network was founded by Multichoice two possible explanations for the presence of this Ghana Limited in 1993; and V-Net TV was sound change in the cited GTV scripts: either the established by Vision Network Communications Ewe program hostess intended to keep some Limited in 1993. Telecommunications networks have phonemic dialectical elements of Ewe for the sake of also increased over the years. In 2010, there were the broadcast media–that is, to reflect everyday more than 140 radio stations and 32 TV stations in speech and orality–or she used the dialectical Ghana. In 2016, there were more than twenty radio orthography as a linguistic residual of her own stations in the Volta Region. dialectical origin (although the program was meant Most local-language programs were for all Ewes of Ghana). translations of English-language programs (see Essegbey 2008). For example, one of the Ewe adult education programs on GTV used a script based on 5. Journalistic production of broadcast media three previously written versions: one in English and two translated into Ewe. To create a consistent African sociocultural constituents have program in all local languages, the script was written influenced Ghanaian broadcast media with regard to first in English and then translated into Ewe and six journalistic production. One of the main factors in other local languages (Akan, Ga, Dagbani, Nzema, this is the widespread prevalence of orality-based Dagaare, and Hausa) for telecasting, because the mass media in Ghana. Before the inception of the government had selected these languages to represent modern European media, traditional Ghanaian all 55 Ghanaian national languages. I collected and societies used various forms of aural mass media, analysed two Ewe versions in comparison with the such as the atumpani (talking drum), the kpodola original version of the questionnaire in English. I (wandering announcer), the tsiami (chief’s noticed that there were variations in the three texts. spokesperson), envoys, traditional art, For example, in the second Ewe version, the communicative dances, and so on. Ghanaian program’s hostess added further questions to the governments conceptualised the broadcast media as a script including question one, where she asked modernized form of traditional orality-based mass additionally: “It was a long time since we heard media, which could be used for political purposes. about you, so what happened?” Similarly, in both Nkrumah, for instance, viewed the broadcast media

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Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-7, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in as the most suitable tool for democracy in Ghana media corporation adhered to the principles outlined (and Africa). He based his views on the fact that in the constitution. radio and television audiences did not require local- Economic factors determined the language literacy to understand local-language sociocultural markers of broadcast media. Radio broadcasts. The broadcast media tap into this One, Radio Two, Radio Gar, and GTV received 75 sociocultural context by presenting programs that per cent of their funding from the government. They focus on the Ghanaian context (traditional lore, rural relied on revenue from advertising, announcements, agriculture, and rural development issues), sponsorship programs, TV license fees, and the sale particularly in local languages. The English-language of music dedication coupons, which together broadcast media also drew on local sociocultural provided 25 per cent of the net income of the GBC. elements (music, storytelling, and drama), which The corporation generated income by publishing and were balanced with programs from CNN, BBC, selling magazines such as the Ghanaian WorldNet, and Deutsche Welle. The broadcast media Broadcaster, Radio and TV Times, GBC Brochure, used local-language classificatory words to name and Commercial Booklets. The corporation depended their stations. For instance, the Adom FM station on these sources of income to pay the staff, produce used the Akan word adom (grace) to illustrate the programs, and procure materials for broadcast. indigenisation of media in Ghana. Professional broadcast media technicians and The governments of Ghana have historically engineers are trained at an engineering school controlled broadcast production by defining the founded in 1955. Media workers train at other operational framework for journalists. It was institutes, such as the Ghana Institute of Journalism, therefore not surprising that, when military personnel the School of Communication Studies, and the overthrew a democratic government in Ghana, they National Television and Film Training School. took over the broadcasting stations first as the primary symbol of power and control of the public 6. Comparison of broadcast media and sphere (see Habermas 1991).4 Media control by newspapers Ghanaian governments took the form of ordinances that specified parameters within which journalists Language options (Bourdieu, 1977, 1979) could work. For instance, the pre-independence have influenced media production in the Ghanaian government enacted the sedition ordinance in 1893, multilingual context, in which 55 local languages are obliging media producers to register their spoken. Identity issues (Anderson 1983) have often newspapers with a government office and to obtain a appeared at the forefront of linguistic adherences media production license prior to their journalistic with regard to Ghanaian print and broadcast media. productions. This ordinance also defined the kinds of As discussed early on, in Ghana, journalists, news reports that could undermine public security newspaper readers, radio audiences, and broadcasters and the penalties associated with such an offence. associate certain sociocultural markers (professional The pre-independence government amended the journalism, urban milieu, specialized literacy, press ordinance in 1934 by further specifying the contemporary infrastructure, etc.) with English- types of media offences and their corresponding language print media. In contrast, the some penalties. The post-independence government Ghanaians associate local languages with orality, modified the sedition ordinance in 1992 by providing indigenous agriculture, traditional lore, and guidelines for print and broadcast media. With these specialised literacy (see Hemmings 2015; Amenga changes, the 1992 Ghanaian constitution called for 2011; Saah 1986). In various contexts, Ghanaians journalistic production to reflect good journalism allot print and broadcast media to these language values, such as accuracy and fairness, reliability of domains. information sources, right of reply, transparency and There are clear differences between absence of harassment in news gathering, respect for broadcast and print media when it comes to choice of private life, protection of the vulnerable, balanced language. Although Ghanaian languages possess few reporting, absence of discrimination, and temperate print media, it is common to ascribe more space to language. The government set up a commission them on the radio and television. Since 2003, there (National Media) to promote free and independent has been an unprecedented increase in the number of journalistic production, while overseeing how each radio stations in Ghana due to the increased freedom of the press.5 The escalation of the number of

4 Habermas (1991) contended that incessant struggles 5 See Michael Laflin, Alex Quarmyne, and Kwame for control of and influence on discourse occur in Ansre Study of the Use of Radio to Support public spaces such as the courts, the press, towns, Functional Literacy in the Volta and Northern literary creations, and art journals. See Jurgen Regions of Ghana. Accra: NFED/Ministry of Habermas. The Structural Transformation of the Education & World Bank (PHRD Grant GH-PE Public Sphere. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991. 974), 1998, as well as Paul A. V. Ansah PAV (1975)

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Ghanaian-language radio stations is substantial: in orality discussed by McLuhan (1964). At this time, the Ashanti region, the number of stations rose from this remains an open question for future five to 29, and in Accra from eight to 21, while in the investigation. Brong Ahafo region there were 17 new stations; in the Western region, 15; in the Central and Eastern 7. Conclusion regions, 10; in the Northern region, nine; in the Volta region, six; in the Northwest, four; and in the There is clearly a symbiotic relationship Northeast, two. Strikingly, even government stations between broadcast and print media in Ghana, but it is have increased in number. In Accra alone, the common for private radio stations broadcasting in government set up two additional stations besides English to criticise the government newspaper Radio One: Obonu to broadcast in English and Ga, editorials for their lack of investigative journalism. and Unique FM to broadcast in English and Twi. On This has often made such stations popular because the flipside of this proliferation of radio stations, their programs focus on criticising newspapers, however, newspapers in Ghanaian languages have politicians, and important public leaders in Ghana. decreased in number. Some of these private radio stations have organised In Accra, most stations used English as their uncensored, interactive newspaper-review programs main broadcast language. Out of 21 stations, 15 use in Ghanaian languages, in which listeners are invited English and six use Ghanaian languages. In various to express their critical opinions on various news regions of Ghana, the ratio between the number of items, most of which relate to controversial political stations that use Ghanaian languages and the number topics. For this reason, agents of broadcast media and that use English has fluctuated over the years (see of newspapers are often wary of each other. Heath, 2001). In Accra, Joy FM allocated 90 per cent In terms of linguistic competence, there has of its broadcast time to English and 10 per cent to been renewed interest in Ghanaian languages, but Ghanaian languages in 1995. Radio Gold this has been limited to the spoken language. This broadcasted in both English and Ghanaian languages renewed interest has been enhanced by the fact that in 1996. Joy FM and Vibe FM also used English as some radio stations employ radio presenters who are the main medium of transmission. In contrast, Peace proficient in both English and a number of Ghanaian FM in Accra used Akan as its broadcasting language languages. This renewal in the use of the spoken in 1999. However, presenters of local-language version of Ghanaian languages, in turn, has fostered programs sometimes use code switching, or the a renewed appreciation of proficiency in the most interspersing of local languages with English. commonly spoken Ghanaian languages. One offshoot Although usage of local languages was initially of this interest in Ghanaian languages is an increase limited to the context of informal interpersonal in employment opportunities for those trained in conversation, since 1999 there has been a noticeable Ghanaian languages, as well as for those wishing to increase in the use of certain Ghanaian languages in make their career using their local language. Might broadcast and print media in rural communities, with this situation give rise to a sort of neo-traditionalism Akan leading in its use of code switching. or indigenisation among media practitioners in Radio stations, unlike newspapers and Ghana? The answer to this will be determined only television, offer phone-in programs that enable in the future, when such attitudes might gain a firmer Ghanaian listeners to interact with broadcasters. foothold. Programs that prioritise interactive participation are Ultimately, the emergence of professional extremely popular among radio audiences in Ghana. journalism in Ghana has led to certain perceptions of However, audience participation depends largely on the role of Ghanaian languages in the print and the language policy of a radio station. For example, broadcast media (see Obeng-Quaidoo, 1984). radio listeners in Kumasi were so insistent on Sociocultural, economic, and political features speaking Twi (Akan) during English phone-in embedded in media productions in Ghana have programs that some radio stations later accepted a shaped the domains and repertoires of Ghanaian high percentage of respondents who preferred to readers and media audiences who have been assigned speak Twi (Yankah 2004). Consequently, the rule of English-language and local-language media. the practice and insistence of the listeners became the Although the construed sociocultural media markers rule of obligation for radio stations like Kapital have evolved over time, they have also illustrated the Radio, Luv FM, and Vibes, which were encouraged features and factors of media production and by audiences to incorporate more local-language consumption in Ghana with respect to Ghanaian print programs in their presentations. This raised questions and broadcast media. regarding whether this interest in local languages on the radio in Ghana would lead to the kind of modern

Problems of localising radio in Ghana. Gazette 25 January, (1975): 1–16.

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