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British Envoys to Germany and the Culture of Diplomacy, 1816–1905*

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British Envoys to Germany and the Culture of Diplomacy, 1816–1905* German History Vol. 31, No. 4, pp. 550–578 REVIEW ARTICLE Reform or Revolution? British Envoys to Germany and the Culture of Diplomacy, 1816–1905* James Retallack British Envoys to Germany, 1816–1866 (Camden Fifth Series, vols 15, 21, 28, 37). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Royal Historical Society in Association with the German Historical Institute London. Vol. 1: 1816–1829. Edited by Sabine Freitag and Peter Wende. 2000. xxii + 592 pp. £40.00 (hardback). Vol. 2: 1830–1847. Edited by Markus Mösslang, Sabine Freitag and Peter Wende. 2002. xxiv + 600 pp. £45 (hardback). Vol. 3: 1848–1850. Edited by Markus Mösslang, Torsten Riotte and Hagen Schulze. 2006. viii + 511 pp. £45.00 (hardback). Vol. 4: 1851–1866. Edited by Markus Mösslang, Chris Manias and Torsten Riotte. 2010. viii + 566 pp. £45.00 (hardback). I: The Launch For decades the German Historical Institute London (GHIL) has provided an immensely stimulating and congenial home to British historians of Germany. Situated in Bloomsbury Square just around the corner from the British Library and the Museum Tavern, the GHI and its first director Wolfgang J. Mommsen sponsored conferences, projects and lectures that generated intense scholarly interest and fostered important intellectual debates. These spanned the transatlantic divide, and subsequent direc- tors have maintained those connections. Now the GHI London is well on its way to completing another of the academic endeavours for which it was founded: to publish scholarly editions of primary sources, on Anglo–German relations particularly. When the project that produced these four volumes of British diplomatic reports was conceived, a half-dozen historiographical trends made for an auspicious launch. 1. A decade after Germany’s (re)unification in 1990, scholars and laymen were debating—as they still are today—the historical significance of an economic and * For time to prepare this essay and financial support I am grateful for a Faculty Research Fellowship from the Jackman Humanities Institute at the University of Toronto and a Research Grant from the SSHRC of Canada. For providing me with select images or synopses of files from the National Archives and the British Library, London, I am indebted to Geoff Hamm (Berkeley) and Markus Mösslang (London). For suggested revisions I thank Moritz Föllmer, Eckart Conze, and German History’s anonymous reviewer. © The Author 2013. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the German History Society. All rights reserved. doi:10.1093/gerhis/ght062 British Envoys to Germany and the Culture of Diplomacy, 1816–1905 551 political powerhouse in the centre of Europe. The ‘rush to unification’ in 1989/90 provided tantalizing contrasts to the longer and more agonized processes that produced Germany’s Second Reich in 1871. A volume on Germany’s Two Unifications (2005), whose contributors included historians, political scientists and students of German language and literature, compared and contrasted these events. How were they anticipated, lived through, reflected upon?1 Was the ‘epoch of territoriality’ over?2 What determined whether new unions were legitimate? How did writers and others develop a national consciousness out of disparate (or starkly opposing) parts? Two years later another col- laborative effort asked how Germans coped with ‘the ambiguities of place’ as heartlands and borderlands were understood, transformed and contested in new ways. As ‘the bor- ders of Germany moved in and out like a concertina’ from the eighteenth century to the 1990s, Germans were repeatedly forced to explore their feelings of belonging and markers of identity: ‘Divided, united, divided again, united again, no European nation state has been more chameleon-like’.3 What did Germany’s neighbours think of this? What did British diplomats imagine they were seeing when Metternich or Bismarck hit the reset button—as US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton claimed to do with Russia in March 2009? These questions suggest, first, why British envoys found the German Confederation (1815–66) so enigmatic and, second, why foundational moments remain intriguing to us today. 2. Even before 2000, ‘culture’ and ‘diplomacy’ had begun to provide a double optic through which to view historical processes that were rooted in, but transcended, high politics. Johannes Paulmann’s Pomp und Politik accelerated the trend.4 So did two other collaborative volumes on different aspects of the same problem—both published in 2008 and both sponsored by the GHIL.5 Of course previous work had gone below decks to the ‘engine room of international relations’—the world in which ambassa- dors, envoys and consuls actually toiled. Zara Steiner’s work on the British Foreign Office and Raymond Jones’s study of the British diplomatic service highlighted the inner motivations of Foreign Office officials and the changing social profile of the dip- lomatic service in the wake of mid-century reforms.6 The many new dimensions of nineteenth-century diplomacy included the introduction of competitive civil service exams, the stationing of diplomats in unfamiliar cultures, the need for new kinds of information, the advent of the mass press and pressures for democracy. As the editors of The Diplomats’ World asserted—drawing on their own experience working on Volume III of British Envoys to Germany—the ideals and values that put the ‘culture’ in diplomatic 1 Ronald Speirs and John Breuilly (eds), Germany’s Two Unifications: Anticipations, Experiences, Responses (Basingstoke, 2005). 2 Charles S. Maier, ‘Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era’, American Historical Review, 105, 3 (2000), pp. 807–31. 3 David Blackbourn and James Retallack, ‘Introduction’, in Blackbourn and Retallack (eds), Localism, Landscape, and the Ambiguities of Place: German-Speaking Central Europe, 1860–1930 (Toronto, 2007), pp. 3–4. 4 Johannes Paulmann, Pomp und Politik: Monarchenbegegnungen in Europa zwischen Ancien Régime und Erstem Weltkrieg (Stuttgart, 2000). 5 Dominik Geppert and Robert Gerwarth (eds), Wilhelmine Germany and Edwardian Britain: Essays on Cultural Affinity (Oxford and New York, 2008); Markus Mösslang and Torsten Riotte (eds), The Diplomats’ World: A Cultural History of Diplomacy, 1815–1914 (Oxford and New York, 2008). 6 Zara S. Steiner, The Foreign Office and Foreign Policy, 1898–1914 (Cambridge, 1969); Raymond A. Jones, The British Diplomatic Service 1815–1914 (Gerrards Cross, 1983). 552 James Retallack culture ‘can be reduced neither to the diplomats’ private dispositions nor to their offi- cial functions. They thus transcend the divide between the individual and institutional sphere of diplomats’.7 3. Diplomats must interest themselves in matters of war and peace. But they need to advance their own careers too. The editors of British Envoys to Germany benefited from new scholarly interest in biography. As the present director of the GHIL, Andreas Gestrich, once noted of nineteenth-century diplomacy, the most interesting details about diplomats’ experiences had rarely found their way into older books about inter- national relations: The nuances of diplomatic etiquette and the operating norms of the diplomatic services, the social encounters and the personal experiences of the diplomats, and the local contexts of their foreign missions that characterized diplomatic life so strongly, disappeared when the hard facts of political decision-making entered the printed narratives compiled by historians, with the exception of the occasional anecdote or flowery illustration.8 The personal reflections that regularly appeared in nineteenth-century travel- lers’ accounts may be grossly inferior in wit and wisdom to Mark Twain’s Innocents Abroad. But diplomatic reportage was not always dry as dust—‘what one clerk said to another’—and even when it was, scholars have long striven to decode the underlying story: ‘Nowadays’, Raymond Jones has written, ‘no self-respecting diplomatic historian attempts a simple explication de texte’.9 Despite the reliability of the editors’ annotated index of names, many readers will want to know even more about the diplomats’ train- ing, prior appointments and local connections within each capital city’s diplomatic corps. From such information we can often tease out reasons why a particular envoy’s reports might lurch between optimism and pessimism as a crisis approaches. Consider the case of Count Hugo Lerchenfeld-Köfering, Bavaria’s long-time envoy to Prussia. Lerchenfeld’s closest ally in Berlin was Saxony’s envoy, Count Wilhelm von Hohenthal und Bergen, who became Saxony’s de facto government leader in 1906. Lerchenfeld’s own boss—Count Georg von Hertling—understood the importance of this personal connection. As he remarked after some uncomfortable incident in Dresden, ‘The rela- tionship between Bavaria and Saxony remained on a normal footing only as long as Count Hohenthal took breakfast every day in the Bavarian embassy in Berlin’.10 4. The first dozen years of the twenty-first century have produced socio-economic upheavals, booms and busts, that mirror the insecurities of life in pre-1848 Europe. Consider the dot-com and housing bubbles in the USA, the sovereign debt crisis in Europe (which again is pitting Europe’s ‘core’ against its periphery), and a worldwide recession that is stretching into its sixth year. These calamities have prompted the kinds of reflection that were penned by British diplomats trying to come to grips with new realities created by the French and industrial
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