The -Chumash and Costanoan Languages
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THE LANGUAGE OFTHE SALINAN INDIANS Nominalizing Suffixes
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-154 January 10, 1918 THE LANGUAGE OF THE SALINAN INDIANS BY J. ALDEN MASON CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION..--.--.......------------........-----...--..--.......------........------4 PART I. P'HONOLOGY ---------7 Phonetic system ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Vowels ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7 Quality ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 Nasalization ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 Voiceless vowels.------------------......-------------.........-----------------......---8 Accent --------------------------------------------------9 Consonants ................---------.............--------------------...----------9 Semi-vowels ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------9 Nasals ---------- 10 Laterals -------------------------------------------------------------10 Spirants ---------------------------------------....-------------------------------------------10 Stops .--------......... --------------------------- 11 Affricatives .......................-.................-........-......... 12 Tableof phonetic system ---------------------------.-----------------13 Phonetic processes ---------------------------.-----.--............13 Vocalic assimilation ------------------..-.........------------------13 -
From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-Creation of the Tribal Identity On
From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-creation of the Tribal Identity on the Tule River Indian Reservation in California from Euroamerican Contact to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 By Kumiko Noguchi B.A. (University of the Sacred Heart) 2000 M.A. (Rikkyo University) 2003 Dissertation Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Native American Studies in the Office of Graduate Studies of the University of California Davis Approved Steven J. Crum Edward Valandra Jack D. Forbes Committee in Charge 2009 i UMI Number: 3385709 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3385709 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Kumiko Noguchi September, 2009 Native American Studies From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-creation of the Tribal Identity on the Tule River Indian Reservation in California from Euroamerican contact to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 Abstract The main purpose of this study is to show the path of tribal development on the Tule River Reservation from 1776 to 1936. It ends with the year of 1936 when the Tule River Reservation reorganized its tribal government pursuant to the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934. -
INTER-TIER CORRESPONDENCE THEORY by LIAN HEE WEE A
INTER-TIER CORRESPONDENCE THEORY by LIAN HEE WEE A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – New Brunswick Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Linguistics written under the direction of Akinbiyi Akinlabi and approved by Akinbiyi Akinlabi Alan Prince Youngmee Yu-cho Matthew Y Chen New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2004 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Inter-tier Correspondence Theory By LIAN-HEE WEE Dissertation Director: Akinbiyi Akinlabi Inter-tier Correspondence Theory (ICT) is a theory of candidate structure. It is a response to phenomena in which both opaque and transparent derivational effects are simultaneously attested. The response that ICT provides rests upon the recognition that structural configurations are crucial in triggering alternations in the first place. By appealing to percolation, ICT assumes that each phonological output candidate is in fact a structural representation where non-terminal nodes reconstruct the information content of the constituent nodes. However, reconstruction may be imperfect. That outputs are structural is hardly novel, since GEN generates structures to given strings. Instead, it is the carriage of information in non-terminal nodes that is noteworthy. Under ICT, terminal nodes would be identical to the input string. Alternations no longer apply to strings but to constituencies as elements of the input string percolate upwards in their constituent structures. This is an important improvement because it directly addresses the fact that mere adjacency does not trigger alternation (many marked collocations are tolerated if the offending sequence are not within the same constituent). To be precise, GEN takes an input string and maps it to candidate structures of various percolative possibilities with the terminal nodes identical to the input string and non-terminal nodes corresponding to their subordinates in a multitude of ways. -
PROSODICALLY DRIVEN METATHESIS in MUTSUN By
Prosodically Driven Metathesis in Mutsun Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Butler, Lynnika Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 24/09/2021 03:27:27 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311476 PROSODICALLY DRIVEN METATHESIS IN MUTSUN by Lynnika Butler __________________________ Copyright © Lynnika G. Butler 2013 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2013 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Lynnika Butler, titled Prosodically Driven Metathesis in Mutsun and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _______________________________________________ Date: (October 16, 2013) Natasha Warner -- Chair _______________________________________________ Date: (October 16, 2013) Michael Hammond _______________________________________________ Date: (October 16, 2013) Adam Ussishkin Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of -
Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara
Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara 0. Introduction Final glottalization in Barbarefio Chumash appears in a variety of environments which include reduplication, imperative, and emphasis. l Interestingly, we have found that final glottalization occurs in similar environments in neighboring languages which include Uto-Aztecan, Yokuts, and Yuman languages. Below, we will present final glottalization data from Barbarefio and report the results of a small survey of the functions of final glottalization in neighboring languages. We hope our paper will stimulate discussion and further investigation by interested individuals. 1. Data Barbarefio data come from microfilms of John Peabody Harrington ' s manuscripts. Barbarefio transcription has been regularized because Harrington used a variety of symbols for individual segments over the course of his work. The data for other languages are taken from published sources such as grammars and dictionaries. We have generally retained the transcriptions of the sources. 2. Barbareiio Chumash Final Glottalization In this section, we will present final glottalization data from Barbarefio Chumash. We will first discuss its phonetic *We would like to thank Dale Kinkade, Margaret Langdon, Herb Luthin, Amy Miller and Mauricio Mixco for sharing with us their expertise on the languages they have worked on. Our work on Barbarefio Chumash has been made possible by grant BNS90-11018 from the National Science Foundation. l~inalglottalization probably appears in similar environments in other Chumash languages. For instance, all the environments described in this paper are reported in Inesefio (Applegate 1972). Final glottalization is also found with transitivization and nominalization in Barbarefio. -
Some Morphological Parallels Between Hokan Languages1
Mikhail Zhivlov Russian State University for the Humanities; School for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, RANEPA (Moscow); [email protected] Some morphological parallels between Hokan languages1 In this paper I present a detailed analysis of a number of morphological comparisons be- tween the branches of the hypothetical Hokan family. The following areas are considered: 1) subject person/number markers on verbs, as well as possessor person/number markers on nouns, 2) so-called ‘lexical prefixes’ denoting instrument and manner of action on verbs, 3) plural infixes, used with both nouns and verbs, and 4) verbal directional suffixes ‘hither’ and ‘thither’. It is shown that the respective morphological parallels can be better accounted for as resulting from genetic inheritance rather than from areal diffusion. Keywords: Hokan languages, Amerindian languages, historical morphology, genetic vs. areal relationship 0. The Hokan hypothesis, relating several small language families and isolates of California, was initially proposed by Dixon and Kroeber (1913) more than a hundred years ago. There is still no consensus regarding the validity of Hokan: some scholars accept the hypothesis (Kaufman 1989, 2015; Gursky 1995), while others view it with great skepticism (Campbell 1997: 290–296, Marlett 2007; cf. a more positive assessment in Golla 2011: 82–84, as well as a neutral overview in Jany 2016). My own position is that the genetic relationship between most languages usually subsumed under Hokan is highly likely, and that the existence of the Ho- kan family can be taken as a working hypothesis, subject to further proof or refutation. The goal of the present paper is to draw attention to several morphological parallels be- tween Hokan languages. -
The Mutsun Dialect of Costanoan 'Based on the Vocabulary of De La Cuesta
UNIVERSITY OF CALI FORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 11, No. 7, pp. 399-472 March 9, 1916 THE MUTSUN DIALECT OF COSTANOAN 'BASED ON THE VOCABULARY OF DE LA CUESTA BY J. ALDEN MASON UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY UNIV I OF OALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPAlTMENT OP ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and -etnological subjects issued der the diron of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and mums, and for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated, which Include postge or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The-Exchange Depart- ment, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addresed to the University Press. European agent for the series in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Classical Phil- ology, Educatoin, Modem Philology, Philosophy, and Semitic Philology, Otto Harrassowits, Lipzig. For the series in Botany, Geology, Pathology, Physiology, Zoology and Also Amer- ican Archaeology and Ethnology, R. Friedlaender &. Sohn, Berlin. AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY.-A. L. Kroeber, Editor. Prices, Volume 1, $4.25; Volumes 2 to 10, inclusive, $3.50 each; Volume 11 and following, $5.00 each. Cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn. Price Vol. 1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates1-30. September, 1903.................................................... $1.26 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904... 3.00 Index, pp. 369-378. Vol. 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. -
THE VOWEL SYSTEMS of CALIFORNIA HOKAN1 Jeff Good University of California, Berkeley
THE VOWEL SYSTEMS OF CALIFORNIA HOKAN1 Jeff Good University of California, Berkeley Unlike the consonants, the vowels of Hokan are remarkably conservative. —Haas (1963:44) The evidence as I view it points to a 3-vowel proto-system consisting of the apex vowels *i, *a, *u. —Silver (1976:197) I am not willing, however, to concede that this suggests [Proto-Hokan] had just three vowels. The issue is open, though, and I could change my mind. —Kaufman (1988:105) 1. INTRODUCTION. The central question that this paper attempts to address is the motivation for the statements given above. Specifically, assuming there was a Proto-Hokan, what evidence is there for the shape of its vowel system? With the exception of Kaufman’s somewhat equivocal statement above, the general (but basically unsupported) verdict has been that Proto-Hokan had three vowels, *i, *a, and *u. This conclusion dates back to at least Sapir (1917, 1920, 1925) who implies a three-vowel system in his reconstructions of Proto-Hokan forms. However, as far as I am aware, no one has carefully articulated why they think the Proto-Hokan system should have been of one form instead of another (though Kaufman (1988) does discuss some of his reasons).2 Furthermore, while reconstructions of Proto-Hokan forms exist, it has not yet been possible to provide a detailed analysis of the sound changes required to relate reconstructed forms to attested forms. As a result, even though the reconstructions themselves are valuable, they cannot serve as a strong argument for the particular proto vowel system they implicitly or explicitly assume. -
Basic Pronominals Marianne Mithun [email protected] LSA
Shaping Grammar: The Emergence of Grammatical Distinctions Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences September 2019 1 Fundamental Question Why are languages the way they are? Abstract genetic endowment: design features universal to all humans? Products of more general cognitive abilities categorization, generalization, abstraction, routinization, extension, economy, processing, learnability . .? Other things? 2 Depends on what aspects of language we’re trying to explain. And conversely, our theoretical tools determine in part what we try to explain. 3 Here Consider some basic grammatical categories with non-random geographical distributions See the role of areality in shaping languages, especially if we pull apart diachronic layers 4 1. Indigenous Languages of North America 5 How many languages? Around 275 known How many families in North America ? ~ 57-58 Earlier estimates 3, 6, 12, . 8 Some Strong Linguistic Areas Northwest Coast Southeast California and adjacent areas 9 California Indigenous Languages Heizer, Robert (ed.) 1978. Handbook of North American Indian Languages 8 ix: California 10 California Families and Isolates Athabaskan Yuki-Wappo Yokutsan Uto-Aztecan Tolowa Yuki Palewyami N. Paiute Hupa Wappo Buena Vista Mono Mattole Pomoan Kings River Panamint Eel River Northeastern Pomo Gashowu Kawaiisu Kato Northern Pomo Valley Yokuts Chemehuevi Karok Eastern Pomo Chumash Tubatulabal Shasta Central Pomo Obispeño Serrano Chimariko Southeastern Pomo Purisimeño Kitanimuk -
Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California
Chapter 2. Native Languages of West-Central California This chapter discusses the native language spoken at Spanish contact by people who eventually moved to missions within Costanoan language family territories. No area in North America was more crowded with distinct languages and language families than central California at the time of Spanish contact. In the chapter we will examine the information that leads scholars to conclude the following key points: The local tribes of the San Francisco Peninsula spoke San Francisco Bay Costanoan, the native language of the central and southern San Francisco Bay Area and adjacent coastal and mountain areas. San Francisco Bay Costanoan is one of six languages of the Costanoan language family, along with Karkin, Awaswas, Mutsun, Rumsen, and Chalon. The Costanoan language family is itself a branch of the Utian language family, of which Miwokan is the only other branch. The Miwokan languages are Coast Miwok, Lake Miwok, Bay Miwok, Plains Miwok, Northern Sierra Miwok, Central Sierra Miwok, and Southern Sierra Miwok. Other languages spoken by native people who moved to Franciscan missions within Costanoan language family territories were Patwin (a Wintuan Family language), Delta and Northern Valley Yokuts (Yokutsan family languages), Esselen (a language isolate) and Wappo (a Yukian family language). Below, we will first present a history of the study of the native languages within our maximal study area, with emphasis on the Costanoan languages. In succeeding sections, we will talk about the degree to which Costanoan language variation is clinal or abrupt, the amount of difference among dialects necessary to call them different languages, and the relationship of the Costanoan languages to the Miwokan languages within the Utian Family. -
Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes
National Plant Data Team August 2012 Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes and the Klamath Tribe of Oregon in the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology Collections, University of California, Berkeley August 2012 Cover photos: Left: Maidu woman harvesting tarweed seeds. Courtesy, The Field Museum, CSA1835 Right: Thick patch of elegant madia (Madia elegans) in a blue oak woodland in the Sierra foothills The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) prohibits discrimination in all its pro- grams and activities on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, disability, and where applicable, sex, marital status, familial status, parental status, religion, sex- ual orientation, genetic information, political beliefs, reprisal, or because all or a part of an individual’s income is derived from any public assistance program. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all programs.) Persons with disabilities who require alternative means for communication of program information (Braille, large print, audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET Center at (202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD). To file a complaint of discrimination, write to USDA, Director, Office of Civil Rights, 1400 Independence Avenue, SW., Washington, DC 20250–9410, or call (800) 795-3272 (voice) or (202) 720-6382 (TDD). USDA is an equal opportunity provider and employer. Acknowledgments This report was authored by M. Kat Anderson, ethnoecologist, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) and Jim Effenberger, Don Joley, and Deborah J. Lionakis Meyer, senior seed bota- nists, California Department of Food and Agriculture Plant Pest Diagnostics Center. Special thanks to the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum staff, especially Joan Knudsen, Natasha Johnson, Ira Jacknis, and Thusa Chu for approving the project, helping to locate catalogue cards, and lending us seed samples from their collections. -
Chapter 10. Today's Ohlone/ Costanoans, 1928-2008
Chapter 10. Today’s Ohlone/ Costanoans, 1928-2008 In 1928 three main Ohlone/Costanoan communities survived, those of Mission San Jose, Mission San Juan Bautista, and Mission Carmel. They had neither land nor federal treaty-based recognition. The 1930s, 1940s and 1950s were decades when descrimination against them and all California Indians continued to prevail. Nevertheless, the Ohlone/Costanoan communities survived and have renewed themselves. The 1960s and 1970s stand as transitional decades, when Ohlone/ Costanoans began to influence public policy in local areas. By the 1980s Ohlone/Costanoans were founding political groups and moving forward to preserve and renew their cultural heritage. By 1995 Albert Galvan, Mission San Jose descendent, could enunciate a strong positive vision of the future: I see my people, like the Phoenix, rising from the ashes—to take our rightful place in today’s society—back from extinction (Albert Galvan, personal communication to Bev Ortiz, 1995). Galvan’s statement stands in contrast to the 1850 vision of Pedro Alcantara, San Francisco native and ex-Mission Dolores descendant who was quoted as saying, “I am all that is left of my people. I am alone” (cited in Chapter 8). In this chapter we weave together personal themes, cultural themes, and political themes from the points of view of Ohlone/Costanoans and from the public record to elucidate the movement from survival to renewal that marks recent Ohlone/Costanoan history. RESPONSE TO DISCRIMINATION, 1900S-1950S Ohlone/Costanoans responded to the discrimination that existed during the first half of the twentieth century in several ways—(a) by ignoring it, (b) by keeping a low profile, (c) by passing as members of other ethnic groups, and/or (d) by creating familial and community support networks.