Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara

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Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara 0. Introduction Final glottalization in Barbarefio Chumash appears in a variety of environments which include reduplication, imperative, and emphasis. l Interestingly, we have found that final glottalization occurs in similar environments in neighboring languages which include Uto-Aztecan, Yokuts, and Yuman languages. Below, we will present final glottalization data from Barbarefio and report the results of a small survey of the functions of final glottalization in neighboring languages. We hope our paper will stimulate discussion and further investigation by interested individuals. 1. Data Barbarefio data come from microfilms of John Peabody Harrington ' s manuscripts. Barbarefio transcription has been regularized because Harrington used a variety of symbols for individual segments over the course of his work. The data for other languages are taken from published sources such as grammars and dictionaries. We have generally retained the transcriptions of the sources. 2. Barbareiio Chumash Final Glottalization In this section, we will present final glottalization data from Barbarefio Chumash. We will first discuss its phonetic *We would like to thank Dale Kinkade, Margaret Langdon, Herb Luthin, Amy Miller and Mauricio Mixco for sharing with us their expertise on the languages they have worked on. Our work on Barbarefio Chumash has been made possible by grant BNS90-11018 from the National Science Foundation. l~inalglottalization probably appears in similar environments in other Chumash languages. For instance, all the environments described in this paper are reported in Inesefio (Applegate 1972). Final glottalization is also found with transitivization and nominalization in Barbarefio. Interestingly, these other uses also seem to be shared by neighboring languages. 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(d m 4J rd c, -4 3 9 2 3 \3 Uc,(d~dalrdO - -4 m k X A X X mk. d+JEtn 4J -4 -4 c rl m m 0 C k drd M m . m a- as dam al C (d t(d \a-4 Nc, alm uo -4 a rd a-4 h-4 m h C C C N (d -4 N -4 m q k CmUCn 20 k0(d.4 -4 m N el c,rda)o 00 a c, m rl .. k.4 c, m-da -4 c, C 4 -4 m -4 ,-,a m ld (d h No Eil- rl 3.4 (dd -4 kn N a I a cwalc,rnmc,al c, ald \o mc c k m la PY pLL oosardrda-4 u QN*. z' %, c, H.4d -4C C Nal xc, al C II A& C C 5 5 al-4 m - c, 0 %'8 .4 mal k alkd Cdal N B (d W C S L) .4 g ,a w 3 3 a a a Gk ualuua rnrdm - V) 24 m al Id 4J k -43 *tnC3tnEi C, 0 o kc, a~c,c,c o +,a kU(d C U k(dO(d d(dU (Y Ok al al r; d 3 CC C 3 01 rdalQkEalkU C; EI B ow (Y k mw mc,owc, (d ma -Mono 3- Neighbors Languages from three distinct language families , which are Mono, another Numic language, seems to use final neighbors of Barbarefio, exhibit similar uses of final qlottalization to indicate emphasis : glottalization. In this section, we will present data from these languages. (6) Emphasis (Lamb 1958:220-221) cam ' good ' cam' 'very good8 3.1- Uto-Aztecan PY~Y 'after a while8 pyty' 'pretty soon' We first examine data from Uto-Aztecan languages from several different branches of the family. Final glottalization seems to have some intensification Kawaiisu function in Tiibatulabal, which by itself makes up a separate subgroup of the Uto-Aztecan family: In Kawaiisu, a Ndc language, final glottalization is used (7) Iterative (Distributive) (Voegelin 1935:llO-111) to mark imperative^:^ (5) Imperatives (Zigmond et al. 1990:35) atatdaha 'it bursts open' a'tatda*" 'they (pl.subj.) burst open8 naakee- 'to hear8 XtXbXha 'it breaks8 XOtXba e 8 'it broke in many places' ka2a-tii - kalati2i-ni eat -CAUS- feed:MOM=me XtXtdXha 'it is sawed up' x0t~dx.8 'the sticks (p1.sub-j.) got sawed up8 'to feed8 'Feed me 1 ' -ye=- magatii-gwe2e atsabaha 'it is torn' 'go In order to' feed -go:to:MOM a'tsaba*" 'it got torn in many places8 'Go feed it18 a ' amaha 'tree is felled (through an impersonal agent)' a08ama." 'the trees (pl.subj.) got felled (in the wind)' Voegelin uses the terms 'iterative', but the term 'distributive' seems to capture the function betterO6 Notice in these pairs ( .. .continued) restricted to verbs, and final glottalization is the sole segmental indicator of this function, facts that suggest that final glottalization has become part of the verbal morphology. he following data are also given by Lamb (1958:220-221), Finally, in the third use, final glottalization accompanies which suggests that glottalization may not necessarily be on the reduplication: it occurs with nouns and does not have independent final syllable: status as a meaningful marker. In other words, its occurrence is an automatic consequence of noun reduplication. This may kywapaah '.beside' kywa'paah 'beside (and very close to)' indicate that final glottalization is more fully integrated into the morphology than in the case of imperative. ma -ni -hi mani ' hi that-like-DEM 'just like that' 4~igmondet al. (1990:96) also give the following set of 'like that8 data where the addition of glottal can be said to indicate some type of intensification.
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