The Yokuts Language of South Central California
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THE LANGUAGE OFTHE SALINAN INDIANS Nominalizing Suffixes
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-154 January 10, 1918 THE LANGUAGE OF THE SALINAN INDIANS BY J. ALDEN MASON CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION..--.--.......------------........-----...--..--.......------........------4 PART I. P'HONOLOGY ---------7 Phonetic system ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Vowels ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7 Quality ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 Nasalization ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 Voiceless vowels.------------------......-------------.........-----------------......---8 Accent --------------------------------------------------9 Consonants ................---------.............--------------------...----------9 Semi-vowels ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------9 Nasals ---------- 10 Laterals -------------------------------------------------------------10 Spirants ---------------------------------------....-------------------------------------------10 Stops .--------......... --------------------------- 11 Affricatives .......................-.................-........-......... 12 Tableof phonetic system ---------------------------.-----------------13 Phonetic processes ---------------------------.-----.--............13 Vocalic assimilation ------------------..-.........------------------13 -
From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-Creation of the Tribal Identity On
From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-creation of the Tribal Identity on the Tule River Indian Reservation in California from Euroamerican Contact to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 By Kumiko Noguchi B.A. (University of the Sacred Heart) 2000 M.A. (Rikkyo University) 2003 Dissertation Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Native American Studies in the Office of Graduate Studies of the University of California Davis Approved Steven J. Crum Edward Valandra Jack D. Forbes Committee in Charge 2009 i UMI Number: 3385709 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3385709 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Kumiko Noguchi September, 2009 Native American Studies From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-creation of the Tribal Identity on the Tule River Indian Reservation in California from Euroamerican contact to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 Abstract The main purpose of this study is to show the path of tribal development on the Tule River Reservation from 1776 to 1936. It ends with the year of 1936 when the Tule River Reservation reorganized its tribal government pursuant to the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934. -
The Wintu and Their Neighbors: a Very Small World-System
THE WINTU AND THEIR NEIGHBORS: A VERY SMALL WORLD-SYSTEM Christopher Chase-Dunn Department of Sociology Johns Hopkins University Baltimore, ND 21218 ABSTRACT The world-systems perspective analyzes the modern international system. This approach can be applied to long range social evolution by studying smaller regional intersocietal systems such as the late pre-contact Wintu and their neighbors. Three questions: 1. What was the nature of integration among wintu groups and between them and neighboring groups? 2. What are the spatial characteristics of this network regarding fall off of the impact of events? 3. Was there regional soc~ally structured inequality in this system? Archaeological data may allow estimation of extent and rate of Wintu expansion, obsidian trade patterns, settlement sizes, and other features of this little world-system. INTRODUCTION This paper describes a theoretical approach for the comparative study of world-systems and a preliminary consideration of a small regional intersocietal system composed of the Wintu people and their neighbors in Northern California. I am currently engaged in the study of two "cases" of relatively small intersocietal networks -- the Wintu-centered system and late prehistoric Hawaii (Chase-Dunn 1991). This paper describes my preliminary hypotheses and examines possibilities for using archaeological, ethnographic, and documentary evidence for answering questions raised by the world-systems perspective. The world-systems perspective is a theoretical approach which has been developed to analyze the dynamics of the Europe centered, and now-global, political economy composed of national societies (cf. Wallerstein 1974, 1979; Chase-Dunn 1989; and a very readable introduction in Shannon 1989). One important structure in this modern world-system is the core/periphery hierarchy -- a stratified system of relations among dominant "advanced" core states and dependent and "underdeveloped" peripheral areas. -
INTER-TIER CORRESPONDENCE THEORY by LIAN HEE WEE A
INTER-TIER CORRESPONDENCE THEORY by LIAN HEE WEE A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – New Brunswick Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Linguistics written under the direction of Akinbiyi Akinlabi and approved by Akinbiyi Akinlabi Alan Prince Youngmee Yu-cho Matthew Y Chen New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2004 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Inter-tier Correspondence Theory By LIAN-HEE WEE Dissertation Director: Akinbiyi Akinlabi Inter-tier Correspondence Theory (ICT) is a theory of candidate structure. It is a response to phenomena in which both opaque and transparent derivational effects are simultaneously attested. The response that ICT provides rests upon the recognition that structural configurations are crucial in triggering alternations in the first place. By appealing to percolation, ICT assumes that each phonological output candidate is in fact a structural representation where non-terminal nodes reconstruct the information content of the constituent nodes. However, reconstruction may be imperfect. That outputs are structural is hardly novel, since GEN generates structures to given strings. Instead, it is the carriage of information in non-terminal nodes that is noteworthy. Under ICT, terminal nodes would be identical to the input string. Alternations no longer apply to strings but to constituencies as elements of the input string percolate upwards in their constituent structures. This is an important improvement because it directly addresses the fact that mere adjacency does not trigger alternation (many marked collocations are tolerated if the offending sequence are not within the same constituent). To be precise, GEN takes an input string and maps it to candidate structures of various percolative possibilities with the terminal nodes identical to the input string and non-terminal nodes corresponding to their subordinates in a multitude of ways. -
Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara
Final Glottalization in Barbareiio Chumash and Its Neighbors* Tsuyoshi Ono, Suzanne Wash, and Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara 0. Introduction Final glottalization in Barbarefio Chumash appears in a variety of environments which include reduplication, imperative, and emphasis. l Interestingly, we have found that final glottalization occurs in similar environments in neighboring languages which include Uto-Aztecan, Yokuts, and Yuman languages. Below, we will present final glottalization data from Barbarefio and report the results of a small survey of the functions of final glottalization in neighboring languages. We hope our paper will stimulate discussion and further investigation by interested individuals. 1. Data Barbarefio data come from microfilms of John Peabody Harrington ' s manuscripts. Barbarefio transcription has been regularized because Harrington used a variety of symbols for individual segments over the course of his work. The data for other languages are taken from published sources such as grammars and dictionaries. We have generally retained the transcriptions of the sources. 2. Barbareiio Chumash Final Glottalization In this section, we will present final glottalization data from Barbarefio Chumash. We will first discuss its phonetic *We would like to thank Dale Kinkade, Margaret Langdon, Herb Luthin, Amy Miller and Mauricio Mixco for sharing with us their expertise on the languages they have worked on. Our work on Barbarefio Chumash has been made possible by grant BNS90-11018 from the National Science Foundation. l~inalglottalization probably appears in similar environments in other Chumash languages. For instance, all the environments described in this paper are reported in Inesefio (Applegate 1972). Final glottalization is also found with transitivization and nominalization in Barbarefio. -
Prehistoric Rock Art As an Indicator of Cultural Interaction and Tribal Boundaries in South-Central California
Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 15-28(1991). Prehistoric Rock Art as an Indicator of Cultural Interaction and Tribal Boundaries in South-central California GEORGIA LEE, P.O. Box 6774, Los Osos, CA 93402. WILLIAM D. HYDER, Social Sciences Div., Univ. of California, Santa Cruz, CA 95064. XN this paper we explore the use of rock art as images seen under the influence of Datura are an indicator of cultural interaction between mandala forms (i.e., elaborate circular designs) neighboring tribal groups in south-central Cal and tiny dots that surround objects. These forms ifornia. The area is of particular interest are ubiquitous in Chumash rock paintings and because of numerous shared cultural traits, possibly were inspired by drug-induced including a spectacular geometric polychrome phenomena. painting tradition (Steward 1929; Fenenga 1949; While much more can be written about rock Grant 1965). Although there can be no doubt art, we do not attempt in this paper to answer that people of this region formed linguistically questions concerning the meaning of the art, its distinct ethnic groups, the interaction between myriad functions in society, or problems of them involved much more than shared elements dating. Our focus lies instead in exploring the of material culture; they also shared some ways and means to use rock painting styles to religious beliefs (Hudson and Blackburn 1978). identify cultural interaction and tribal bound Thus, rock art, as one indicator of ideological aries. systems, provides an important piece of evidence In reference to artistic styles, geometric for the investigation of cultural interaction in figures not only are found throughout the area, south-central California (cf. -
Basic Pronominals Marianne Mithun [email protected] LSA
Shaping Grammar: The Emergence of Grammatical Distinctions Marianne Mithun University of California, Santa Barbara Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences September 2019 1 Fundamental Question Why are languages the way they are? Abstract genetic endowment: design features universal to all humans? Products of more general cognitive abilities categorization, generalization, abstraction, routinization, extension, economy, processing, learnability . .? Other things? 2 Depends on what aspects of language we’re trying to explain. And conversely, our theoretical tools determine in part what we try to explain. 3 Here Consider some basic grammatical categories with non-random geographical distributions See the role of areality in shaping languages, especially if we pull apart diachronic layers 4 1. Indigenous Languages of North America 5 How many languages? Around 275 known How many families in North America ? ~ 57-58 Earlier estimates 3, 6, 12, . 8 Some Strong Linguistic Areas Northwest Coast Southeast California and adjacent areas 9 California Indigenous Languages Heizer, Robert (ed.) 1978. Handbook of North American Indian Languages 8 ix: California 10 California Families and Isolates Athabaskan Yuki-Wappo Yokutsan Uto-Aztecan Tolowa Yuki Palewyami N. Paiute Hupa Wappo Buena Vista Mono Mattole Pomoan Kings River Panamint Eel River Northeastern Pomo Gashowu Kawaiisu Kato Northern Pomo Valley Yokuts Chemehuevi Karok Eastern Pomo Chumash Tubatulabal Shasta Central Pomo Obispeño Serrano Chimariko Southeastern Pomo Purisimeño Kitanimuk -
The Supernatural World of the Kawaiisu by Maurice Zigmond1
The Supernatural World of the Kawaiisu by Maurice Zigmond1 The most obvious characteristic at the supernatural world of the Kawaiisu is its complexity, which stands in striking contrast to the “simplicity” of the mundane world. Situated on and around the southern end of the Sierra Nevada mountains in south - - central California, the tribe is marginal to both the Great Basin and California culture areas and would probably have been susceptible to the opprobrious nineteenth century term, ‘Diggers’ Yet, if its material culture could be described as “primitive,” ideas about the realm of the unseen were intricate and, in a sense, sophisticated. For the Kawaiisu the invisible domain is tilled with identifiable beings and anonymous non-beings, with people who are half spirits, with mythical giant creatures and great sky images, with “men” and “animals” who are localized in association with natural formations, with dreams, visions, omens, and signs. There is a land of the dead known to have been visited by a few living individuals, and a netherworld which is apparently the abode of the spirits of animals - - at least of some animals animals - - and visited by a man seeking a cure. Depending upon one’s definition, there are apparently four types of shamanism - - and a questionable fifth. In recording this maze of supernatural phenomena over a period of years, one ought not be surprised to find the data both inconsistent and contradictory. By their very nature happenings governed by extraterrestrial fortes cannot be portrayed in clear and precise terms. To those involved, however, the situation presents no problem. Since anything may occur in the unseen world which surrounds us, an attempt at logical explanation is irrelevant. -
Plants Used in Basketry by the California Indians
PLANTS USED IN BASKETRY BY THE CALIFORNIA INDIANS BY RUTH EARL MERRILL PLANTS USED IN BASKETRY BY THE CALIFORNIA INDIANS RUTH EARL MERRILL INTRODUCTION In undertaking, as a study in economic botany, a tabulation of all the plants used by the California Indians, I found it advisable to limit myself, for the time being, to a particular form of use of plants. Basketry was chosen on account of the availability of material in the University's Anthropological Museum. Appreciation is due the mem- bers of the departments of Botany and Anthropology for criticism and suggestions, especially to Drs. H. M. Hall and A. L. Kroeber, under whose direction the study was carried out; to Miss Harriet A. Walker of the University Herbarium, and Mr. E. W. Gifford, Asso- ciate Curator of the Museum of Anthropology, without whose interest and cooperation the identification of baskets and basketry materials would have been impossible; and to Dr. H. I. Priestley, of the Ban- croft Library, whose translation of Pedro Fages' Voyages greatly facilitated literary research. Purpose of the sttudy.-There is perhaps no phase of American Indian culture which is better known, at least outside strictly anthro- pological circles, than basketry. Indian baskets are not only concrete, durable, and easily handled, but also beautiful, and may serve a variety of purposes beyond mere ornament in the civilized household. Hence they are to be found in. our homes as well as our museums, and much has been written about the art from both the scientific and the popular standpoints. To these statements, California, where American basketry. -
UBCWPL University of British Columbia Working Papers in Linguistics
UBCWPL University of British Columbia Working Papers in Linguistics -Papers for WSCLA 17- The Seventeenth Workshop on Structure and Constituency in the Languages of the Americas Edited by: Pat Littell, Analía Gutiérrez, Raphaël Girard, and Natalie Weber May 2014 Volume 36 -Papers for WSCLA 17- The Seventeenth Workshop on Structure and Constituency in the Languages of the Americas Chicago, Illinois March 9–11, 2012 Hosted by: Department of Linguistics, University of Chicago Edited by: Pat Littell, Analía Gutiérrez, Raphaël Girard, and Natalie Weber The University of British Columbia Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 36 May 2014 UBCWPL is published by the graduate students of the University of British Columbia. We feature current research on language and linguistics by students and faculty of the department, and we are the regular publishers of two conference proceedings: the Workshop on Structure and Constituency in Languages of the Americas (WSCLA) and the International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages (ICSNL). If you have any comments or suggestions, or would like to place orders, please contact : UBCWPL Editors Department of Linguistics Totem Field Studios 2613 West Mall V6T 1Z2 Tel: 604 822 8948 Fax 604 822 9687 E-mail: <[email protected]> Since articles in UBCWPL are works in progress, their publication elsewhere is not precluded. All rights remain with the authors. i Cover artwork by Lester Ned Jr. Contact: Ancestral Native Art Creations 10704 #9 Highway Compt. 376 Rosedale, BC V0X 1X0 Phone: (604) 793-5306 Fax: (604) 794-3217 Email: [email protected] ii Table of Contents PREFACE .......................................................................................................... iv HEATHER BLISS ......................................................................................... 1–14 Marking the boundaries: Blackfoot preverbs in narratives and elicitation ELENA BENEDICTO AND ELIZABETH SALOMÓN ...................................... -
Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes
National Plant Data Team August 2012 Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes and the Klamath Tribe of Oregon in the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology Collections, University of California, Berkeley August 2012 Cover photos: Left: Maidu woman harvesting tarweed seeds. Courtesy, The Field Museum, CSA1835 Right: Thick patch of elegant madia (Madia elegans) in a blue oak woodland in the Sierra foothills The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) prohibits discrimination in all its pro- grams and activities on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, disability, and where applicable, sex, marital status, familial status, parental status, religion, sex- ual orientation, genetic information, political beliefs, reprisal, or because all or a part of an individual’s income is derived from any public assistance program. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all programs.) Persons with disabilities who require alternative means for communication of program information (Braille, large print, audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET Center at (202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD). To file a complaint of discrimination, write to USDA, Director, Office of Civil Rights, 1400 Independence Avenue, SW., Washington, DC 20250–9410, or call (800) 795-3272 (voice) or (202) 720-6382 (TDD). USDA is an equal opportunity provider and employer. Acknowledgments This report was authored by M. Kat Anderson, ethnoecologist, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) and Jim Effenberger, Don Joley, and Deborah J. Lionakis Meyer, senior seed bota- nists, California Department of Food and Agriculture Plant Pest Diagnostics Center. Special thanks to the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum staff, especially Joan Knudsen, Natasha Johnson, Ira Jacknis, and Thusa Chu for approving the project, helping to locate catalogue cards, and lending us seed samples from their collections. -
Topics in Chukchansi Yokuts Phonology and Mophology
Topics in Chukchansi Yokuts Phonology and Morphology Peter Ara Guekguezian California State University, Fresno 1. INTRODUCTION. Chukchansi Yokuts is a dialect of the Yokuts language family native to Central California. Yokuts dialects were spoken in the San Joaquin Valley and the surrounding foothills from the Fresno and Chowchilla rivers in the north down to the where the valley ends in the Tehachapi mountains in the south (Kroeber 1963). There were originally around forty Yokuts tribes, each speaking a distinct yet related dialect. Kroeber (1963) estimates that most of these dialects were mutually intelligible; Whistler and Golla (1986) state that this is probably not true, though dialects within a branch of the Yokuts family likely could understand each other. The Chukchansi tribe inhabits the foothills in the north of Yokuts territory, around present-day Ahwahnee and Coarsegold. Many Chukchansi still live in these foothills about 30 miles north of Fresno; this is where the headquarters of the tribe, Picayune Rancheria, is today. According to Kroeber's (1963) system of classification, based on the presence of the imperative suffix [-ka] and the form of the negative morpheme [ohom’], Chukchansi is a Valley dialect of the Yokuts family, not a Foothill dialect, despite its location in the Sierra foothills. While Whistler and Golla (1986) disagree with Kroeber over the integrity of Foothill group, they do agree that Chukchansi is a Valley dialect. Specifically, it is in the Northern Hill subgroup of the Northern Valley branch, closely related to the Yokuts dialects Chawchila and Dumna. Chukchansi has all the major features common to the Yokuts family.