California State University, Northridge Early Man

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CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

EARLY,, MAN CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN THE NEW WORLD

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Anthropology

Robert Alan Freed ~·

January, 1976 The thesis of Robert Alan Freed is approved:

California State University, Northridge

November, 1975 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

For their suggestions and guidance in writing this thesis, I would like to thank the members of my committee: Dr. Carol J.

Mackey, Dr. Gail E. Kennedy, and Dr. Keith

Morton.

R. A. Freed

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESES. 1

Definition of Terms

II. HISTORY OF THE WISCONSIN GLACIATION 10

III. WISCONSIN GLACIAL MAXIMUM ENVIRONMENTS • 25

IV. EARLY MAN :N1IGRA TIONS AND TOOL TRADITIONS . 29

V. CRITERIA FOR SELECTION OF K11~RLY MAN SITES 37

VI. PALEO-INDIAN CULTURAL TRADITIONS • 42

VII. DISCUSSION OF SITES 52

Arctic Region Nort~ American Region Central American Region South American Region

VIII. CONCLUSION . • 100

Discussion of Main Hypothesis Discussion of Corollary Hypothesis Summary Comments on and Suggestions for Early Man Studies

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . • 12 7

iv LIST OF TABLES

Table

1. Late Pleistocene Chronology. 11

2. Summary of Site Data: Arctic and North American Regions . 48

3. Summary of Site Data: Central and South American Regions . 49

4. Projectile Point Types 115

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure

1. Wisconsin Glacial Maximum Environments: North America . 12

2. Wisconsin Glacial Maximum Environments: South America . 13

3. Location of Paleo-Indian Sites & Pleistocene Lakes: North America 16

4.. Location of Paleo-Indian Sites & Pleistocene Lakes: South America 17

5. Distribution of Cultural Traditions. 111

6. Distribution of Projectile Point Types. 118

v ABSTRACT

EARLY MAN CULTURAL TRADITIONS

IN THE NEW WORLD

Robert Alan Freed

Master of Arts in Anthropology

January, 1976

Early Man studies of the New World are plagued by a variety of problems which have resulted in a confused mass of data. Some of the more prevalent problem areas have been a lack of agreement upon terminology, the role of sensationalism in the interpretation of archeological and geolbgical evidence, and the absence of rigorous interpretative frameworks. Utilizing a theoretical orientation of cultural ecology, this paper seeks to approach the subject in a more structured 1nanner with an emphasis upon the environmental context.

The hypotheses to be tested are:

(1) Main HYPothesis: If there is no valid evidence of Early

Man (except for the Llano and Folsom Complexes) inhabiting the New

vi World during the Pleistocene, then Clovis and Folsom hunters re present the only Paleo-Indian adaptation and cultural traditi_on during this geologic epoch.

(2) Corollary Hypothesis: I£ there is no valid evidence in the

New World for other Early Man cultural traditions within the Pleisto cene, then no bifacially flaked lanceolate projectile point industries

(except for the Llano and Folsom Complexes) existed during this time.

The major findings result in the rejection of both hypotheses.

Subsequently, I propose two economic adaptations: one is a special ized big-game hunting cultural tradition and the other is a general ized hunting-gathering-fishing cultural tradition. In the process of negating the corollary hypothesis, I suggest the presence in the Late

Pleistocene of three bifacial projectile point industries which predate the appearance of Clovis and Folsom points.

vii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESES

To say the subject of Early Man in the New World is sur

rounded by controversy and, at times, by utter confusion, is to understate the problem. Although more data concerning this topic are continuously being compiled, it seems the issue usually becomes more clouded rather than becoming clarified. Most archeological work in this area is marked by a number of problems: poor exca vation techniques, lack of reliable dating techniques, lack of agree ment in terminology, absence of rigorous interpretative frameworks, and consequently farfetched hypothesizing. Since there is little, if any, agreement on standards for collection and interpretation of the data., the conclusions derived from the evidence usually mani fest themselves in a confused mass of theories. There are few areas of this subject upon which there is general agreernent among authors, a number of whom are prone to sensationalism.

In the last decade or so archeologists, in an attempt to apply an inter-disciplinary approach, have encouraged and recruited the cooperation of a number of :::.cientists from such fields as botany,

1 2

biology, geology, zoology, geography, and oceanography to name the major contributory disciplines. To a certain extent this addi tional help has been an invaluable aid, but, unfortunately, some of these sciences suffer from maladies similar to those in archeology and only may add to the controversy. Such is the case with geolo gists who seek to correlate the existence of the Bering Land Bridge with the opening and closing of an ice free corridor between the

Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets in North America. This re search has major iTnplications for the identification of possible times of entry of Early Man into the New World; however, this in formation has not been tremendously useful to archeology for geo logists find it hard to agree upon times these events took place.

On the other hand, some disciplines offer much hope in aid ing future research. This is the case with the discovery of a new dating technique based upon aspartic acid racemization (Bada et al,

1974). Although this method is still in its developmental stages, racemization has a greater applicable dating range and requires a smaller sample than the currently most utilized method of radio carbon dating. On samples already dated, racemization indicates that Early Man may have arrived in the New World much earlier than previously believed, possibly during the Sangamon Interglacial over 70, 000 years ago (Bada et al, 1974). ·

The hypotheses to be tested in this paper are stated as 3

follows:

(1) Main Hypothesis: If there is no valid evidence of Early

. Man (except for the Llano and Folsom Complexes) inhabiting the New

World during the Pleistocene, then Clovis and Folsom hunters repre

sent the only Paleo-Indian adaptation and cultural tradition during

this geologic epoch.

(2) Corollary Hypothesis: If there is no valid evidence in

the New World for other Early Man cultural traditions within the

Pleistocene, then no bifacially flaked lanceolate projectile point in

dustries (except for the Llano and Folsom Complexes) existed during

this time.

Use of the term 11 Early Man, 11 which will be used synonymous ly with ''Paleo-Indian, 11 refers to the whole period prior to the time

of 10,000 years Before the Present (B. P.) or no later than the Ple istocene/Post- Pleistocene border, which Butzer ( 1971) sets at

10, 000 years B. P. It also will be noted that all dates in this thesis will be in the B. P. form.

Since there is continuous controversy over many archeological sites as to whether they are indeed valid evidence of Early

Man, there is little- :..if any- -agreement upon which sites belong to the Paleo-Indian cultural period. Furthermore, when there is some consensus of opinion on what habitations are attributable to Early

Man, there is an extremely wide divergence of theories dealing with 4

Ea:rly Man's cultural adaptations and subsistence patterns. Hence,

it is quite difficult to establish realistic or workable hypotheses re-

lated to Paleo-Indian cultural or economic traditions. With so much

confusion characterizing past interpretations, I felt the use of null

hypotheses was necessary in an attempt to clarify one's view of the

present archeological data from Early Man sites.

In spite of the large variety of theories, there seems to be

one area of data interpretation with which a number of Early Man

scholars concur. That is the first firm evidence of a Paleo-Indian

cultural tradition in the New World appears at the time of the Llano

Complex at 11, 500 years B. P. This term first was proposed by

E. H. Sellards ( 19 52), and one of its more recent advocates has

been C. Vance Haynes, Jr. (1964; 1969; 1970; 1971) who also is one

I of those scholars most skeptical of past and recent Early Man

studies. This Llano Complex consisted of the hunting of a now ex-

tinct species of mammoth by men utilizing fluted bifacially flaked

Clovis points in the area east of the Rocky Mountains but generally

centered on the High Plains region of the United States. The term

"complex'' is used for the diagnostic association of fluted points,

gravers, large blades, faunal remains, and distinctive end scrapers

(Haynes, 1971). Following this period which lasted five-hundred years, the Folsom Complex emerged (Haynes, 1964). Employing the fluted Folsom point, these people hunted a now extinct species 5

of bison for the next thousand years. Unlike the Llano Complex,

the sites of the Folsom hunters occur only in the High Plains area.

These findings are universally known and accepted, even by the most

doubting Early Man scholars. Documentations and verification of this evidence is published widely, as in Wormington (1957), Willey

(1966; 1971), Bryan {1969), and Jennings (1974) just to name a few

sources. Since the big-game hunting Llano and Folsom Complexes are the only Pleistocene cultural tradition generally acknowledged by Paleo-:Indian scholars, it was imperative to include this evi dence as part of the hypotheses which are set up to test the via bility or existence of other Early Man economies and bifacial pro jectile point industries.

The methods employed to carry out this study consisted of a close scrutinization of the current and past archeological literature pertaining to Early Man. It was necessary to review this literature in an effort to eliminate the Early Man archeological sites which did not qualify as 11 early'' since they could not stand up to the criteria I established. A discussion of such criteria will be found in a later section. These strict standards were set up for two reasons:

(1) to prevent falling into the same controversy that others have by using only sound archeological data, and (2) possibly to provide a clearer picture of Paleo-Indian cultural traditions and lithic indus tries. Without establishment of such criteria, this study of Early 6

Man would suffer from the same pitfalls as most other review studies and would serve only to muddle the situation that much more.

In the process of testing the hypotheses, another important aspect of this paper will attempt to deal with Paleo-Indian ecology.

Unfortunately a theoretical orientation of cultural- ecology is lacking from most Early Man studies. The literature seems to include only a few such studies. Some examples are Gorman ( 1969), Irwin

Williams and Haynes (1970}, Wilkinson (1972), and Martin (1973).

Environment and man are intertwined hopeles

One of the topics to be investigated will be the interrelationship be tween the resource potential of the various Pleistocene environ ments and the types of adaptation to such environments by Early

Man. If both hypotheses are negated and evidence of other cultural traditions and pr9j ectile point industries are uncovered, then there will be an attempt at a number of correlations between environment, economy, and projectile point type. Critical information about

Early Man stands to be gained from a study of his adaptations in relation to the environments inhabited.

After a discus sian of the Late Pleistocene glacial history and the Bering Land Bridge-Ice Free Corridor controversy, there will 7

be an examination of the Pleistocene environments in the New World and their implications for resource potential. This part will be followed by a description of a cross-section of theories dealing with

Early Man's possible arrival times in the New World and his accom panying tool technologies. After the criteria for selection of Early

Man Sites are established, there will be a brief review of its cur rent theories on Paleo-Indian cultural traditions followed by a dis cussion .of the sites themselves. The concluding part of this paper will present a discussion of the main and corollary hypotheses and whether the data from the sites will permit the forming of alterna tive hypotheses to be tested in the future. Finally, I will make some comments on and suggestions for Early Man studies.

Definition of Terms

Before proceeding to a discussion of the glacial history, it is necessary to define some terms which will be relevant throughout this paper. Som,e of the confusion in Early Man studies directly can be attributed to the lack of clear and concise definitions of critical terms. Failure to establish the meaning of these terms only serves to hinder analysis and makes comparative studies that much more difficult.

Anderson {1968} states that "tradition'' is a continuity of cul tural traits which persist through a considerable length of time and 8

often occupy a broad geographical area. It is possible for a single

unifying "tradition'' to be shared by several distinct cultures. This

definition aptly applies to the material and non-material aspects of

culture whereas Willey and Phillips (1958) tend to emphasize the

non-material. They believe a "tradition'' is a number of more or

less deeply rooted human characteristics with a persistence through

I time of attitudes or ways of doing things which are passed on from

one generation to another. Since Anderson's statement covers both

aspects of culture, it will serve as a working definition for a "cul-

tural tradition." I find this meaning similar to Wilkinson's ( 1972)

definition of "economic tradition" or "economy. 11 Thus, these

three terms will be used interchangeably. However, since most of

the evidence of Early Man manifests itself in the form of tools, an

operable definition of "tradition" should emphasize the material as-

pect. This is the reason for using Braidwood's ( 1964) definition of

"tradition" when referring to "tool tradition." According to the

author, a "tradition" is a standardization of ways to make tools for

particular jobs; moreover, the notion of the ideal types of tools and

know-how for making each type were held in common by many men.

Thus, Braidwood thought, "tradition" is specifically a tool-making

habit. This definition will be slightly amended by adding that a tool

. tradition, as well as a cultural tradition, can also occupy a broad

geographical area. 9

In order to differentiate the various cultural remains, the term "industry" will be used when referring to all the different tools found together in one stratigraphic layer at one site and made of one kind of material; in addition, these tools must have an archeological context and not solely a geological context as in surface sites

(Braidwood, 1964). For example, a layer or level could contain a bone-tool industry and/or stone-tool industry,' as well as ceramic and basket industries which seem to be nonexistent in Early Man sites. Hole and Heizer ( 1969) define an "assemblage" as all industries taken together at one site and, I would like to add, within one level. Finally, the term ''complex" will be used when referring to a group of related traits or characteristics which combine to form a complete activity, process, or cultural unit (i.e., level) (Worming-

' ton, 195 7). Lithic complexes can be identified by the appearance of several, important distinctive implements or tool types associated with each other. The key word in this definition is distinctive. A tradition generally includes more than one complex, especially if the tradition changes through time, it will be marked by a number of distinctive tool associations. When reference is made in this paper to a particular author's work, his original terminology still will be used. Clarification of these terms will be given when deemed appro- priate and neces'sary. Otherwise when stating my opinion or providing my own analysis, the above terms will be used with their

intended meanings as already outlined. CHAPTER II

HISTORY OF THE WISCONSIN GLACIATION

It is necessary that a study of the antiquity of man in the New

World include a discussion of the glacial history of the Late Pleisto cene, for it is within this environmental context that man first migrated to and inhabited the New World. Table 1 shows a chron ology of Late Pleistocene glacial events with the emphasis placed on the Wisconsin glacial stage since it is during this time that man most likely arrived in the New World. Glaciation greatly affected the environment, so much that biotic zones were shifted many kilo meters when compared to today. For a view of the environmental zones and extent of glaciation during the glacial maximum (which occurred about 19, 000 years ago), consult Figures 1 and 2 which will be discussed in detail below.

Since large continental ice sheets covered much of North

America while only mountain glaciers existed in Mexico and South

America, the environmental changes were more severe in the former continent {Flint; 1971; Hester, 1966). It also should be pointed out the glacial events in both continents were largely contemporaneous

10 11

TABLE 1 LATE PLEISTOCENE CHRONOLOGY (Years B. P.) (After Butzer, 1971) STAGES

Illinoian Glacial Stage~ 2 or 3 stadials -- 180,000-100,000 Sangamonian Stage - Interglacial -- 100, 000-70, 000 Wisconsin Glacial Stage - 3 stadials -- 70, 000-10, 000

SUBSTAGES OF WISCONSIN Altonian Stadial - 70,000-29,000 70,000-65, 000- Beginning of Early Wisconsin and inception of of Laurentide ice sheet. Cold climate. 65,000-60,000- St. Pierre Interstadial and partial deglaciation in Canada. Temperate climate. 60,000-50, 000- Maximum of Early Wisconsin. Ice front south of Great Lakes with full glacial condi tions. 50, 000-44, 000- Port Talbert Interstadial before Mid-Wiscon sin and much deglaciation in Great Lakes region. Temperate climate. 44, 000-41, 000- First cold maximum of Mid-Wisconsin arid glaciation of Great Lakes area. 41,000-33,000- First part of Plum Point Interstadial and partial deglaciation of Great Lakes area. Temperate climate. 33, 000-29, 000- Second cold maximum of Mid-Wisconsin and glaciation of Great Lakes. Farmdale Interstadial - 29, 000-23, 000 Second part of Plum Point Interstadial and de glaciation of Great Lakes. Temperate clim ate. Wo.odfordian Stadial - 23, 000-12, 800 Full glacial conditions of Late or Classic Wisconsin. Maximum ice advance: 20, 000- 18,000. Recessional halts: 16,000 & 13,000. Two Creeks Interstadial- 12,800-11,500 Almost general deglaciation in Great Lakes area. Temperate conditions. Valders or Mankato Stadial - 11, 500-10, 000 Limited glacial readvance in northern Great Lakes area. Cold climate. Deglaciation was unde:r:way about 10, 750 and Laurentide glacier retreated from United States by 10,000. 12

Figure 1 WISCONSIN GLACIAL MAXIMUM ENVIRONMENTS: NORTH AMERICA

': 60° ·'

...... \

LAURENTIAN

ICE ·:~~- Proposed Ice ·~,Free Corridor

~Undi(ferentiated Prairie, t:.::::JG rass:and. Scrub Steppe, • Source: Martin. 1958; & Desert 100 120° . Flint, 1971; Patterson, 1973 13

Figure 2 WISCONSIN GLACIAL MAXIMUM ENVIRONMENTS: SOUTH AMERICA

...... ~"""'·"· ,_·.. ,...<·· •••• •• ·~. ::-~ .-_..

·- ...... • ~u•.

...... ~.

+ ~~L~~------. + LL~L~L~L~~======~==--.:: ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~}~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i~~i ·~~j!t(fitlti!lll1II~I1;~1!l=~~-~,,,.

-LL L L;//l// /////1///1 ;/..------t ·------71: ' L /;II ;;II ;;------~. ··~LL L ~ 1 I j~ ~ 1 ~ j j j / ~ ':L ~~~~;///;til//'//---=-=-=-=-=-z:· ______-_ ...· ,LL'/1 1 /;1~//11~ 1 ;1·---- ·· :t...t.../11 11 ;/ ;;II , 1 ;1/ ----- ..· : :'-L.t~~~~~j~t/j~/1 -:;;-_-_; . • =l..~~~~~~tll~~~~~~~-- ~ ·: ;-'~-I /I ~I/// ~ / / / //I/ ·.•· Glaciated Area : ;'-L'/I~;IIj:;llj~;/1~ .. :; ~I..L~~ //~ ~~~ ~~j/ / j ~~ /. .: . :'-rt~;j;tjj 1 /tj~ 1 ; ... Exposed Continental Shelf : :J/ ///// ///~ ...... • . // //// // ·.:·.:... . :_~j~J;t~~j;tl ..... :.·.:. f:L] Undifferentiated ~ j ~~ ~ ~ j j~'f-.-: .. ~·~::_? w..::..J Alpine Formations :'7~~~/~j~~-·.:.: ::.= Temperate Rainforest '

Tropical Rainforest ~!l\\i'J~r~t;;: Desert ... ~ ·-:-::.:· Scrub Steppe

...... : R Undifferentiated Prairie. Grassland, Source: Patterson, 1973 ~.Scrub Steppe, & Desert

80" 14

(Hester, 1966; Vuilleumier, 1971; Mercer, 1972; Ossa, 1973).

What were some of the effects due to glaciation? Vegetation zones

and the snowline were displaced downward in elevation southward in

latitude. As plant communities moved and readjusted with the

glacial invasion, Flint (1971) believes they were moved southward

by as much as 1, 000 kilometers. In the southwestern United States,

I biotic zones were lowered by 1, 200-1,400 meters in elevation, and

tropical _zones were almost completely displaced (Martin, 19 58).

In South America during the glacial maximum, vertical displace-

ment of the snow line and vegetal zones was l, 200-l, 300 meters with only the mountains in Patagonia having snow down to the bases

(Hester, 1966; Vuilleumier, 1971 ). Obviously since temperatures were down several degrees from today and rainfall was significantly greater, vegetation was not stable and continually readjusted to changes in climate and the glacial front. Hester ( 1966) argues that this downward displacement tended to widen vegetal zones more in

southern latitudes in which are found wider tundra zones desirable for big- game hunting. Based upon this. belief, he felt the Andean mountain chain would be a logical route for migrating hunters, for staying within this environmental zone which was continuous for several thousand kilometers would have required fewer adaptations.

A movement of 160 kilometers to the east or west would have brought Early Man into much different environments. Hester thinks 15

this may explain why most early sites are found in the tundra zone and few have been located out of the Andean area. This hypothesis presently cannot be accepted or rejected,, but it is this type of environmental approach which may prove to be ·the most beneficial to the study of Early Man.

Other effects on the environment can also be seen. There is a direct correlation between glacial conditions and the growth of pluvial lakes. The Great Basin and southwestern United States were characterized by a pluvial (rainy) climate which produced many lakes that do not now exist in these desert areas (Flint, 1971; Mar- tin, 1958}. A look at Figures 3 and 4 will show the extent of these

Pleistocene lakes. Broadly speaking, the South American climate can be categorized as pluvial, especially on the Pacific coast

(Hester, 1966}, while Columbia, Venezuela, and Bolivia were dotted with many high altitude lakes (Vuilleurnier, 1971). This latter author also feels continuous forests became fragmented during the dry cycles of interstadials and interglacials which had warmer temperatures than now. Vuilleumier further claims there was a greater diversity of flora and fauna in South American tropical areas, due to the lack of widespread extinction which occurred in the northern latitudes.

Patterson ( 1973) proposes several. environmental and climatic changes. Since much more of the continental shelf was exposed then 16

Figure 3 lOCATION OF PALEO-INDIAN SITES AND PLEISTOCENE LAKES: NORTH AMERICA

40°

Paleo-Indian Sites 1. Healey Lake 2. Onion Portage 3. lindenmeier 4. Lehner Ranch 5. Wilson Butte Cave 6. Fort Rock Cave 7. South Yale 8. lind Coulee 9. Five Mile Rapids 10. Smith Creek Cave 11. Holcombe Beach 12. Dutchess Quarry Cave 13. Debert 14. Valsequillo Reservoir 15. Tequixquiac and Santa Isabel lztapan 16. Tamaulipas (Source: Butzer, 1971; Flint, 1971) 120° 17

Figure 4 LOCATION 0 F PALEO-INDIAN SITES AND PLEISTOCENE LAKES: SOUTH AMERICA

Paleo-Indian Sites 17. Ayacucho 18. Los Toldos 19. El Abra 20. La Cumbre ' 21. Fell's and Palli Aike Caves 22. Guitarrero Cave 23. Tagua-Tagua 24. Taima-Taima

(Source: Vuilleumier, 1971)

20" 100" so• -- 18

.due to lower sea levels, habitable coastal areas were possibly

larger and more conductive to living as river gradients increased

and provided better drainage. Also, altered· ocean currents could

have importance for local environments. Climatic change played a

major role too. Since there was an expansion of polar circulation,

there was a displacement and compression of all zonal wind patterns

towards the equator. Secondly, because of this expansion, the

thermal equator moved several degrees southward. The ensuing

result was an alteration in the seasonal patterns. Flint (1971)

concurs that the temperature gradient rose southward more steeply

from the latitude of the glacial margins than now. If Early Man's

subsistence was based upon a seasonal exploitative model, this

could imply a different course of seasonal transhumance than we now know.

The Bering Land Bridge between Siberia and Alaska was the migration route for Early Man accepted by almost all scholars.

This bridge existed during the glacial stages while during inter

stadials and interglacials it was submerged; however, it is here that the agreement ends. The Bering Land Bridge or Berengia, which is one of the flattest and smoothest stretches of terrain on earth (Haag, 1962), was exposed when there were major lowerings in sea level which were synchoronized with periods of major glaci ation. As water from the sea evaporated, it was released upon the 19

continents in the form of precipitation which fed the continuously

growing ice sheets. With the lowering of sea level, many parts of

the world's continental shelf which included Berengia became ex

posed. For example, with only a ninety meter lowering of sea

level, the Atlantic- Gulf coastal plain was at least one-hundred kilo

meters wider than now (Flint, 1971). Since Berengia was already a

relatively shallow part of the ocean, it served as an excellent mi

gration route when exposed. Moreover, Donald Johnson (in Worm

ington, 1971) has claimed that man could have crossed the Bering

Strait on the winter ice and the Bering Land Bridge was not a pre

requisite to migration. Thus, Early Man could hav.e entered the

New World any time in the winter during the Late Pleistocene.

The Bering Land Bridge, which did not support forest vegetation in the last two glacial stages, was characterized by a cold arctic environment during times of glaciation ( Colinaux, 196 7).

Pollen analysis shows the existence of grasses, sedges, and willow and heath shrubs. While the Arctic Ocean was continuously ice covered during glacial and interglacial times, the lowlands of Arctic

Alaska were never totally glaciated although a colder climate with

cooler and shorter summers did exist (Colinaux, 196 7). It thus appears Berengia' s environment was not unbearable as far as the ability of Early Man to survive in such a climate, for, by Wisconsin times, n1.an already had adapted to cold climate areas in other parts 20

of the world. In addition the tundra was capable of supporting the

migrating herds of large mamals which were thought to have been

pursued by man. In other words, the cold climate of Berengia did

not prevent man from migrating into the New. World.

There is a significant differe~ce in theories conc.erning the

lowering of sea level. Fair bridge ( 19.60) claims the greatest drop

in sea level occurred during the Late Wisconsin maximum while

Hopkins (1967) and Donn et al. (1962) believe it happened during the

Illinoian glaciation. Other differences arise when maximum sea .. level lowering occurred within the Wisconsin glaciation. Hopkins

(1967) opts for 20,000 years, Haag (1962) for 40,000, and Russell

(1957) for 50,000. A still wider divergence of opinion arises when

discussing how much sea level did drop and what corresponding

amount of area of Berengia was exposed. Hopkins (1967) claims if

sea level did drop by one-hundred meters, then this entire contin-

ental platform was exposed; furthermore, he things sea level was

lowered by 115-135 meters in the Early Wisconsin and by at least

120 meters during the glacial maximum in the Late Wisconsin. With

just a ninety meter drop in sea level, Hopkins sees the Bering Land

Bridge as being 1, 600 kilometers wide. Haag (1962) argues for a

140 meter drop in sea level at 40, 000 years exposing a land bridge

of 2, 100 kilometers while a forty-five meter lowering during the

Late Wisconsin exposed a land bridge which was 320 kilometers 21

wide. Russell (1957) agrees with Haag in the amount of sea level

lowering but believes the Wisconsin maximum occurred 10, 000

years earlier. Donn (1962) urges the acceptance of 105-125 meter

maximum lowering of sea level in the Wisconsin whereas Fairbridge

(1960) believes sea level was down one-hundred meters during the

Late Wisconsin. With such a variety of existing theories, it is dif ficult to choose which time(s) were most ideai for Early Man to

eros s the Bering Land Bridge.

Another area closely being studied by geologists is the existence of an ice free corridor in North America. (Consult Figure

1 for area proposed for corridor). Glaciation in North America re

sulted from the existence of two large ice sheets: (1) the Cordil leran which covered the Canadian Rocky Mountains and westward to the Pacific Ocean; and (2) the Laurentian which roughly went from the area up to the eastern foothills of the Canadian Rockies and east ward completely across North America to the Atlantic Ocean. It generally is thought these ice sheets coalesced during glacial times prohibiting migration from Alaska into areas south of this region

(Flint, 1971; Hopkins, 1967). Coastal migrations also were not possible since the glaciers covered coastal areas and terminated in the oceans. However, during interglacials and interstadials, the ice sheets retr~ated to some degree to allow migration through an ice free corridor. Consequently, although Early Man was able to 22

reach the New World by the Bering Land Bridge at various times,

he was limited to certain periods when he could migrate into the

latitudes below the ice sheets.

The importance of correlating the times that the Bering Land

Bridge anc:l ice free corridor existed is critical to many archeo-

logical theories dealing with possible arrival times of Early Man

anti his accompanying tool traditions. Many geologists (such as

Hopkins, 1967) have established time tables correlating these

events while a number of archeologists (Wendorf, 196 6; Muller

Beck, 1967; Bryan, 1969; and Haynes, 1964; 1970; 1971; among

others) have used these data as evidence to support their various

migration theories. A study of these archeological hypotheses

makes clear how critical the geological studies are as supportive

evidence in proving migration times of Early Man. If the geologi-

cal evidence was firmly established, it would be an immense aid to

archeologists who base a large part of their argument upon geo-

logical evidence. Without discussing the validity of each archeo-

. logical migration theory, I find it difficult to accept conclusively

any of these theories that are based upon such arbitrary and un-

substantiated forms of evidence. This opinion has been strengthen-

ed further from a recent study which claims the ice free corridor

existed since Early Wisconsin times without interruption for the

last 55, 000 years (Reeves, 1973). The author does not see the two 23

continental ice sheets reaching their maximum extent simultane

ously; moreover, the last coalescence of the glaciers at this time

occurred only in the Athabasca Valley in western Alberta for a

short distance during an interval of merely 1, 000-2, 000 years.

Consequently throughout most of the Wisconsin there were large ice free areas, and the coalescence did not present a physiographic

barrier to human migration.

Upon reviewing the geological evidence, several points need to be made. First, the climate of the Bering Land Bridge was not a prohibitive factor in the migration of Early Man since it was essen tially a tundra environment to which he already was adapted.

Secondly, sea level was significantly lower than the present time to expose a land bridge, but when and how much did sea level have to drop to expose enough land to permit migration? As stated, due to the existence of winter ice in the Bering Strait, a land bridge was not vital for migration during that season. The only established fact is that at various times migration was possible, whether it be a result of the extension of huntirig and- gathering ranges of human groups or a predetermined migration. Finally, the exact timing and sequence for the opening and closing of the land bridge and ice free corridor is far from being clarified. In fact, in light of

.Johnson's and Reeves 1 new evidence, it would be hard to accept any archeological migration theory that relies heavily upon this type of 24

data. It should be apparent that geological studies have much

potential for aiding archeology, but the former science must ini-

. tially clear up its own problems in order to prove beneficial. Other

wise, the problems in geology only serve to create more chaos in

the realrh of archeological theory. CHAPTER III

WISCONSIN GLACIAL MAXIMVM ENVIRONMENTS

Figures 1 and 2 provide a general picture of the environ

ments which existed during the Wisconsin glacial maximum at

18,000-20,000 years B. P. The tundra, as previously mentioned,

is too rigorous of an environment to support the growth of forests.

Rather it is characterized by grasses, lichen mats, and some low

lying shrubs. The coniferous, or boreal, forests tend to be rela

'tively uniform in type of vegetation and are marked by such needle leaved evergreens as spruce, fir, and balsam. Some species of conifers become very densely packed and offer little opportunity for undergrowth or grass sod; consequently, high stands of such forests are difficult to penetrate at times (Butzer, 1971). A dense pine needle litter covers the forest floor. Temperate deciduous forests are fairly uniform locally although very complex in distribution in mid-latitude regions (Butzer, 1971). Butzer believes since such forests require.more light, trees are more widely spaced and easier to penetrate. With the tree crowns being so dense, there is little undergrowth present except for a discontinuous growth of

25 26

herbaceous plants and some schrubs. Temperate rainforests re

quite cool:. wet conditions all year round while tropical rainforests

require warm, wet conditions. Scrub steppe consists of a group of

plant species well adapted to warm, dry summers and cool, wet

winters (Patterson, 1973).

Due to the nature of their plant and tree growth, some en

vironmental zones were better suited for sustaining certain kinds

of animal life and food-gathering activities. Since animal flesh was

probablythe best single resource of high-calorie, protein rich

food for hunter-gatherer populations, hoofed mammals were the

main targets as they provided the most meat (Butzer, 1971). Car

nivores were rarely attacked, and smaller animals such as rodents

required too much effort in relation to meat obtained. This would

be especially applicable to larger populations. Considering biomass

and number of species of large herbivores, Butzer (1971) classi-

fied environments in relatjon to game potential or animal food re

sources. Those zone~ felt to be optimal were tropical deciduous

woodlands and grasslands, mid-latitude grasslands, and lower

latitude Pleistocene tundras; intermediate in potential were temp

erate deciduous woodlands and high latitude tundras; and those

classified as marginal were tropical rainforests, coniferous forests, and deserts. Butzer believes vegetable food were optimal in humid and sub-humid tropical and subtropical climates and 27

possibly good in temperate deciduous forests.

What about the environmental zones themselves? Coniferous forests, which were constantly gloomy due to the density of tree growth, provided little food for man and other animals. Density of population was very low especially since fruits, nuts, and berries mainly come from broad~leafed trees (Fitting, 1970}. With such a lack of plant food, big game was scarce and small rodents domin ated the animal life (Butzer, 1971). Tundra which has a high carrying capacity had the largest variety of animals present: reindeer, caribou, musk ox, wooly mammoth, wild horse, extinct bison, migratory birds, and rodents (Butzer, 1971"). With so much animal life present here, possibly the highest density of human population was along the forest-tundra edges which were the favorite winter shelter areas for herd animals, the targets of specialized hunters (Fitting, 1970; Butzer, 1971). This zone's potential possibly lasted for a thousand years or so after deglacia tion, for it would take. the boreal forest that long to displace the tundra after lake levels had receded (Fitting, 1970). Deciduous forests were inhabited by deer, many small rodents, and some carnivores while grasslands and steppe had bison, antelope, small ground rodents, small carnivores, mastodon, horses, and ground sloths. Having a few large herbivores, since plant life was not very nutritious, lower latitude arid zones were populated by rodents, 28

larger carnivores, and antelope. Lastly, the rainforests provided

minimal grazing opportunites; consequently, it had few large herb

ivores and few carnivores (Butzer, 1971).

During glacial times the New World was characterized by a.

number of regional environments, not to mention the many smaller

ecological niches within each zone. Consequently there were a

large number of cultural-ecological adaptations possible for human

populations. With such a great diversity of environments, one can

expect many types of adaptations and probably a variety of tool

assemblages. It is also important to keep in mind there were con

stant changes in the environment in the Late Pleistqcene due to the

glacial movements. This activity must have had a significant effect

upon man who would have had to re-adapt to changing environmen:ts

a number of times. An example would be the big-game hunters who

moved northward on the edge of the retreating glaciers in order to keep up with the animals they lived upon. In moving north, they would find hunting increasingly difficult so they would have to re

adapt (Butzer, 1971). A study of Pleistocene environments also

could help in site sampling by indicating the environmental zones that were most favored for inhabitation by Early Man and thus con tain the greatest nurnber of early archeological sites. CHAPTER IV

EARLY MAN MIGRATIONS AND TOOL TRADITIONS

There are a .number of theories dealing with the arrival time(s) of Early Man and what type of tool traditions he brought with him. This chapter contains a representative sampling of such view points. Although some theories are extreme in arguing for a very e!3-rly arrival time, most scholars believe that at least incipient bifacial point production was brought over the Bering Land Bridge during one of the migrations. Obviously the latter hypothesis pre cludes the existence of Krieger's (1962; 1964) Pre-Projectile Point

Stage. With this viewpoint I am in full agreement, mainly because the supporting argument is based upon extremely dubious evidence.

Krieger has accepted sites supposedly containing hearths whose man made origin is highly questionable (Tule Springs and Santa Rosa

Isl~nd); sites reportedly yielding "artifacts" of doubtful human manu facture (Friesenhahn Cave); surface sites lacking an archeological context (Lake Chapala and Lake Manix); and sites characterized by considerable disturbance (Muaco), just to give a few examples.

Beginning with the more extreme theories, MacNeish (1971) proposes the existence of four tool traditions, three of which have

29 30

antecedents in Asia. Having derived from the Chopper-Chopping

Tool Tradition, the Core Tool Tradition was the first to arrive in the New World between 100, 000 and 40,000 years ago. Next came the Flake and Bone Tool Tradition which arrived between 40, 000 and

25,000 years ago and was followed by a Blade, Burin, and Leaf-Point

Tradition sometime around 30, 000-15, 000 years B. P. Finally a I

Specialized Bifacial Point Tradition developed indigenously in the

New World about 14, 000 years ago. In arguing for early migration times, MacNeish has left himself susceptible to much criticism by accepting surface sites (Exacto Complex), sites with questionable

''artifacts'' (Calico and Friesenhahn Cave), and sites exhibiting significant disturbance (El Jobo).

Gordon Willey ( 1966; 1971) also argues for the arrival between 42, 000 and 22,000 years B. P. of a Pre-Projectile Point Tool

Tradition which gave rise to the Flake, Chopper, and Biface Tradi- tions. Sometime between 22,000 and 12,000 years populations with a Levallois-Mousterian Blade technology entered the New World also from Asia and served as the antecedent for future traditions containing lanceolate and fluted points. Unfortunately Willey bases his argument of a Pre-Projectile Point Stage upon some of the same highly suspect sites which Krieger and MacNeish use.

Chester Chard (1969) sees three distinct migrations in supporting his a:rgument that man was very early in the New World. 31

At about 40, 000 years came the first migration with a Chopper

Chopping Tool Tradition characterized by crude, heavy unhafted

tools and lacking projectile points. At 25,000 years people with a

Levallois-Mousterian Tradition crossed the land bridge. Although

this tradition carried with it the germ of bifacial flaking, there is no

evidence of its roots in Asia so it probably developed in isolation.

Thus Chard thinks all New World projectile point forms grew from an

Asian cultural base in the Americas, uninfluenced from the various

Old World Upper Paleolithic forms. Lastly between 15, 000 and

10, 000 years reflecting a Siberian base came an Aurignacian micro-

lithic industry which gave rise to the Arctic Small Tool Tradition of the Eskimo.

Based upon his view of the Wisconsin glaciation, Alan Bryan

(1969) proposes rnan first entered the New World prior to 35,000

years B. P. Since he believes the last time the ice free corridor

opened was about 8, 500 years ago, man had to enter much earlier in

order to account forth~ wide distribution of early point types. He

claims the ice free corridor last closed at 25,000 years, and the last time the Bering Land Bridge was available prior to this time was at

35,000 years. Bryan's proposal of three early tool traditions is.

similar to Chard's scheme. From Asia Early Man brought over a

Mo~sterian tool kit with bifaces, blades, and flakes but lacking projectile points. Bryan sees the New World projectile point traditions 32

as being indigenous to the Americas, and~ in looking for the origins

of New World tool developments, he would choose the Old World

Hand Axe Tradition and the East Asian Chopper-Chopping Tool Trad

ition. The early tool traditions that developed from this technolo

gical base were: a bone and antler tool tradition yielding no inten

tionally flaked stone; a cobble or pebble tool tradition .similar to the

East Asian Chopper- Chopping Tooi Tradition; and a Large-Leaf

Shaped Point Tradition that was the antecedent to all New World pro

jectile points which developed south of the ice sheets. Although

Bryan largely bases his migration hypothesis upon geological evi

dence, his theory allows enough time for Early Man to diversify his

cultural traditions and to disperse his tool traditions over the

16, 000 kilometers from Alaska to Patagonia.

Muller-Beck (1967) believes the major peopling of the New

World took place between 28, 000 and 26, 000 for this is when his

interpretation of the geologic evidence will allow such a migration.

He believes the land bridge appeared at the former date and the ice

free corridor closed at the latter date. This indeed is a very short

period of time for the main migration. This group had a Mousterian based technology which already included points with bifacial flaking.

Thus Muller-Beck sees projectile points in Siberia as being ance

stral to all New World types. He also proposes a later migration around 13, 000. This tradition, as noted by Chard too, was 33

Aurignacian in character and gave rise to the Eskimo tool tradition.

As this group moved southward, they came in contact with the_ big

game hunting groups which were moving northward with the retreat

of the Valders ice sheet. Bryan (1969) concurs with this proposal.

Wendorf ( 1966) generally agrees with Muller- Beck, but claims an ·

earlier migration of a Chopper-Chopping Tool Tradition was entirely

pas sible.

Although most of Haynes 1 (1964; 1970; 1971) work centers on

the origin of the Clovis point, he thinks there was a migration prio·r

to 2 5, 000 years but the lack of many early sites is indicative of poor

adaptation. He argues that man came through the ice free corridor

during the Two Creeks Interstadial bringing with him the Clovis

point which he exclusively correlates with mammoth hunting between·

11, 500 and 11, 000. According to Haynes, he sees much similarity

between the Clovis hunters and the Upper Paleolithic hunters of the

Russian plains between 23,000-15,000 years. These men also were

mammoth hunters whose tools included bifacially flaked points, end

scrapers, bone points, and blad tools. He claims Early Man crossed

the Bering Land Bridge after 25, 000 but could not migrate past

Alaska until the corridor opened up around 12, 000 years B. P. Un

fortunately there is no evidence in Alaska to support Haynes 1 hypo

thesis of an Arctic original of Clovis. He not only relies too

··heavily upon geological evidence, but also his proposal inherently 34

argues for Clovis hunters to migrate at least 3, 200 kilometers in

500 years. Thus Early Man probably would have had to disperse at an unprecedented rate in order to account for the wide distribution of

Clovis points in the southwestern United States and the whole area east of the Rocky Mountains.

H. M. Wormington (1957; 1962) believes it is possible a Chop per-Chopping Tool migration occurred during the Sangamon Inter glacial, but the main movement occurred around 20, 000 B. P. and derived from the Upper Paleolithic flake traditions of Siberia. These migrants had a tool tradition with a Mousterian technological base containing simple laurel-leaf shaped projectile points, bifacially flaked tools, scrapers, and crude blades. Thus the laurel-leaf point is ancestral to all New World point types which developed in digenously in response to each area's various ecological conditions.

Most likely pres sure flaking, fluting, and side-notching were in vented independently in the New World (Wormington and Forbis,

196 5).

Borden (1969) sees the initial New World migration bringing in a Pebble Tool Tradition. At 25, 000 years during the Farmdale

Interstadial, occurred Early Man's second nigration which witnessed the arrival of what Borden labels as the Paleowestern Cultural

.Tradition, but, according to my definition, would be regarded as a tool tradition. It contained various heavy tools, scrapers, crude 35

blades, and large bifacially worked stone knives and laurel-leaf

shaped points which were ancestral to all New World projectile points. Borden claims that the Early Boreal Cultural Tradition actually consisted of two migrations of a micro-blade industry. The first occurred about 16, 000 years ago and took an inland route since the migrants were mainly reindeer hunters. The other migration came about 6, 000 years later and took a coastal route along the southern .shore of the Bering Land Bridge since these people were adapted to a coastal subsistence pattern. Basing his reasoning largely upon negative evidence, Borden claims all migrations took place west of the Rocky Mountains for no early sites with these tools occur east of this mountain chain.

It will be noticed that opinion is divided over whether the first tool traditions contained projectile points or not. It is en tirely possible a Pre-Projectile Point Stage does exist and may be proven in the future, but, as of now, the evidence does not argue convincingly enough. It clearly should be understood none of these hypotheses are proven beyond a reasonable doubt, but they generally represent logical guess work. Unfortunately, some of the sites used as evidence are highly questionable, since they lack stratifica tion, contain tools of doubtful human manufacture, are disturbed considerably, etc. Moreover, the theories of Chard, Bryan,

Muller- Beck, and Haynes cannot be accepted as fact, for a 36

significant part of their argument is based upon geological evidence whose validity now is quite doubtfuL The questioning of such data is a result of the work done by Johnson (Wormington, 1971) and Reeves

(1973). In fact Black (1966) believes one can read into the record any interpretation desired, since there is so much disagreement on the geological evidence. CHAPTER V

CRITERIA FOR SELECTION OF EARLY MAN SITES

In order to carry out an effective study of Early Mari sites, it is imperative to establish criteria which will allow the selection of those sites that are early and a rejection of those sites that have a questionable antiquity. The failure to do so by many Early Man

scholars probably has led to much of the current confusion in this area. The establishment of selective criteria should help to clarify

Early Man studies, for it will coerce authors into stating why they choose a site as being early and will make the comparison of such studies more feasible. Perhaps this strategy will cause authors to examine more closely their site selection process and will tend to eliminate the above-mentioned tendency towards sensationalism.

Hopefully there then will be much less emphasis placed upon those sites that at best would serve as marginal evidence for Early Man.

If this approach is taken, perhaps future Early Man studies will be characterized by a more organized strategy rather than by the jumble of theories that now exist.

A nurnber of problems are encountered in trying to establish

37 38

the fact that a site belongs to the Paleo-Indian period. Dating tech-

:n:iques present one such difficulty. At present, radiocarbon dating

is the most reliable and, thus, the most extensively used technique.

Dating by geologic means also is used widely. This would include

deriving the age of a site by: correlating its stratigraphy with the known local sequence of glacial or climatic events, establishing pollen profiles from pollen samples, and using faunal remains pre-

sent within the stratigraphic levels. Another technique, typological dating, is subject to many limitations and, therefore, will not be

employed in this study.

A number of problems are encountered in using this latter method. First of all, should a functional or stylistic typology be used? Typological dating does not take into consideration cultura't lag or independent invention from one area to another. For example, one culture may adopt the use of projectile point "A" before "B, " but a neighboring culture may adopt the use of these projectile points in the reverse order. Furthermore typological dating becomes more of a risk when trying to date two sites that are separated widely. For instance, although two sites may be 8, 000 kilometers apart, they may exhibit the same projectile points, but what if sit.es geographically intermediate show no evidence of such tools? Is this a case of cultural diffusion or independent invention? It would be extremely difficult to assign a date to either site without knowing 39

which case existed.

The presence or absence of a tool within a complex is not necessarily a reflection of temporal development, but it could be due to a lack of proper raw materials needed to make such a tool, could reflect a change in environmental adaptation, or could indicate the· carrying on of different activities. In addition, it is an extremely weak basis upon which to date a human occupation when only one pro jectile point is found without associated implements. Obviously a complex cannot exist when only one tool is found, for points do not reflect the total daily activities as do other utilitarian implements such as scrapers, hammerstones, knives, etc. (Byers, 1966). Thus the lack of any tool type necessarily does not indicate age, but it may suggest only that a specialized economic activity was practiced.

Such a problem exists when dealing with quarry or other non-habita tion sites. Typological dating used on such incomplete assemblages would give erroneous ages since all tools used by the culture would not be represented.

Sites exhibiting unclear stratigraphy or disturbance by pot hunters, animal burrowing, and geologic activity are extremely dif ficult to deal with. Unless by careful work which clearly defines the extent of disturbance, these sites are too risky theoretically to deal with and rely upon. Many problems also arise when studying surface sites which have a geological context but lack an archeological 40

context. According to the definition previously stated, this would prevent whatever group of articfacts was found from being classified

as an industry. Surface sites are dated only typologically and geo logically, since any samples selected for radiocarbon dating would be

contaminated. Furthermore, when stbnes on the earth 1 s surface are

exposed to climatic elements for any length of time, rocks could be abraded naturally by wind and water to resemble eoliths or crudely manufactured stone tools. Another complicating factor in the use of

surface sites is that of mixture of artifacts too. All the tools found on the surface necessarily may not have been used during the one time assigned to the site but could have been left there by a much more recent people. In the case of bone tools, a recent person could find a piece of very old bone, fashion it into a tool, and then leave it behind only to have it dated to the much earlier time period.

Obviously this bone tool would be out of place with the earlier tools.

The establishment of criteria to select sites was rieces s.ary to avoid confusion, to eliminate the poss-ibility of inaccurate analy sis, and to accept only valid Paleo-Indian sites. All early sites had to have a radiocarbon and/or geologic date. For example, the lowest occupational level of the South Yale site was dated geologi cally. Its antiquity was confirmed further by a consistent series of radiocarbon dates for the overlying archeological sequence.

Another criterion was that sites used in this study had to be 41

· excavated sites with an observable stratigraphy and a lack of distur-

bance. This automatically would eliminate all surface sites from

this study. In conclusion, there is enough confusion in Early Man

studies without adding to it by accepting highly questionable evidence.

This is not to say the sites that do not meet my criteria should not be

examined, for some of them in their present condition do provide

' some interesting implications; however, until these sites are re-.

examined and can be classified as acceptable (possibly due, for in-

stance, to the discovery of a reliable new dating technique), I

choose to eliminate them from the present study. C.HAPTER VI

PALEO-INDIAN CULTURAL TRADITIONS

Just as there are a number of theories 'dealing with the arrival time(s) of Early Man, opinions also exist concerning the cultural traditions which arose in the Paleo-Indian period. Here I have described some of the present theories which center upon var ious kinds of economic adaptations or subsistence patterns that per sisted in particular regions of the New World. It is difficult to con firm many of these hypotheses within thepresent context of Early

Man studies since there is not a general consensus of opinion on what sites are considered to be early. How strongly can one argue to prove the existence of a cultural tradition which consists of a meager amount of data from only one or two sites? Obviously Early Man studies have suffered from the lack of a significant amount of sound archeological data and, consequently, there is a wide divergence of opinion. An explanation of these theories is presented here, in order to provide an established theoretical context within my own findings can be viewed.

Wormington (1957) defines three New World cultural tradi-

42 43

tiohs: Paleo- Eastern, Paleo-Western, and Paleo-Northern. The former existed east of the Rockies, emphasized big-game h:mting, and was characterized by finally pressure-flaked pointslanceolate in outline. This cultural tradition is similar to Haynes 1 Llano Complex

(which saw Clovis points associated with mammoth hunting from

11, 500 to ll, 000 years) and Folsom Complex (which consisted of Fol som points as so ciated with bison hunting from 11, 000 to 10, 000 years) (Haynes, 1964; 1970; 1971). Based upon the exploitation of those animals that survived Pleistocene extinction, the Plano hunt ing tradition with a large varj.ety of projectile points followed in the

Post-Pleistocene period. The Paleo-Western Cultural Tradition flourished west of the Rockies with an emphasis upon food gathering.

Projectile points which were usually stemmed or notched were much less important in this cultural tradition. Instead, most character istic were percussion-flaked tools such as crescent- shaped scrapers, choppers, and grinding- stones which probably developed independ ently in the Great Basin. This cultural tradition is similar to

Jennings 1 Desert Culture (Jennings, 1964) which .basically is a

Post-Pleistocene adaptation and will not be dealt with since it falls outside of the Paleo-Indian period. It most likely grew out of the changing environmental conditions of post-glacial times in the

Great Basin. The Paleo-Northern Cultural Tradition which was ancestral to the Eskimo culture was the youngest. Its tools were 44

usually small and were based upon a Prepared-Core and Microblade

Tool Tradition. The burin attained major importance in the working

of bone and antler.

In North America Gordon Willey (1966") also claims the exis tence around 11, 500 of a Big-Game Hunting Tradition which was marked by the use of the same points as in Wormington 1 s scheme.

Big-game hunting, which centered on the hunting of Pleistocene herd animals that are now extinct, occurred mainly on the High Plains but also existed in the East and Southwest as well as central Mexico.

The Old Cordilleran Tradition, which I would consider as a cultural tradition, was centered in the mountain and plateau country of the

Pacific Northwest and had a subsistence pattern basedupon unspec ialized hunting, fishing, and collecting. . Being contemporaneous with at least the latter part of the Big-Game Hunting Tradition, the

Old Cordilleran was characterized by ground-edge cobbles, oval knives, and laurel leaf-shaped points known as Cascade points.

Similar point types have been found at kill sites in Mexico (Lerma points) and in South America (El Jobo points) where they are assoc iated with a hunting cultural tradition (Willey, 1966; 1971). It is this leaf-shaped point which several scholars writing on early tool traditions felt to have considerable antiquity and to be the basic prototype of alf New World points with a lanceolate outline. Willey views the Desert Cultural Tradition as a Post-Pleistocene 45

adaptation which grew out of the Old Cordilleran Cultural Tradition

as a response to the gradual disappearance of the pluvial lakes in

the Great Basin.

In South America Willey (1971) believes there was an Old

South American Hunting Tradition which was similar to the slightly

earlier Big-Game Hunting .Cultural Tradition in North America and

was characterized by the fluted fish-tail (Magellan I and El Inga I)

and El Jobo points. The Andean Hunting-Collecting and East Brazi

lian Upland Traditions occur around and after the Pleistocene and

Post-Pleistocene transitional period which I do not consider to be within the realm of Early Man. The validity and antiquity of most of the sites Willey uses to support the existence of these cultural tradi tions are highly questionable for the same reasons which I doubt the

credibility of a Pre-Projectile Point Stage.

Butler ( 1965), who originated the concept of the Old Cordil leran Culture (or cultural tradition according to my terminology},

sees this group of sites. representing a generalized hunting-fishing

gathering economy which developed in the plateau, uplands, and adjacent regions of the Pacific Northwest. This economy was adapted to a series of microenvironments which continuously were

exploited. Some of the ecological niches whose resources were utilized included natural fisheries and mussel beds along major rivers, camas beds in meadow areas, and parkland and grassland 46

areas which supported large game species. Characteristic tools were leaf- shaped points, blades, and generalized cutting, chopping, and scraping tools. Yet due to the numerous microenvironments, '-.:..~)

Butler expects rather distinctive artifact complexes (which is equi- valent to.my definition of assemblage) which would differ from those of nearby sites of similar age. These complexes represent cultural adaptations to a strong and long-term environmental situation but do not warrant the establishing of different cultures based upon merely one complex. The Old Cordilleran generally was contemporaneous with the Clovis and Folsom Complexes.

Finally, Daugherty (1962) proposes an Intermontane Western

Tradition which I would equate with a cultural tradition. Daugherty sees his tradition having a diversified economy of hunting, gathering, and fishing and lacking a strong orientation towards big- game hunting except locally. The artifacts diagnostic of his scheme were

Cascade points, crescent-shaped scrapers, bone tools, and milling stones which were found in the more arid areas. The author sees much utilization of local economic resources which also seems to characterize Butler's concept of the Old Cordilleran. It appears within Daugherty's tradition there is also economic specialization and adaptation to particular ecological niches. The only discernible difference between the latter two theories is that the Intermontane

Western Tradition is adapted specifically to those regions east of 47

the Cascade Mountain Range and west ofthe Rockies.

This section concludes the lengthy background information

needed for the study of Early Man. An attempt has been made to

give the reader an insight into some of the prbblems inherent to

Paleo-Indian studies. These introductory chapters also provide a

context within which a valid testing of the hypotheses can be

achieved. The following examination of the sites is divided by geo

graphic regions: Arctic, North American, Central American, and

South American. The purpose of this breakdown is purely a function

of format and does not carry an interpretive connotation. Consult

Figures 3 and 4 for the locations of the Paleo-Indian sites discussed

and Tables 2 and 3 for a summary of the data presented in the fol lowing chapter. Date Cultural Projectile Site (Years, B. P.) Environment Tradition Point

ARCTIC REGION

Onion Portage 10,000 Tundra Specialized ------Healy · Lake 11' 090 ± 170 Tundra Specialized Leaf-Shaped

NORTH AMERICAN REGION

South Yale 12,000 Riverine Generalized ------Wilson Butte Cave 15,000±800 ------Generalized ------14, 500 ± 500 Smith Creek Cave 11,680 + 160 Lakeshore Generalized Mohave Fort Rock Cave 13,200 t 720 Lakeshore Generalized Mohave Five Mile Rapids 11,000 Riverine Generalized Leaf-Shaped Lind Coulee 11,000 Lakeshore Generalized Other Lehner Ranch 11,290 ±500 Grassland Specialized Clovis (Clovis Average) (11,245 ± 310) Lindenmeier 10, 850 ± 550 Grassland Specialized Folsom (Folsom Average) (10, 500 ± 230) Holcombe Beach 11,000 Forest/ Tundra Specialized Fluted i Dutchess Quarry Cave 12, 580 ± 370 Forest/Tundra Specialized ------De bert 10, 700 - 10,600 Forest/Tundra Specialized Fluted

TABLE 2: SUMMARY OF SITE DATA -- ARCTIC AND NORTH AMERICAN REGIONS

~ 00 ., UatE Cultural Projectile Site (Years l ~. P.) Environment Tradition Point

Central Amer:j.can Region

I Valsequillo Reservoir Unit C ------Specialized Fish-Tail UnitE ------Specialized Leaf-Shaped Unit I 21,850 850 ----- Specialized Unifacial Santa Isabel Iztapan 11, 500 ----- Specialized Lerma & Others Tequixquiac 11, 500 ----- Specialized ----- Tamaulipas 10,500 Scrub Steppe Generalized -----

South American Region

Taima- Taima 13,000 Grassland Specialized El Jobo Tagua- Tagua 11, 430 320 Lakeshore Specialized ----- El Abra 10,750 400 Tropical Forest/ Generalized ----- Parkland La Cumbre 13,000 10,000 ----- Specialized Fish- Tail and others Guitarrero Cave Level II 290 Scrub Steppe Generalized Leaf-Shaped Level I ~~: ~~~ ~ 360 Scrub Steppe Generalized ----- Ayacucho Huanta Complex 11, 000 ------Fish-Tail Paccaicasa/Ayacucho 14,700 1, 400 ----- Generalized Unifacial Los Toldos 12,650 600 ------Fell's and Palli Aike Caves 11,050 170 Grassland Specialized Fish- Tail

TABLE 3: SUMMARY OF SITE I ATA - CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICAN REGIONS , ~

~ ...0 ('"-''··~··.. ·~--- .. -~·· -- ...... _.. i

CF..APT ER VII

DISCUSSION OF SITES

Arctic Region

Onion Portage

Lying on a hill overlooking the lowlands along the Kobuk

River, the Onion Portage most likely was a dwelling or habitation

site (Anderson, 1968; 1970a; 1970b). Consider:lng the view of the

surrounding area from the site, its location in a tundra environment,

and the association of caribou bone, Anderson (1970a) feels Onion

Portage was a permanent camp near a caribou migration route.

While one of the lower occupational levels has a date of 9, 907 ±

155 years B. P. taken from a caribou scapula, Anderson claims the

site dates to the late Pleistocene, for a number of undated bands

containing similar cultural material lies below the dated stratum

(Anderson, 1970a). Although he argues that the thickness of cul-

tural deposits could set the age of the site back to 15, 000 years

B. P., I remain unconvinced of such antiquity. I feel that a more

realistic age is slightly over 10,000 years, at least until a radio-

carbon date is obtained for the lowest levels.

52 53

Naming it the Akmak assemblage (or what I would designate an industry), Anderson (1968) reports the presence of the following tools: large core and flake bifaces, end scrapers, unifacially and bifacially flaked blades and knives, burins, gouges, and several microcores and microblades. Although no projectile points were found, Anderson sees the microblades being used as insets for antler or ivory points. An antler and/or bone' industry probably existed as indicated by the presence of burins. Furthermore, it is argued that the tools reflect activities usually as so ciated with settlement living, such as meat- cutting, hide- scraping, wood-working, and weapon-manufacturing (Anderson, 1970a). Since there was a general absence of waste flakes, the excavator suggests the tools were made elsewhere and were brought to camp where only the re-

I pair of tools occurred. The Akmak assemblage, whose distictive- ness lies in the large size of its tools, is used by the author to propose an "American Paleo-Arctic Tradition'' which begins with the

Onion Portage site and ends in the Post-Pleistocene about 8, 000 years B. P. (Anderson, 1968; 1970b).

Healy Lake

Having a date of 11, 090 ± 170 years taken from burned bone, the Healy Lake site is marked by the Chindaon complex which contains the oldest mic;roblades, burins, and projectile points in 54

Alaska {Irving, 1971). Due to the small number of tools present and the lack of distinctiveness, I would prefer to regard Chindaon as a lithic industry. Lying beneath a cultural level comparable to the

Akmak assemblage, the artifacts found were six medium- sized, bifacial, tear-drop or leaf-shaped points, two triangular points, two burins, and a number ·of microcores and micro blades (Hayashi,

1968; Irving, 1971).

In discussing what types of sites Healy Lake and Onion

Portage were, Aigner (1970) disagrees with Anderson by proposing they were seasonal hunting camps for several reasons: limited extent of occupation, small tool samples, homogeneity of lithic tools, and nonrepresentation of many activities associated with habitation sites. Aigner further states that the past environment argues against year-round occupation of a site since the permanent food resource base- was poor. This contention is partially supported by

Butzer {1971) who points out that high-latitude tundra environments have a lower carrying· capacity of animals than the low-latitude tundras. The lithic industries and the environmental resource base do indicate a hunting economy, while the limited extent of occupation favors the seasonality of the sites which may have been reoccupied through time. 55

North American Region

South Yale

Situated on the Fraser River Canyon, the South Yale site by geological means is felt to date to the Two Creeks Interstadial about

12,000 years B. P. (Borden, 1968). Being the oldest cultural level, the Pasika tool complex lies within a soil attributed to the relatively warm Everson Interstadial which had a duration of 2, 000 years

(13, 000-11, 000) and is part of the local, late Pleistocene glacial sequence. Immediately overlying the Pasika complex is a soil be longing to the Sumas ice advance which has been radiocarbon dated to 11,000 ± 900 years in a neighboring valley. Situated directly on top of this layer was the next cultural level, the Milliken phase which is C-14 dated at 9, 000 ± 150 years B. P. (Borden, 1968).

The Pasika complex consists almost entirely of core tools unifacially percussion flaked and made from rounded quartzite pebbles (Borden, 1968). Also found were a number of flakes, some of which show evidence of minimal retouch, but the majority are waste flakes. The weight and form of the large pebble tools suggest heavy duty work ·activities associated with a forest exploitation, such as wood-working, cutting, chopping, pulping, and shredding (Borden, 56

1968; MacDonald 1971 ). Such analysis seems reasonable since this

site was situated within a lodgepole pine parkland environment during

the temperate conditions of the Two Creeks Interstadial. Though this complex lacked the bifacial flaking technique as well as pro jectile points, the following Milliken phase contained fairly sophi

sticated bifacial tools and leaf- shaped points with only five per cent of the total _lithic industry consisting of pebble tools (Borden, 1968).

The Pasika complex most likely is a true pebble tool site

representing a specialized adaptation. Although no bifacial tools are present, MacDonald (1971) does not see pebble tools as a com plete industry but rather as an alternative tool technology occurring where there is a convenient source of pebbles for the making of such large implements. Perhaps there are sites of a similar age with bifacial tools occurring in a different local ecological niche. Either that may happen or possibly during the Milliken phase there was a smaller local supply of pebbles and the inhabitants turned to utiliz ing bifacial tools. Finally, it should be added that the mere existence of a pebble tool complex is not necessarily indicative of great age. For instance, the Lively Complex of Alabama consists of a number of pebble tool sites ranging in age from Early Archaic through Mississippian times (DeJarnette, 1967; Bryan, 1973).

Thus, it seems pebble tools characterize a specialized adaptation, may or may not be a complementary tool tradition, and do not have 57

to be of great antiquity.

Wilson Butte Cave

The Wilson Butte Cave site, whose dates on worked bone are

15, 000 ± 800 and 14, 500 ± 500 (Bryan, 1973), has produced three

lithic artifacts as well as remains of extinct camel (Butzer, 1971).

In analyzing the biface, blade, and flake, Crabtree (1969) feels the

former could have been used as a punch or wedge for splitting wood

while the functional scars on the blade also suggest the working of

wood. He claims the unifacial flaking on the blade, which probably

served the same purpose as a pocketknife, indicates diagonal use

in one direction on wood, whereas bifacial flaking res.ults from the

skinning of animals.

Due to the leaf- shaped form of the biface and the technology

exhibited in the lithic industry, several experts have viewed Wilson

Butte Cave as a likely ancestor to the Clovis point (Bryan, 1971;

Haynes, 1969; Irwin, 1971). Since this site is the oldest one in the

region (not to mention the whole New World) with such a technology,

it would not be unreasonable to agree with their findings.

Although cultural material is scant, the faunal evidence sug-

gests at least part of the subsistence pattern was based upon hunting.

Functional scars on the lithic tools imply exploitation of some

·forest resources as in the manufacture of wooden implements. Due

to the presence of artifacts made from chalcedony which was not 58

native to the area, it is probable tools were brought to the site as a

finished product or as blanks (Wilkinson, 1972). With what evidence

is available, it is safe to regard the inhabitants as basing at least

part of their subsistence pattern upon hunting (with some gathering

activities), and that Wilson Butte Cave served as a campsite at

which tool manufacture and/or repair occurred.

Fort Rock Cave

Having a date of 13,200 ±- 720 years B. P. taken from char

coal associated with a Mohave type point (Bedwell, 1973), the Fort

Rock Cave site contains the earliest :firmly dated, bifacial proj ec

tile point in the New World. Situated at an elevation of 1, 340 meters

the cave was located within the remains of an old volcanic cone

!which lies forty meters above the valley floor and about 2. 5 kilo

meters from a nearby lake. Bedwell reports the following tools also were found in the earliest occupation: six unifacially flaked end,

side, and combination scrapers of moderate size with well control led flaking; one percussion flaked mano; one graver with a single well defined point; one possible knife or knife/ scraper combination which partially was flaked bifacially; and one small stemless, un notched, projectile point slightly basally fluted but exhibiting the similar, crude ,bifacial flaking technique as found on the first point.

This latter point initially was felt to be ''Folsom-like." but now it has been classified as a blank or unfinished projectile point (Fagan, 59

1975). Excepting the mano, all tools were made of obsidian. Also

recovered were several unidentified fragments, worked flakes, and

flaking debris. The previously reported association of Cascade

points in this cultural level is now questionable, as Bedwell be-

lieves they probably belong to the next oldest level. The overlyin~

sequence of strata containing cultural material all have consistent.

dates further confirming the antiquity of this lithic industry

(Haynes, 1969; Bedwell, 1973).

Related to the Fort Rock Cave site was the finding of the

Cougar Mountain site which lies sixteen kilometers away and was

assigned a carbon-14 date of 11, 950 ± 350 years B. P. taken from

charcoal. Bedwell interprets the Cougar Mountain site as a lithic workshop, not only because worked flakes are the sole cultural

evidence, but also due to the nearby location of an obsidian quarry whose raw material is similar to that appearing at Fort Rock Cave.

The author does not rule out the possibility that the Cougar Moun- tain site was used by the earliest inhabitants of Fort Rock Cave.

Bedwell also performed an {ntensive ecological study of the area which appears to have had an environment that would have been attractive to Early Man. When compared to the present day, this region was marked by cooler temperatures, lusher vegetation, and considerably more moisture as the pine forests, consisting of lodgepole and which pine, were much more extensive. Despite 60

'these characteristics, it has been determined that the environment of

. the northern Great Basin was in a transitional phase at the time of

earliest occupation. Since the ancient Pleistocene lake already was

·receding at this time, a gradual change was in progress from a cool,

moist heavily forested lake environment with some areas of grassland

to a largely open lake and grassland environment. Whereas the low.

intensity of occupation was associated with the initial habitation, it

was within the latter environmental context that the greatest intensity

of occupation occurred about 10,000 years ago. At this period Bad

well claims the region was rich in game and attracted the largest

hunting populations than at any other time. OccurriJ?.g within the

earliest occupation were gopher, bird, deer, squirrel, and rabbit

(Bedwell, 1973). However, the author reports that nearby new fossil

finds include camel, horse, mammoth or mastodon, dire worlf, and

peccary. Although these faunal remains have not been dated yet, it

is felt they are of mid-Wisconsin age and, considering the moist en

vironment, Bedwell feels they easily could have persisted into very

late Pleistocene times. Thus the needs of early hunters could have been served by the existence of small game as well as large herbi

vores and other forms of now extinct animals.

According to Bedwell and with whom I basically agree, the

evidence derived from the lithic industry and the ecological picture

suggests Early Man practiced a wide exploitation of the environment. 61

It consisted of small bands of hunters-gatherers moving with the game •

and seasons through a wide region and probably using each area only

marginally, as indicated by this low intensity of occupation of the

earliest level. Since lacking specialization, the Paleo-Indians

utilized a: balanced economy based upon the preparation of food plants

and the hunting of small and, although presently unconfirmed, poss ibly big game. Thus Fort Rock Cave was used intermittently by mi-

grating hunter-gatherers practicing a generalized economy and using

a late glacial forest and lakeland environment. Focus upon a lake

shore environment essentially did not occur until Pleistocene/Post

Pleistocene times (Bedwell, 1973). As the climate became warmer,

the expanses of grassland increased as did the amount of game in the lake areas (Bedwell, 1973). While climatic conditions grew drier,

Bedwell sees the water sources becoming more important and the be-

ginning of the Western Pluvial Lakes Tradition which is marked by

regional diversification and the presence of Cascade projectile points.

The discovery of a Mohave (or Lake Mohave) type point at this early date confirms the existence of a Flake Tool Tradition south of the continental ice sheets prior to Haynes' proposed final opening

This necessarily does not imply Early Man had to have projectile points in his tool kit when he arrived in the New World, but (along with the evidence from Wilson Butte Cave) this does indicate that 62

Early Man had the technology to manufacture projectile points south of the ice sheets prior to the opening of the corridor at 12, 000 years

B. P. Since it is the oldest dated bifacial point in the New World, it is entirely possible the Mohave point is the basic prototype of all early lanc.eolate points.

This interpretation of the evidence permits an alternative viewpoint to Haynes 1 theory which adamantly argues for the origin of the Clovis point to have taken place north of the ice sheets followed by its rapid dispersal and initial appearance around 11, 500 years

B. P. It is important to note that Mohave points almost have a leaf shaped form (Wormington, 1957), except for their slight shouldering.

Thus Mohave points typologically could be related to the Cascade and other leaf-shaped points which appear quite early in New World pre history. If other Paleo-Indian sites are found in this area, the evi dence obtained from them and Fort Rock Cave may serve to clarify the relationship between the cultural traditions of the Great Basin area with its Mohave points and the Pacific Northwest with its Cas- cade points. As it stands now, it would appear Fort Rock Cave is more closely affiliated with the former area than the latter. This is due to the appearance of a Mohave point prior to Cascade points and the presence of a mano which is characteristic of Great Basin lithic industries. 63

Five Mile Rapids

Located near The Dalles on the Columbia River, the Five

Mile Rapids site reportedly has a radiocarbon·date of 9, 835 :_!- 220

(Warren, 1967}. However, the excavator, L. S. Cressman, sees the earliest occupation of the site beginning not less than 11, 000 years ago due to the thickness of the cultural deposits lying below the dated level (Warren,l967}. Moreover, the nature of these deposits argues for a large number of reoccupations of the site through a long period of time.

The lithic industry consisted of leaf- shaped points, burins, bolas, and large pebble choppers (Willey, 1966}. Although the accumulation of refuse yielded abundant salmon remains, also p'resent were elk and deer bones as well as those of large birds which probably fed off of the fish (Warren, 1967}. Warren further feels the edge-ground choppers are indicative of the processing of roots. Al though the cultural evidence infers a broad picture of economic pat terns; Five Mile Rapids mainly appears to be a site connected with the exploitation of salmon. By utilizing a fishing economy, the in habitants took advantage of this ecological niche which also provided some opportunity for supplementary subsistence activities such as hunting and plant· gathering. Thus Warren sees the earliest known occupants of the Plateau region as being unspecialized hunters- 64

g-atherers-fishermen who were adapted to a variety of ecological zones.

Lind Coulee

The Lind Coulee site, which is situated among a series of ponds with connecting channels draining into one large lake, has radiocarbon dates of 9, 400 ± 940 and 8, 518 :±- 460 years B. P., but the author of the site report feels they are too young (Daugherty,

1956). By means of pollen analysis and the C-14 dating of the de rived pollen profiles, Daugherty has correlated these results with the data from the geologic deposits to obtain a dated ·sequence of climatic changes in the Late Pleistocene. The deposits within which the cultural material was found were said to have an age of 11, 000 years B. P.

Faunal a,nalysis indicates the primary source of food was bison, although there was some dependence upon smaller game animals and water-fowL Other such remains present were teal, goose, duck, egg shells, beaver, muskrat, deer or antelope, gopher, fox, shunk, badger, and other unidentified rodents (Daugherty,

1956). In exhibiting pressure and percussion flaking, the artifacts found were: scrapers (end, side, and concave), ground stone hand stones, flake knives, bone points, gravers, choppers, crescentic blades, and- p-rojectile points (with tapered stems and sharp lateral 65

shoulders).

The Lind Coulee site offers several interesting implications.

First, since the artifacts were enclosed within certain alluvial de-

. posits, it is felt the site was inhabited only seasonally (Daugherty,

1956; Warren, 1967; Wilkinson, 1972). The abundance of lakes pro

bably served as an attractive watering spot for bison as well as

other animals. With side scrapers comprising seventy-five per

cent of the assemblage, the artifacts strongly argue for a special

ized hunting economy. Also the projectile points found show no

resemblance to any other known Early Man points, so the distinct

characteristics suggest a local adaptation or variation in manufac

ture. Although situated within a forest environment, the Lind Coulee

site appears to represent a specialized ecological niche to which the

inhabitants responded by seasonally hunting bison.

Smith Creek Cave

Although little qata on this site are available, Smith Creek

_Cave is an important recent discovery. With a date of 11, 680 t 160

years taken from charcoal, this site carries the earliest date from

the Great Basin and proves Early Man inhabited this area overlook

ing Pleistocene Lake Bonneville before it totally disappeared (Bryan,

1973). Artifacts found in the undisturbed occupation were a long-"

stemmed variety of Lake Mohave Points, while a faunal analysis 66

revealed the presence of modern species of sheep and deer (Bryan,

1973). In feeling that the inhabitants preferred small game, Bryan

claims the existence of this generalized hunting, fishing, and gath-

ering economy occurred simultaneously with the specialized Big-

Game Hunting cultural tradition of the .Plains.

Despite Smith Creek Cave not exhibiting basketry and grinding stones that are typical of those sites belonging to the Post-

Pleistocene Desert cultural tradition, most likely the inhabitants of

the Great Basin were in a transitional phase of adapting economical-

ly. Considering this site was occupied in the late Pleistocene, most likely the Paleo-Indians were being coerced into seeking alternative

methods of adaptation in order to survive in the Great Basin area which was rapidly changing from a rich lake shore environment to

a:n extremely arid region. With this last major environmental change in progress, perhaps the inhabitants of this site already had coped with this change by learning to rely upon a more generalized economy rather than a specialized cultural tradition, such as the big-game hunting of now extinct fauna.

Lehner Ranch

The Lehner Ranch site is representative of those sites yielding Clovis points· and belonging to the Llano Complex. Since a large number of Clovis sites exist, I will discuss this site only. I am 67

',__ •-- •·- ••••<•·-·-•••'•A•'-"• '' • __ _,,, •>> ' -~••••'- •''• ~· -.,, __ •-·~"'-''''~~-·"•' ~·· • •••'•-·••• ••• :•• '>•'-- ,,.,,_ •••••• -·-•~•.•·-• '•'"'''' ··~·v~·~•• '•• ••••o"•••-·• ·---~- •• ,• ••-· ••- • "' •••- ~· "\ ' diverging from the above-mentioned strategy of discussing all sites prior to 10, 000 B. P., since all Clovis sites generally exhibit similar characteristics and all belong to the same cultural tradition.

To examine all such sites would be beyond the scope of this paper.

I will be concerned with those sites concentrated in the High Plains, for all sites containing Clovis points found in the eastern United

States lack geological and/or archeological contexts and fail to date prior to 10, 000 B. P. Thus these sites would not meet my criteria established for selection of Paleo-Indian sites.

The fluted projectile point types of Clovis and Folsom, which will be discussed next, consist in part of the Llano and Folsom

Complexes respectively. As previously noted, situated in the High

Plains, both complexes centered on the big-game hunting of now extinct Pleistocene fauna. The Llano Complex refers to the exploitation of mammoth between 11, 500 and 11, 000 years B. P., while the latter complex is associated with bison hunting for the next one- thousand years (Sellards, 1952; Haynes, 1964; 1969; 1970; 1971).

Stuckenrath ( 1966) confirms this dating by showing the weighted average age of western Clovis sites is 11,245 ± 310 years and an age of 10, 500 ± 230 years is calculated for Folsom sites.

Lehner Ranch, which is a kill site, as are all other Clovis sites, bears a date of 11, 290 ± 500 years and lies in a valley near an old stream (Haury et al., 1959). Nine mammoth, one horse, one 68

bison, and one tapir were contained in a single bone bed, which was directly associated with a lithic industry containing thirteen Clovis points, one knife, one chopper, and six keeled, side and end scrapers. The tool.kit is not very extensive,· but the association of

Clovis points with mammoth bones and the presence of scrapers signifies an economic adaptation of big--game hunting. Unfortunately since most all Clovis and Folsom sites are kill sites, there is not extensive cultural material available for an in-depth analysis of all living activities.

Lindenmeier

The Lindemeier site with a date of 10, 850 ± 550 years is representative of the Folsom sites which occur only in the High Plains

\ area (Willey, 1966). Unlike other Llano and Folsom sites, Linden- meier consists of two parts: one was habitation and the other was a kill site (Wormington, 1957; Wilkinson, 1972). Lindenmeier is situated near an old pond or marsh, and the only remains present were those of bison and camel. The lithic industry contained the following artifacts: Folsom points, unfluted points, knives from channel flakes, leaf-shaped knives, hammerstones, rubbing stones, pi~ces esquillt;es, gravers, chisel gravers, core choppers, and scrapers including 11 spokeshaves 11 (Willey, 1966; MacDonald, 1969). The bone industry was comprised of awls, needles, spatulas, and fleshers. 69

As it is reflected in this assemblage, the. inhabitants were pre

occupied almost totally with various hunting activities as the tools

were used for shaping weapon shafts, butchering animals, and pre-

paring hides.

Two settlement pattern studies· provide an additional perspec

tive into these big-game hunting sites. In reconstructing the environ

ment near the end of the Valders Stadial, Wendorf and Hester ( 1962)

view the High Plains area as a lush savanna grasslands inter-

spersed with a number of ponds and streams. In studying the

southern High Plains area, they and J. B. Wheat ( 1971) found that

campsites tend to occur on ridges, dunes, or hills overlooking a

stream or pond which was at a distance of several hundred meters

to two kilometers. The kill sites themselves were found beside

these streams or ponds. The authors concluded that the only dif-

ferences between Clovis and Folsom sites were the types of animals

hunted and the forms of projectile points used. Many similarities were evident: hunting and butchering techniques, types and loca-

tions of sites, tool technologies, and butchering techniques.

This study shows Early Man 1 s ability to adapt in the face of

a threat to his established subsistence pattern. The Clovis hunters possibly found mammoth becoming scarce about 11, 000 years ago,

but were able to adapt their hunting techniques to the exploitation of

a different animal, such as the bison. The only adjustments that 70

may have been necessary were in observing the behavioral patterns of bison herds and in manufacturing a smaller projectile point

{Folsom) to hunt this smaller animal. Gorman {1969), in fact, has suggested the size difference between Clovis and Folsom points could be attributed to the size difference of animals hunted. The other alternative to readaptation was to move to another environment and exploit other ~ood resources which probably would require a change in technology as well as other facets of living. Instead,

Early Man remained on the· High Plains and selected the method which probably would yield a maximum gain with a minimum of effort.

In their analysis of Folsom sites in New Mexico, Judge and

Dawson { 1972} derived somewhat similar settlement patterns. Sites

I were located on ridges overlooking and to the northeast of a large, relatively close hunting area which was adjacent to a water supply such as a playa. Through time these Paleo-Indian sites became more distant from the hunting area, less uniform in directional relationships, higher in elevation in relation to the water supply, and streams replaced ponds as a source of water. Since there was less concern with directional relationships and more emphasis upon an overview, it is possible to look at this change as a function of

Early Man's hunting dl.fferent animals with different behavioral patterns. Also the change in the type of water source could be a 71

function of an environmental change to a dryer climate. These two

studies shed some light on Early Man 1 s ability to adjust to changing

environmental conditions and imply his adaptations were logical and

well thought out decisions as opposed to simple guess work.

Holcombe Beach

While the big-game hunting of now extinct fauna was taking

place on the High Plains, three sites in the eastern North American

Region seem to indicate a contemporary and even older big-game

hunting cultural tradition centering on the exploitation of modern

fauna, caribou. In hypothesizing that large groups of specialized

hunters could subsist along the resource rich forest-tundra borders,

Fitting ( 1970) believes the finding and location of the Holcombe

Beach and Debert sites (to which I would like to add Dutchess Quarry

Cave) represent an adaptation to the hunting of this forest-tundra

herd animal.

The former site, which dates to just prior to 11, 000 years

B. P. , was situated in a rich lakeshore environment along the beach

of Pleistocene Lake Algonquin (Fitting, 1970). This dating is just

one example of the extensive use of beach dating in the Great Lakes

area. The age was derived by correlating .the elevation of the site with the dated lake level changes in the Upper Great Lakes region.

It was determined this particular lake level was associated with the 72

end of the Two Creeks Interstadial (Fitting, 1970).

Holcombe Beach was a kill as well as a habitation site with

barren-ground caribou found in association with a hearth. The 400

. piece lithic industry, sixty-nine per cent of which were flaked hi

facially, contained: end and side scrapers, flake perforators,

gravers, spokeshaves, hammer stones, small bifacial knives, bi

polar tools, and small, thin, unstemmed concave-based lanceolate

points, some of which had basal thinning and partial fluting

(MacDonald, 1969; 1971; Fitting, 1970). With projectile points

comprising most of the industry, it is not surprising archeologists

also found dozens of spalls which were a result of ti:e parallel

retouch and basal thinning techniques (Cleland, 196 5; MacDonald,

1971 ).

Pollen analysis showed a sparse cover of spruce trees with a

ground cover of herb plants. As one got further from the site, the

spruce tree forest got increasingly more dense; consequently,

Fitting found this evidence to be indicative of a tundra environment

bordering the coniferous forests. He sees this as an ideal environ

ment for hunting barren- ground caribou which migrate between two

such environments. Cleland (1965) confirms these thoughts by

stating that barren-ground caribou occupy arctic or sub.;..arctic

environments and migrate in large herds between the tundra in the

summer and the boreal forests in the winter. 73

Dutchess Quarry Cave

Dated at 12,580 ± 370 years B. P. (Haynes, 1971}, Dutchess

Quarry Cave is situated at the top of a talus slope overlooking a

flat valley which is deemed as a possible caribou migration route

(Funk et al., 1970). The faunal remains indicate evidence of

human work in the splitting of bones, possibly for the marrow. Also

present was a Cumberland point which is an early fluted type; how

ever, Cumberland points are usually found several thousand years

later in time. Although it was much cruder than the classic Cumber

land point, Funk is uncertain as to its type as well a.s believing it

possibly was intrusive into this lowest level. Also felt to be in

trusive were the faunal remains of elk and deer which usually live

in an environment different from caribou (Funk et al., 1970).

Despite these possible intrusions, it is clear that Dutchess Quarry

Cave is a Paleo-Indian campsite probably occupied by caribou

hunters.

De bert

The third forest/tundra adaptation is the Debert site whose fourteen radiocarbon dates taken on charcoal from a number of hearths average between 10,600-10,700 years B. P. (Stuckenrath,

1966). Situated among the gently rolling lowlands only several 74

kilometers hom the ocean, the Debert site lies within a forest/

tundra environment whose trees consist of spruce, fir, pine, and

hardwoods (MacDonald, 1969; Byers, 1"966). Since the area was

deglaciated by 13, 000 B. P., the plant and animal life had had plenty

of time to reinvade the region in significant numbers by the time of

the site's occupation (MacDonald, 1969). Ice caps lie about one

hundred kilometers to the southwest while only about fifteen kilo

meters away the highlands region contained extensive snowfields.

The environment of the site was characterized by periglacial

. conditions with permafrost; moreover, the mean annual temperature

was below zero degrees centigrade, thus signifying the climate was

much harsher than at present (MacDonald, 1969). The same author

feels the micro environmental differences between the highlands with

its snowfields and the open plains area with its grazing land esta

blished ideal conditions for the caribou to migrate between two such

environments.

An extensive study of the lithic tool industry by MacDonald

(1969) has resulted in the deriving of several interesting conclusions.

The industry consists of bifacial knives and fluted projectile points,

fluted and unfluted bifacial drills, bipolar tools or pi~ces esquill~es,

unifacial side and end scrapers, flake per:£orators, awls, gravers,

spokeshaves, cleavers, scraping planes, choppers, and hammer

stones (MacDonald, 1969). While a large percentage of these tools 75

were unifacial and those at Holcombe Beach were bifacial, it is pos-

sible this is due to a major difference in activity (MacDonald,

1971). The author sees the flake tools being made froin chalcedony

and the cobble and spall tools from rhyolite. Feeling the differences

can be attributed to the physical prope~ties of the materials used,

MacDonald (1969) thinks their co- existence can be explained in terms

of the expediency and availability of such raw materials. While a.

wide variety of flaking techniques were utilized, the lack of many

cortex flakes is felt to indicate that the initial preparation and trim-

ming of the cores must have taken place at the qQ.arry. In stating

the quarry was situated some distance from the site, MacDonald

(1971) supports his claim by pointing to the economical use of

material in that there was a relative absence of usable flakes and a

considerable re-use of exhausted tools. Furthermore, the finding

of 23, 000 flakes and 4, 400 tools roughly yields a flake to tool ratio

of 5:1 which is felt to be a reflection of the distance of the site from the raw material source. Since this ratio at Holcombe Beach is

20:1, ·one can conclude this site has a closer proximity to the raw material source (MacDonald, 1969).

All of the projectile points exhibit fluting or basal thinning as do many of the other tools of the industry, thirty per cent of which ' are hafted. In comparison to Folsom points, Debert points are larger yet exhibit less fluting as well as a fairly similar fluting 76

technique. Compared to Clovis points, Debert points are very close

to them in shape. Although sharing many metrical and technological

attributes with both western fluted types, the Debert points which

MacDonald feels are similar to those found at Holcombe Beach have

a number -of unique attributes, mainly extremely deep basal con-

cavity resulting from the removal of the striking nipple by channel

flaking (MacDonald, 1969).

MacDonald ( 1969) also performed a functional tool analysis

which included only specialized tools or eighty-three per cent of the

total industry. Having produced four functional classes, the study

shows what tools comprise the classes and the percentage of each

class in relation to the total specialized tool industry. The results:

( 1) killing and butchering implements (projectile points), 4. 4o/o;

(2) tools used for preparing animal and vegetable products for con

sumption (i.e., food) and combustion (i.e., heat) (scraping planes,

choppers, hammerstones, and cleavers); 2. 3o/o; (3) manufacturing implements--animal and vegetable products for clothing, shelter,

and ornamentation (end and side scrapers, awls, and perforators),

60. Oo/o; and (4) tools for making tools (pi~ces esquill~es, gravers, drills, ~nd spokeshaves), 33. 3%.

Although no bone or antler was recovered, the pi~ces esquill~es which also occur at Holcombe Beach normally are asso ciated with the groove and splinter technique of working bone, antler, 77

ivory, and hard wood (Byers, 1966; MacDonald, 1969). MacDonald

sees these tools occurring in place of burins. The finding of them on

the living floors and hearths as opposed to the· chipping areas sug

gests their use on bone and antler which, through a steaming process,

were softened to facilitate splitting. Furthermore it is also felt

gravers could have been used to make eyes on bone needles and awls

as performed at the Lindenmeier site (MacDonald, 1969). Overall

since most of the tools are associated with the preparation of hides

for clothing and shelter, NlacDonald sees the stress of the environ

ment evidenced in the tool kit as faunal resources were utilized to

the fullest extent.

With caribou probably being the most plentiful food protein.

resource in the area, the large centralized settlement at De bert

most likely represents a seasonal or intermittent habitation based

upon the exploitation of this herd animal. The abundance of caribou

and their behavioral predictability were major determining factors

in supporting such a large habitation •. Since the mastodon is also a

. fore.st/tundra animal, the co- existence of Early Man and this animal

, in the northeast United States is assumed but yet unproven (Mac

Donald, 1969). This would provide the Paleo-Indians in this area

with another possible major food resource. The seasonal nature of

the Debert site is felt to be further confirmed by the concentration of

occupation (MacDonald, 1971). When the caribou changed their 78

migration route (possibly in response to the changing late Pleisto-

, cene environments), the site was assumed to be abandoned suddenly

(MacDonald, 1966).

Central American Region

Valsequillo Reservoir

Lying near a river, the Hueyatlaco locality of the Valsequillo

Reservoir site has a radiocarbon date of 21, 850 ± 850 years B. P.

taken on shell (Bryan, 1969). A geological date of 25, 000 years was

arrived at when the lower part of the soil sequence was correlated to

an early part of the Woodfordian Stadial (Haynes, 1969). It is thought

a~ least the former date is reliable since the site has a lengthy

evolutionary sequence of artifacts associated with extinct fauna within a thick stratigraphic sequence, and the lowest lithic industry

precludes a younger age (Irwin-Williams, 1968; Bryan, 1969;

Haynes, 1969).

Being the oldest level from which the above dates were taken, the kill site of Unit I yielded an edge trimmed point on a flake char acterized by crude pressure retouch, a unifacially percussion flaked point on a blade, and several scrapers (Irwin-Williams, 1967). In addition these artifacts were associated with the faunal remains of extinct horse, camel, and mastodon. It is apparent the technique of 79

manufacture of this lithic industry differs from the above levels.

Although Unit I shows evidence of a well-controlled blade producing

. . technique, advanced percussion and pressure-flaking were absent.

Moreover, while the tool edges showed little secondary work, po-

lishing was used at times (Irwin-Williams, 1967).

Also most likely a kill site is the next highest level, Unit E,

which contained a pebble tool and a flake with a burin blow associated

with mastodon remains. In the same unit at another station in

direct association with the partially articulated portion of a horse,

were found the earliest bifacial tools: a thick biface, a tip of a

bifacial knife, and a large bifacial bipointed projectile point (Irwin-

Williams, 1967). The latter artifact is similar to those leaf- shaped

points such as the Cascade type of the Pacific Northwest, the El Jobo

t)rpe of South America, and the Lerma type of Mexico. This industry

thus is marked by well-executed percussion flaking with good pres-

sure retouch.

The next cultural level, Unit C, is a hunting camp/kill site

conta'ining extinct fauna similar to the lower two units in addition to mammoth and antelope. Also exhibiting good percussion flaking and pressure retouch techniques, the lithic industry of Unit C contained tools such as bifaces, scrapers, perforators, burins, and a stemmed, basally thinned point with abrupt shoulders and resembling the fish- tail points of El Inga (Irwin-Williams, 1967). 80

After~ studying the long stratigraphic sequence at Valsequillo

Reservoir, it can be seen that these finds are highly significant,

especially in regard to tool technology. From the data collected at these kill sites, it is obvious the subsistence pattern was based upon the hunting of a variety of large game. More importantly the exca vator (Irwin-Williams, 1967; 1968) believes the Unit I artifacts of

crudely edge-worked points on blades and flakes are distinctive in the

New World. Thus the importance of this site, according to Irwin

Williams, lies in proving the existence of a unifacial flake and blade point industry prior to the development of bifacial, stemmed and bi pointed forms which may be ancestral to subsequent point manufac ture in the New World. Although dates are not available from the top two cultural units, the presence of now extinct fauna confirms their Pleistocene age. The age of the site also helps to confirm an early arrival time of man in the New World.

Santa Isabel Iztapan

Located beside a lake in the Valley of Mexico is the big-game hunting site of Santa Isabel Iztapan. These finds, as well as those at Tequi?Cquiac which will be discussed next, were found within the lower part of the Upper Becerra formation whose pedalfer deposits are lacustrine in nature (DeTerra et al, 1949; Aveleyra and

Maldonado, 1953; Aveleyra, 1964). To obtain the age of the site, 81

DeTerra et al ( 1949} correlated the stratigraphy with well-known

local climatic events only after conducting an analysis of the geo

logic and stratigraphic conditions, of glacial activity in the nearby

mountains, and of geohydrology or flucuations. in the extent and

volume of Lake Texcoco. This study :revealed a regular alternation

of humid and dry cycles in the late Pleistocene. The former cycle

is represented by pedalfer deposits, such as those of the Upper

Becerra formation which was correlated to the first part of the last

(Mankato) major pluvial, or about 11, 500 years B. P. These deposits

also are characterized by fossils of extinct fauna typical of the late

or terminal Pleistocene period. Furthermore, radiocarbon dates of

16, 000 and 11, 003 t 500 were obtained within this level from wood and peat samples respectively (Aveleyra; 1964; Wormington, 1957).

With the former date seemingly out of line with all other evidence, the derived age of 11, 500 years B. P. for Santa Isabel Iztapan and

Tequixquiac does not appear unreasonable.

At the site under discussion, there were two separate finds of artifacts with mammoth remains. The first group of tools in cluded a scraper, flake knife, flint hand point which possibly was an end scraper, an obsidian prismatic flake knife which may have served as a spokeshave, flint blade with fine marginal retouch, and a shouldered projectile point of an undetermined type (Aveleyra and

Maldonado, 1953}. The second mammoth find contained a leaf- 82

shaped Lerma point, a bifacial knife, and a finely, marginally re

. touched lanceolate point whose type is unknown (Aveleyra, 1956).

The presence of cutting tools at both mammoth finds is highly in-

. dicative of butchering activities associated with hunting. The dis

covery of three typologically heterogeneous points with extinct fauna

is rare in the New World .. Two of the points, which typologically are

undetermined, at one time were thought to be of the later Scottsbluff

and Angostura types; however, this early identification now appears

doubtful (Irwin-Williams, 1968). Presently it is impossible to con

firm whether these two points could be related to a late development

out of the Lerma point or the reverse could be true ..

Tequixquiac

Lying on the border of the Valley of Mexico, the Tequixquiac

site is a kill site dated- -as previously discus sed--by geological

means to 11, 500 years B. P. Twenty tools comprise the bone and

lithic industries which ¥(ere found associated directly with the faunal

remains of mammoth, horse, bison, camel, ground sloth, and

mastodon (Aveleyra, 1964). Although the tool assemblage lacked

projectile points, the forms of the crude artifacts suggest cutting.

and scraping functions as so ciated with hunting activities (Aveleyra,

1964). The lithic industry was comprised of end and side scrapers

as well as lanceolate- shaped unifacial blades exhibiting pres sure 83

retouch. Also found were bone awls and a sacrum of an extinct

llama which was carved to represent the face of an animal, pr.obably

a coyote (Wormington, 1957; Aveleyra, 1964).

It is significant that the Tequixquiac finds were situated in

the same Upper Becerra formation of the last major pluvial as the

mammoth remains at Santa Isabel Iztapan. As Aveleyra (1964) has

pointed out, the extent of variation of the faunal remains at Tequix

quiac do not reflect the conditions expected for this Late Pleistocene

period. One generally would expc::ct a dwindling faunal collection ..

approaching extinction, perhaps as evidenced by the smaller remains

at Santa Isabel Iztapan. A possible implication is that the Pleistocene fauna in the Central American Region lasted longer than previously believed and became extinct in this area only after they first died out in the North American Region. Or the occurrence of such a variety of fauna could represent one of the last big-game hunting areas, an ecological niche to which Early Man successfully had adapted.

Sierra de Tamaulipas

The Sierra de Tamaulipas site was found within Diablo Cave which is located at the base of a cliff at a short distance above the canyon floor (MacNeish, 1958). After an investigation into the flora, fauna, and geology of the area, MacNeish was able to establish a local sequence of glacial events by correlating geological with climatic 84

periods (MacNeish, 1958; Jennings, 1966). The study resulted in the

determination that the oldest cultural level was found in a soil which was formed during a wet period attributed to a pluvial of the latter part of the Mankato Stadial. From this data, a realistic estimation

of age would be about 10, 500 years B. P. Since the cave was situ ated at the. top of a talus slope, the Tamaulipas site afforded its inhabitants a good view of the canyon and their surrounding environ ment. Having named it the Diablo Complex which would be labeled an industry according to my terminology, MacNeish reports the finding of the following artifacts: crude ovoid bifacial knives, a large simple percussion flaked pebble end scraper, large crude unifacial side scrapers with percussion flaking and pre.ssure retouch, and bifacial choppers from flint cores.

Although the tool industry found was relatively small, the above-lying cultural level contained all of the same tools except pebble scrapers. This layer, which is termed the Lerma phase, is comprised of a large assortment of tools, a number of which are bifacially flaked such as the leaf-shaped, bi-pointed Lerma points

(MacNeish, 1958). Having a radiocarbon date of 9, 270 :[- 500 and geologically dating between 10, 000 and 8, 800 years B. P., the Lerma phase probably was occupied for short periods by small groups who mainly existed upon hunting with some food gathering (MacNeish,

19 58). 85

Considering the Tamaulipas site probably was located in

. scrub steppe environment, one would assume the arid conditions

would not support enough nutritious growth to sustain large herds of

·herbivorous animals. One would expect the presence of animals not

dependent upon abundant plant growth, such as rodents, antelope, and

deer whose faunal remains.along with those of beaver occur in the

Lerma phase. This type of environment most likely would be con

ducive to plant and seed gathering activities. With MacNeish stating

the environment was hot and generally dry, I would expect the

earliest inhabitants of Diablo Cave to follow a seasonal pattern while

practicing a generalized economy. Expressing a similar opinion,

Aveleyra ( 1964} views the earliest level as reflecting a mixed economy

in which hunting and nomadism still played a predominant role.

South American Region

Taima- Taima

Belonging to a big-game hunting cultural tradition, the Taima

Taima kill site yielded fourteen radiocarbon dates ranging from

11, 860 to 14, 440 years B. P. with the main part of the occupation

occurring around 13, 000 (Bryan, 1973). I am in agreement with

Lynch (1974) that such dating is consistent with the other big-game 86

; hunting sites in the New World. Bryan (1973) thinks this area of

· Vanezuela must have supported more vegetation in the past than now,

mainly due to the presence of abundant faunal remains which included.··

mastodon, ground sloth, horse, jaguar, and glyptodont. Figure 2

seems to indicate the existence of a savanna or grassland environ

ment which, according to Butzer, is an area of optimal potential for

animal resources. The lithic industry consisted of bifacial choppers,

·large crude flakes, and portions of three bifacially flaked El Jobo

points, one of which was in direct association with a mastodon

(Bryan, 1973). The finding of El Jobo points at this early time makes

this the oldest dated site in the New World containing laurel leaf

shaped points. With the Lerma points in Units C and Eat Valse

quillo Reservoir as yet undated, Taima- Taima could represent the

place of origin of such laurel leaf-shaped points.

Tagua- Tagua

The Paleo-Indian occupation of Laguna de Tagua- Tagua

apparently is indicative of a big-game hunting subsistence pattern.

Having a radiocarbon date of 11, 430 :t- 320 years taken from charcoal,

Tagua- Tagua is a kill and butchering site located in a swampy area

within a mountain valley (Lynch, 1974). The site appears to be

situated in an ideal hunting area, for it is positioned near a pass

through which the animals entered the lake basin to obtain .water. 87

Faunal remains included large game as horse and mastodon, as well

as deer, bird, fish, frog, rodent bones (Montane, 1968). Examina-

.tion of the bones showed evidence of butchering. Associated with the

faunal remains were fifty stone artifacts including unifacial flakes

with prepared platforms, waste flakes., flake-scrapers, choppers,

and one knife (Montane, 1968). The same author also reported the

utilization of horse bone, perhaps as scrapers.

There is no doubt of the contemporaneity of the cultural

material since this level is covered by sterile unbroken deposits

upon which lies a younger lithic industry containing projectile points

{Montane, 1968). Willey (1971) believes the artifacts of the oldest

industry suggest a Levallois -Mousterian technology that is consis

tent with the manufacture of bifacially flaked projectile points, but

is puzzled over their absence. I think it is safe to expect that points

were used at this big-game hunting site, but at this time it would be

difficult to hypothesize what point type(s) were utilized and whether

they were unifacially or bifacially flaked.

El Abra

Located in the northern Andean region, the rock shelters at

El Abra have been found to contain a crude lithic industry character

ized by unifacial retouch. Although a radiocarbon date of 12,400 :±-

160 years B. P. was taken from a unit whose artifacts possibly were 88

intrusive, a C-14 date of 10, 750 ± 400 years came from a cultural

level whichdefinitely was undisturbed (Hurt et al., 1972). The

lithic industry, which contains more artifacts than other non-projec

tile point industries in South America, mainly consisted of various

end and side scrapers made on flakes and pebbles as well as several

perforators and spokeshaves (Hurt et al., 1972). While there is

little cultural evidence available, Hurt et al. (1972) and Ossa (1973)

were impressed by the distinctiveness of this lithic flake tool indus-

try.

Although no projectile points were found and the bifacial

technique was lacking, the many unidentified bone fragl?ents were

felt to indicate at least part of the subsistence pattern was based upon

hunting (Hurt et al., 1972). The same authors conducted a functional

tool analysis which suggested butchering, hide-working, and wood

cutting activities. While the environment was characterized by a warm and moist climate, a forest cover of mostly alder and forest

type flora was replacing the retreating, older Paramo vegetation which now is confined to the higher elevations (Hurt et al., 1972).

A transitional environment of this type would not be conducive- according to Butzer's (1971) environmental resources descriptio:t?-- to extensive big-game hunting. Instead, the type of vegetation moving in would be suggestive of a propical deciduous forest/park land en vironment which probably would support a mixed economy. 89

La Cumbre

The La Cumbre workshop site is situated near the alluvial·

plain of the Rio Seco Quebrada and has radiocarbon dates ranging

from slightly over 10,000 to slightly over 13,000 years B~ P. In

. addition to finding the faunal remains of mastodon and horse, many

stone artifacts also were recovered. Included in the llthic industry

were numerous side scrapers, fluted fish-tail points, stemmed short

and long Paijan points, and triangular points with concave bases

{Ossa, 1973). Considering the faunal remains and the abundance

of side scrapers and projectile points, I think it is reasonable to

assume the evidence weighs heavily towards a big-game hunting sub

sistence pattern.

The significance of this site lies in the number, as well as

their respective frequencies, of projectile point types which are pre

sent. Why are so many types found at La Cumbre? Ossa suggests

the contemporaneity of the long stemmed Paijan points and fish-tail

pointq was due to functional differences; i.e., the longer points were

used on larger game in order to achieve a deeper penetration. If

this is true, perhaps the smaller points are indicative of supplemen

tary small-game hunting activities. In viewing this variability, Ossa

sees this tool industry as quite flexible and responsive to the need

and availability of raw material. 90

· Guitarrero Cave

Found on a steep mountain side at an elevation of 2, 600 meters,

the Guitarrero Cave site yielded two levels of cultural material

(Lynch, 1971 ). Having a date of 12, 560 ±- 360 years B. P. taken on

charcoal, Level I contained a five-hundred piece lithic industry com

prised mainly of simpie, unifacial flake tools (Lynch and Kennedy,

1970). The artifacts were mostly scrapers and un- retouched flakes

with several choppers, hammerstones, crude cores, and one knife.

As no burins or bifaces were present, the authors felt the flake tools

to be similar to those of Tagua-Tagua and Ayachucho, the next site

to be discussed. Several bifacia1 tools, including a ste:J;Umed point,

were felt to be intrusive in this generally unifacial industry (Lynch

and Kennedy, 1970; Lynch, 1974). They appear to fit better into the

bifacial lithic industry of Level II. Dated at 10, 535 :t 290 years B. P.,

Level II' s assemblage consisted of a bone flesher and awl, a grinding

slab, numerous scrapers, and some leaf- shaped points. The latter

category contained· small lanceolate leaf-shaped points and lanceolate

points of the Ayampitin/willow-leaf type, including some with

. shoulders (Lynch and Kennedy, 1970).

In conducting an environmental study of the area, Lynch

(1971) claims this foothill region .provides few food resources during the dry season and that the climate has changed little since the time of 91

this habitation. Furthermore, the plantremains which were re-

. covered from the site are native to the coastal area. Taking this

evidence into consideration, Lynch feels Guitarrero Cave possibly was

. occupied in the wet season, but during the season it served as a base

camp within a pattern of seasonal transhumance between the sea anq

the sierra. Although there is only slight seasonal temperature varia-

tions in either environmental zone, there occurs in both zones a

marked seasonal availability of water and growth of vegetation. Thus

a pattern of seasonal migrations would be beneficial to hunter-gatherer

groups who would travel from the sierra to the sea, where the lomas

vegetation would be exploited, and then back to the s~erra (Lynch,

1971).

Additional evidence tends to confirm the existence of a mixed

economy. With a low degree of molar wear present, a human man-

dible found in Level I hints at a diet consisting more of meat eating

than consumption of vegetalfoods (Lynch and Kennedy, 1970). Although

this is only one sample, the evidence cannot be ignored. Lanning . .

( 196 5) also sees the coastal area as a resource rich ecological niche

to which hunter-gatherer groups were attracted from the mountains

during the wet season. In fact it is felt that during the Pleistocene

the fog- shrouded coast supported much more lomas vegetation than at

present, thus increasing the area's attractiveness (Lanning and Patt-

erson, 1967). In addition to exploiting the lomas, Early Man, as 92

Lanning ( 1965) views the evidence, also could gather potatoes and

hunt a number of animals, such as deer and guanaco which came

down from the highlands to feed on the available vegetation. Although no points are present in Level I, the occurrence of scrapers and

choppers· indicate a mixed economy with more of a reliance on hunt ing due to the sheer number of scrapers. The proliferation of leaf

shaped points and scrapers in Level II hints at an even heavier em phasis upon hunting. In order to further confirm this Paleo-Indian pattern of seasonal transhumance, more sites within the coastal and

sierra zones which are related to this movement will need to be uncovered.

Ayacucho

Lying within a mountain-ringed valley, the dramatic Ayacucho finds, which yielded the oldest dates in South America, consist of two cave sites: Pikimachay or Flea Cave at an elevation of 2, 800 meters- and Jayamachay or Pepper Cave situated about twenty-five kilometers from the former site at an elevation of 3, 400 meters

(MacNeish, 1971). According to MacNeish, excavation of Flea Cave yielded .two tool complexes whose distinctive associations I fail to see and thus would regard them as assemblages. The Paccaicasa Com

_plex, which the excavator classifies in the Core Tool Tradition, con sists of four cultural levels with the oldest having a geological date of 93

23,000 years B. P., and the youngest having a carbon-14 date of

.14, 700 :!:" 1, 400 years taken from the bones of a sloth. The former date was derived by correlating the stratigraphy with climatic or glacial fluctuations. The sequence of events was established after a

study of soil acidities, pollen samples, and faunal remains (Mac

Neish, 1971).

The four cultural zones collectively yielded fifty tools which

MacNeish thinks are much alike, as they are all uniformly large and crude in manufacture. Tool types included side scrapers, choppers, cleavers, spokeshaves, and denticulate forms in addition to a number of waste flakes. Tools mainly were manufactured from volcanic tuff, but some were made from rounded pebble and basalt. · Faunal re mains included extinct sloth, horse, and a possible ancestral species of horse or camel.

The next two overlying levels comprise the Ayacucho Cmnplex which has a date of 14, 150 t 180 years also taken from a sloth bone.

Although some of the tools present here were similar to the crude volcanic tuff artifacts of the below-lying Paccaicasa Complex, most were fashioned from quite different tool materials such as basalt, chert, chalcedony, and quartzite pebbles. Whereas the choppers and spokeshaves are of the same Core Tool Tradition of the lower-lying complex, new forrns of core tools also appear, such as split-pebble scrapers and fluted wedges. However, flake tools of the Ayacucho 94

Complex far outnumber the core tools. Such newly appearing tools

are burins, gravers, sidescrapers, flake spokeshaves, denticulate

flakes, and unifacial projectile points. Also initially occurring are

bone tools: triangular projectile points, polishers, punches, and

fleshers •. Faunal remains much more extensive than those associated

with the older Paccaicasa complex include: horse, camel, puma,

s"Kunk, sloth, possibly mastodon, and an extinct species of deer.

With the last Paleo-Indian cultural level in Flea Cave containing only

three artifacts (a blade, sidescraper, and a large denticulate

scraper), MacNeish feels there is not enough evidence to draw any

conclusions.

The other part of the Ayacucho finds were excavated from

Pepper Cave which lies about fifty meters above the Cachi River.

The four lowest cultural levels comprise the Huanta Complex which

runs from about the last 1, 000 years of the Pleistocene and ends at

9, 700 years B. P. in the very early Post:...Pleistocene. In association

with the bones of horse, an extinct species of deer and possibly llama,

· the Huanta Complex contained end· and sidescrapers, blades, burins,

gravers, and bifacially flaked projectile points with a fish-tail base.

The reJT?.ainder of the Ayacucho excavations do not fall within the time

period of Early Man.

Several important inferences can be drawn from these finds.

First, having conducted extensive soil studies and pollen analyses, 95

MacNeish tentatively has reconstructed past environments and cli

mates corresponding to the various cultural levels. If these results

hold true and become substantiated by future research, MacNeish

has proven that in the New World glacial advances and retreats in the

Southern Hemisphere do not synchronize with those of the Northern

Hemisphere. These findings would force archeologists to re-examine

the periods of glacial activity and their effect ·on the environments in

the Southern Hemisphere in the Late Pleistocene.

Another point to be· raised concerns the volcanic tuff artifacts

of the Paccaicasa Complex. Some authors (Lynch, 1974} think it is

extremely difficult to identify positively these "tools" as being the

result of human workmanship. Even MacNeish concedes it is poss

ible the former tools are only an inadequate sample of the overlying

. Ayacucho Complex. Since there is doubt whether the volcanic tuff

was altered humanly despite the internal consistency of all dates from

the site, I am in agreement with Lynch that the Paccaicasa and Aya

cucho Complexes should be combined as one until firm evidence

proves otherwise. Thus, the earliest acceptable date for human

habitationis 14, 700 :!- 1, 400 years which is the date associated with

the several pebble and basalt tools i~ the Paccaicasa Complex's top

cultural level. Unifacial flaking possibly occurred prior to bifacial

flaking as the first such bifacial points occur in the Huanta Complex. 96

Several comments can be made about the early subsistence

base. The combined tool complex, or assemblage which would be

more consistent with my terminology, indicates the carrying on of

gathering and hunting activities. Since most of the tools present are

related to the latter activity, perhaps .hunting was emphasized but the

existence of choppers hints at some processing of plants. As Mac.

N eish points out that a number of environments ranging from sub

tropical desert to subarctic tundra were available to the inhabitants

of Flea Cave within a twenty-five kilometer radius, the practicing of ·, a mixed economy was feasible as well as attractive. These surround

ing environments varied in animal carrying capacity and available

plant growth. The following Huanta Complex, which contained bifacial

fish-tail points, perhaps shows evidence of increased reliance upon

hunting maybe in response to changing environmental conditions.

Nevertheless, the existence of an Early Man site in South America at

about 15, 000 with fairly well-developed lithic and bone industries

most likely is indicative of a migration into the New World of at

least several thousand years earlier.

Los Toldos Cave

Although only briefly reported, renewed excavations in the

Canadon de las Cuevas on the Estancia Los Toldos have resulted in the defining of a new flake industry in the extreme southern portion 97

of South America (Lynch, 1974). While artifacts are scarce, the

lowest level of Cave No. 3 has yielded twelve unifacial flake-scrapers

of several types, one of which could serve as a projectile point.

This industry has a date of 12, 650 i" 600 years B. P. taken from

hearth charcoal at the lowest part of the level. The overlying

Toldense lithic industry, whose occupation ends at about 8, 800 +

480, is characterized by bifacial flaking unlike the lower industry.

Tools include large bifaces, one discoidal stone, and various types

of bifacially flaked projectile points of which one is an unfluted fish

tail type (Bird, 1970; Lynch, 1974). Bird als.o reports the finding of

a horse tooth. At the present time due to incomplete evidence, it is not positively known if the unifacial tools of the lowest level are

separate industry rather than an earlier part of the Toldense industry

(Lynch, 1974). The meager evidence does not allow for a reasonable assessment of the environment or economy.

Fell's and Palli Aike Caves

The Magellan I tool complex, which radiocarbon dates to

11, 050 ± 170 years B. P. (Lynch, 1974), is derived from two

Magellan and within thirty kilometers of each other, these camp-' sites were found about fifty meters from the treeless, windswept grasslands whose environment is likened to that of the High Plains. 98

of the North American Region (Bird, 1938; Willey, 1971). Fell 1 s

Cave yielded Magellan fish-tail projectile points, various U?ifacial

flake end and side scrapers, bone flaking tools and awls, and dis

coidal stones (Willey, 1971). Faunal remains included horse, ground

sloth, and guanaco (Bird, 1938; Willey, 1971 ). At Palli Aike Cave

ground sloth and horse were found associated with tools similar to

those found at Fell 1 s Cave. There were bone points and awls, end

and side scrapers, and Magellan fish-tail points. It is evident the

Magellan I tool complex is highly indicative of a hunting oriented

economy.

The Magellan I tool complex is the type site for the distinct

ive fish-tail projectile points. They exhibit well-controlled, bifacial

percussion and pres sure flaking as well as some degree of fluting;

however, the points do not occur in the later overlying levels. While

some authors (Willey, 1971) see much resemblance between these

points arid their contemporaries occurring on the High Plains of the

North American Region, I think their shapes noticeably differ from

the Clovis and Folsom points although all three are characterized

by some degree of fluting. The tools that remain a mystery are the lava discoidal stones which Willey (1971) believes may have been

used as depilators for hides. In studying a similar artifact at Los

Toldos, Bird (1970) is puzzled at their possible use but does not rule out their functioning as pigment grinders. N onethe1es s, occurring 99

in a potentially rich grassland environment at the extreme tip of the

South American Region are hunting campsites occupied by Paleo

Indians using a highly distinctive projectile point. CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

Discussion of Main Hypothesis

Main Hypothesis: If there is no valid evidence of Early Man

(except for the Llano and Folsom Complexes) inhabiting the New World during the Pleistocene, then Clovis and Folsom hunters represent the only PaleoOindian adaptation and cultural tradition during this geo logic epoch.

As a means of facilitating a discussion of the hypotheses,

Tables 2 and 3 were constructed to summarize the pertinent data from the Paleo-Indian sites under investigation. The tables basically are self-explanatory. A blank exists in those places where there was insufficient cultural and ecological evidence to determine the site's date, environm.ental setting, cultural tradition, and/ or projectile points present. The category of "cultural tradition" refers to my classification of the sites in terms of what economic activities are thought to be taking place. This will be elaborated upon below.

My analysis of the data results in the negation of the main hypothesis. This rejection was made due to the appearance of valid

100 101

evidence representing the existence of Early Man adaptations and cultural traditions {other than the Llano and Folsom Complexes) in the Pleistocene. The term "valid evidence" refers to those sites which have been deemed as indicative of Paleo-Indian occupations by having met my previously established criteria governing the accep tance of Early Man sites. Not only do a number of these Early Man sites predate the Clovis and Folsom sites thus proving the validity of additional Paleo-Indian adaptations; but also, there is evidence for the existence of cultural traditions other than the respective mammoth and bison big-game hunting economies of the Llano and Folsom Com plexes.

With the rejection of the main hypothesis, I felt--if possible- some other explanation of the Early Man sites was necessary to or ganize the data collected and to propose alternative hypotheses which can be used in the course of future research. It is of my opinion that this action is the responsibility of each and every researcher and is an inherent part .of the process of hypothesis testing.

What evidence, then, does the data reveal? In the New World

I see two Paleo-Indian economic traditions. The first one, which is a specialized adaptation, will be referred to as the New World Big

Game Hunting Cultural Tradition and includes the following sites:

Onion Portage, Healey Lake, Lehner Ranch, Lindenmeier, Debert,

Holcombe Beach, Dutchess Quarry Cave, Valsequillo Reservoir, 102

Santa Isabel Iztapan, Tequixquiac, Taima- Tetima, Tagua- Tagua, La

Cumbre, and Fell's and Palli Aike Caves. Being a much more generalized adaptive mechanism, the second economy is named the

New World Hunting- Gathering-Fishing Cultural Tradition which con sists of these sites: South Yale, Wilson Butte Cave, Smith Creek

Cave, Fort Rock Cave, Five Mile Rapids, Lind Coulee, Tamaulipas,

El Abra, Guitarrero Cave, and the Paccaicasa/Ayacucho Complex at

Ayacucho.

The inclusion of a site into a cultural tradition was based upon the following evidence obtained from each particular site: faunal re mains, cultural material, and geological and envir~nmental evi dence. Then, from the data at hand, it was decided whether the evidence pointed strictly to hunting activities or to the carrying o"n of at least two of the three general subsistence activities. If the latter held true, the site was placed in the generalized cultural tradition.

However, if there was only evidence of hunting, the site was felt to be representative of the specialized economy. If not enough evidence was available to make such a determination (as in the case of Los Toldos and the Huanta Complex at Ayacucho), then the site was not included in either category. Since the nature of these data and their inter pretation is not hard and steadfast, the possibility of site reclassi fication is very real, especially in light of new data obtained through future re-examination. Now for a discussion of both cultural 103

traditions.

Since Unit I at Valsequillo Reservoir is the oldest dated site

(21, 850 ±- 850 years}, the New World Big-Game Hunting Cultural

Tradition presently seems to have begun about 22, 000 years ago and persisted up to the onset of the Holocene or recent geologic epoch at

10,000 years B. P. The occurrence of these sites cannot be corre lated with one type of environment, for they are situated in a variety of ecological zones: prairie or grassland, forest/tundra border, tundra, and lakeshore. However, it is significant that all but the last environment are considered by Fitting ( 1970} and Butzer (1971} to have a high carrying-capacity for large herd animals. With the available evidence, it is extremely difficult to designate environ ments within which those three sites from the Central American

Region and the Huanta Complex at Ayacucho fall.

Upon an examination of the faunal remains present at the sites belonging to this specialized economy, a few comments are in order.

As has been pointed out, past literature has connected the Clovis hunters with the exploitation of mammoth and the Folsom hunters with an extinct form of bison. Taking this evidence into considera tion along with the data from the Onion Portage tundra site and the forest/tundra habitations which are indicative of the hunting of cari bou, one would think that the big-game hunting sites in the North

American Region testify to the specialized exploitation of a particular 104

animal species within a particular area. On the one hand, the data point to the exclusive hunting of caribou in a forest/tundra environ ment and at Onion Portage. However, on the other hand, a closer scrutiny of the faunal remains at the Clovis sites does not indicate a similar singular association of these points with mammoth (Gorme~:n,

1969; Martin and Flog, 1973). A study of the Clovis sites proves the existence of a significant amount of secondary fauna: at Lehner

Ranch horse, tapir, and bison occur in addition to mammoth (Haury et al., 1959); the Murray Springs site contains horse, bison, camel, wolf, and mammoth remains (Haynes, 1969; Martin and Flog, 1973); and Blackwater Draw contains bison, camel, and horse in addition to mammoth in its Clovis level (Willey, 1966).

Although camel and bison reportedly are found at the Linden meier site (Willey, 1966 ), a review of the Folsom sites shows that the presence of secondary faunal remains was rare or minimal.

Several possible explanations come to mind. With the Pleistocene epoch quickly coming to a close at this time, one would expect to find a smaller variety of faunal remains as the environment became increasingly inhospitable to the survival of Pleistocene fauna. Since major environmental changes were in progress, it would not be un expected to find fewer animal species in these faunal collections.

Wilkinson ( 1972), for one, believes changing climatic conditions at this time played a significant role in the final stages of faunal 105

extinction.

Secondly, it is thought that Clovis sites represent the killing

of mammoth one at a time with a site containing a succession of kills, whereas Folsom sites are indicative of the mass killing of bison

(Wheat, 1971}. Thus by killing more bison than mammoth at one

time, Early Man probably would have obtained more food resources irl one mass kill and would have found the hunting of other animals unnecessary, in spite of the mammoth being a larger animal and pro bably providing more meat. Mass kills may have been aided by the fact bison possibly were more plentiful, predictable, and/or gregar ious than mammoth.

Another explanation is available from Irwin-Williams and

Haynes (1970). First they suggest that the sudden abundance of

Clovis sites indicates a large increase in population as well as the penetration and occupation of previously uninhabited areas. With such an increase in population, there was a successful systematic exploitation of a variety of the available fauna, which included mammoth as well as horse, camel, sloth, and bison. The authors believe this probably was a departure from previously less special ized and less successful adaptations. Since a dry climatic period preceded the emergence of the Folsom hunters, the habitable area for bison shrank considerably to an area concentrated in the High

Plains. However with the onset of intensive bison hunting, there was 106

an increase in available effective moisture that provided climatic

conditions conducive to the existence of large bison herds in this

area.

Irwin-Williams and Haynes claim the Folsom Complex repre

sents the successful adaptation of hunting oriented people who were

unwilling or unable to adopt a mixed-foraging economy in other en-·

vironments which no longer were capable of supporting big-game

hunting economies. Consequently, these people withdrew to concen

trate on the High Plains where optimal hunting conditions still

existed. This adaptation was based not only upon a restricted envir

onmental area, but also upon a selective narrow spectrum of the

area 1 s potential resources (Irwin-Williams and Haynes, 1970). Al

though the claim that the Llano Complex is indicative of a sudden

population increase is based upon negative evidence, the authors do

support their discussion on Folsom sites by correlating climatic

precipitation cycles with demographic fluctuations.

The evidence from those sites in the North American Region

belonging to the New World Big-Game Hunting Cultural Tradition no longer can support the contention that Clovis points are associated

exclusively with mammoth hunting. Instead the data imply that the people of the Llano Complex hunted a variety of Pleistocene fauna in a grassland environment, while having a preference for mammoth but hunting other fauna when available or necessary. Beginning at 107

least 1, 000 years earlier and being contemporaneous with the Folsom

hunters, the big-game hunting of caribou was taking place in the

forest/tundra border environments as evidenced at the Debert, Hol

combe Beach, and Dutchess Quarry Cave site.s. At present it appears

this was the only animal hunted in this ecological niche, but a pre

vious part of this paper has alluded to the possibility that mastodon,

which is a herbivorous forest/tundra browser "too, additionally were

available for exploitation. If more sites with the unique association

of caribou remains, bipolar tools, and Debert points are found, then the existence of another Paleo-Indian complex will have been con

firmed. As of now, only Holcombe Beach and Debert exhibit such

characteristics. The tundra site of Onion Portage also shows evi

dence of caribou hunting with no indications of the exploitation of

other fauna. Generalizations over such occupations will have to

await the finding of more tundra sites. The Folsom hunters were prevalent in the grasslands of the High Plains region during the last thousand years of the Pleistocene. Here environmental conditions were suitable for an intense exploitation with little attention being

given to secondary fauna. Several theories were offered in order to try to explain this behavior. At the present stage of Paleo-Indian

studies, any one or combination of these explanations could hold true.

The sites from the North American Region indicate either a preference for a particular type of large game with some degree of - 108

supplementary fauna being exploited (as in the Llano and Folsom

Complexes} or an exclusive exploitation of just one species of large

game (as in the forest/tundra sites). The sites from the Central and

South American Regions show a much larger variety of faunal re mains. This finding could have one o.r several implications: envir onmental conditions were more conducive to the existence of Pleisto cene large game herds, a wider or less specialized exploitation of the available fauna, or even large band populations who found it nec essary to exploit whatever large game was available. If the former argument concerning the environmental conditions is true, this would have a significant impact upon the generally held belief that faunal extinction first occurred in the Central and South American

Regions and lastly in the North American Region. (Consult Martin and Wright [ 1967] for a thorough discussion of faunal extinction in the New ·world). Nevertheless the total evidence indicates the ex istence of a specialized New World Big-Game Hunting Cultural Tradi tion beginning by at least 22, 000 B. P., and mostly centering upon fauna now extinct, with some sites containing modern large game species (i.e., caribou). The amount of supplementary faunal remains present may vary with the environment, size of Paleo-Indian bands, and/or availability of secondary fauna.

Since WHson Butte Cave is the oldest dated site in the New

World Hunting-Gathering-Fishing Cultural Tradition, then this 109

economy is felt to have begun at least by 15, 000 years B. P., and

continued through the remainder of the Pleistocene. From Tables 2

and 3 it can be seen that there is some correlation of site location

with environmental setting. Five sites represent riverine or lake

shore adaptations while two occur within scrub steppe and only on~

within a tropical forest/parkland environment. The ecology of the

earliest complex at Ayacucho and the Wilson Butte Cave site are

undetermined. As the evidence appears, all of the sites show some

connection with at least two of the three general subsistence patterns

which would include such activities as plant gathering, root process

ing, shell fish and nut collecting, small and big-gan:-e hunting, and

fishing.

Although only exhibiting evidence related to hunting activities,

the Lind Coulee site tentatively will be placed in this cultural trad

ition. This interpretation is based upon the following reasons:

seasonal nature of the site, extensive faunal remains of small game

in addition to bison, the absence of fluted projectile points and pre

sence of non-fluted points which appear to be a local style, the site's

location in a lakeshore environment, and the appearance of crescentic

shaped scrapers. This latter artifact commonly is associated with

early Post- Pleistocene sites in the western United States (Daugherty,

1956; Meighan and Haynes, 1970). Lind Coulee shares more traits with the generalized cultural tradition than the specialized big-game 110

hunting economy. Thus the site represents a seasonal adaptation to a microenvironment at which mainly bison and a significant amount of small game was hunted. The Lind Coulee site should be considered as one type of adaptation within the yearly round of seasonal exploi tations of the area's resources. This generalized pattern of exploi tation, nomadism, and lack of intensity of occupation is typical of the New World Hunting-Gathering-Fishing Cultural Tradition.

Figure 5 shows all sites belonging to this generalized cultural tradition essentially are located in the western part of both contin ents within a short distance of the main mountain chain which runs north-south from Alaska to the tip of South America. As for the specialized big-game hunting sites, most lie within this same pro venience but some also are found in the eastern part of the North

American Region. However, it will be noticed that the latter sites have a greater distribution on a north-south axis than the sites be longing to the generalized economy.

In the discussion on glacial history, Hester (1966) was cited for his observation that hunting sites in South America occur solely within the tundra environment of the Andean mountain chain. He believed this was indicative of a migration route along the tundra zone whose conditions would not require major changes in adaptation by the migrating hunters. 111

Equator

Figure 5

DISTRIBUTION OF CULTURAL TRADITIONS

• Specialized Big-Game Hunting Sites • Generalized Hunting- Gathering-Fishing Sites 112

Contrary to Hester but in agreement with Warren (1967) and

Bryan (1973), I believe it is more plausible Early Man entered the

New World with a generalized economy, for it would allow Early Man more freedom in his adaptations and would not restrict him from in habiting pnly one type of environment. Within the area of the contin ental mountain range, there were many ecological niches to which

Early Man easily could exploit and through which he could migra,te.

Obviously confirmation or rejection of this hypothesis will have to await further research. However, if Wilkinson 1 s ( 1972) recent conten tion that animal extinction was already underway by 25, 000 years when man entered the New World, then perhaps Early Man was in the process of adapting to a generalized economy at this time.

Due_ to the inherent advantages of a generalized economy,

Paleo-Indian populations found their cultural base conducive to ex ploiting the pristine land of the New World. However at various times they found it beneficial to subsist mainly upon big-game hunting when they found an environment or ecological niche to which they could adapt successfully with a specialized economy. The Llano and

Folsom Complexes could represent such an adaptation. After the

Clovis hunters had adopted a big-game hunting economy for five hundred years, it is entirely possible- -as suggested by Irwin

Williams and Haynes (1970)- -the Folsom Complex represents their inability or unwillingness to return to practicing a generalized 113

economy when the grasslands underwent a considerable reduction in

size. The distribution of sites exhibiting a generalized economy im'

plies an adaptation to mountain-valley-high plateau regions which

probably were more ecologically diversified than, for example, the

more vastly uniform High Plains region. Within an environmentally

differentiated region, Early Man could adopt a seasonal exploitation

system by utilizing each niche 1 s main food resource. Such behavior

would allow those people who practiced a generalized economy from

overexploiting an area until changing climatic conditions and/or

increasing populations forced a much more intensive occupation of

various regions in the Post-Pelistocene.

Discussion of Corollary Hypothesis

Corollary Hypothesis: If there is no valid evidence in the New

World for other Early Man cultural traditions within the Pleistocene, then no bifacially flaked lanceolate projectile point industries (ex

cept for the Llano and Folsom Complexes) existed during this time.

In looking at Tables 2 and 3, one can see the earliest dated bifacially flaked lanceolate projectile point occurs at Fort Rock Cave at 13, 200 ± 720 years B. P. Since this find alone predates the time ranges of Clovis and Folsom points,. then it is apparent that the cor ollary hypothesi·s also will have to be rejected. A bifacially flaked lanceolate projectile point industry refers to any lithic industry 114

containing such points. In fact, it will be shown that altogether there are three types of such industries which predate Clovis and·

Folsom.

A more detailed analysis of New World Paleo-Indian projec tile point types necessitates the construction of Table 4. Projectile points were broken down into four types which then were noted in regard to within what environments they occurred, with what cultural traditions they are associated, the date for each point found, the time range within the Paleo-Indian period for each type, and the average age for each type.

Some clarification is needed before the results of this study are discussed. First, the sites which contain no projectile points at all (Tequixquiac, Tamaulipas, Tagua- Tague, El Abra, Los Toldos,

South Yale, Wilson Butte Cave, and Dutchess Quarry Cave) obviously were eliminated. Only those projectile point types which appeared at two or more sites were included in Table 4. In Tables 2 and 3

under the category of ''projectile point, t.t one will notice the term

"other. " This refers to those styles which occur only at one site.

Although these types do not appear in Table 4, their analysis was not neglected. However, no significant implications could be drawn from them collectively as a group or separately as a sample size of one.

For now they will be regarded as local styles made in response to the environment in which the site was located. Such action results Proiectile Point Types I

I Mohave Leaf-Shaped Fish- Tail Fluted

Environments Lakeshore Tundra Grassland Grassland Scrub Steppe Forest/Tundra Grassland Riverine

Cultural Generalized Generalized Specialized Specialized Traditions Specialized

Dates 13,200 t 720 11,090 ± 170 11, 000 11, 000 (years B. P. ) 11,680 t 160 11, 000 11,050 ± 170 10, 600 - 10, 700 11, 500 10,000- 13,000 11,245 ± 310 13,000 10, 500 ± 230 10, 535 t 290

T'ime Range 11,680-13,200 10, 535 - 13,000 10,000 - 13,000 10, 000 - 11, 500

Average Age 12,440 11,425 11, 183 10,849

TABLE 4: PROJECTILE POINT TYPES

"""' U1"""' 116

in the elimination of the Lind Coulee site since only a local style

appears here. This exclusion of nine sites yields a working sample

of fifteen sites. It should be emphasized that the conclusions drawn

from this study are extremely tentative due to the small sample size.

Secondly, those sites (Unit I at Valsequillo Reservoir and the

Paccaicasa-Ayacucho Complex at Ayacucho} yielding unifacial points

are not included since the corollary hypothesis is concerned with bi

facial types. However, the former points do have great antiquity-

dated at 21, 850 ± and 14, 700 -::- 1,400 respectively- -and possibly could

serve as the initial stage of projectile point production in the New

World.

Thirdly, in this analysis, the leaf-shaped type includes Cas

cade, Lerma, El Jobo, and Ayampitin points. At least one author

hlaintains some Lerma points are within the range of variation of El

Jobo points (Lanning, 1970}. Another author (Aveleyra, 1964} be

lieves the Lerma bipointed lanceolate point is an extremely simple

and primordial form which easily could be recreated at many times

and places in the New World. Until more leaf-shaped points are dis

covered and distinctive types established, all will be combined into one general point type for the purpose of this study. Furthermore, although a leaf-shaped point does appear in Unit Eat Valsequillo

Reservoir, the site's environmental context remains uncertain as 'do the exact dates for Units C and E which fall between 21, 850 + 850 and 117

10,000 years B. P.

Finally, the fluted point type includes Clovis, Folsom, and those found at Holcombe Beach and Debert. This was done not only to facilitate analysis, but also since MacDonald (1969) thinks they share a number of traits. In my opinion, more finds of the latter points are needed in order_ to establish them as distinctive types.

An investigation into the environments and economies within which the leaf- shaped points occur will show a very wide range of association. Although there is no firm correlation with any environ .. ment, it will be noticed in Figure 6 all leaf-shaped points occur in the western portion of both continents. This fact al?ne may suggest an association with the New World Hunting-Gathering-Fishing Cul tural Tradition due to the distribution of this economy's sites. How ever, this point type is found at four big-game hunting sites (Healy

Lake, Santa Isabel Iztapan, Valsequillo Reservoir, and Taima- Taima) and only at two sites (Five Mile Rapids and Guitarrero Cave) with a generalized economy. At this time a confirmed association of leaf shaped points with the latter cultural tradition does not exist.

The four sites (Lindenmeier, Lehner Ranch, Holcombe Beach, and Debert) at which fluted points occur are located within two dif ferent environments, both of which--as previously noted--have a high carrying-capacity for large game animals. Thus, it is not sur prising to find that all of these sites fall within the specialized 118

'\ Equator

Figure 6 DISTRIBUTION OF PROJECTILE POINT TYPES

e Leaf-Shaped 0 Mohave 0 Fluted B Fish-Tail 119

economic tradition. With the fluted points from Debert and Holcombe

Beach falling within the eastern part of the continent as seen in

Figure 6, the theory (Willey, 1966, Haynes, 1964; 1969; 1970) that

no fluted points are found west of the Rocky Mountains remains intact.

However., the recent find of fluted points at the Borax Lake site in

California may cause a reconsideration of the problem. Although

much controversy surrounds its tentative Pleistocene age, Borax

Lake contains the western most find of fluted points from an excavated

site (Meighan and Haynes, 1970).

Of the two remaining point types, the two Mohave points found

at Fort Rock and Smith Creek Caves are associated with the New

World Hunting-Gathering-Fishing Cultural Tradition in a lakeshore

environment. Fish-tail points occur at La Cumbre, Unit C at Val

sequillo Reservoir, Fell's and Palli Aike Caves, and within the

Huanta Complex of Ayacucho. Although all four sites belong to the

specialized big-game hunting cultural tradition, the environment has

been determined only for Fell's and Palli Aike Caves which lie within

a grassland environment. This offers optimal conditions for the ex

ploitation of large game.

In Table 4 under each point type is given the approximate

dating for each find and the known Pleistocene time span for the

existence of each type. Finally, an average age was calculated for

. each point type without the plus -and-minus factors being used. 120

Stuckenrath'.s (1966) averages for Clovis and Folsom points were used instead of just the dates for the Lehner Ranch and Lindenmeier sites. ·

The results not only show the Mohave point as having the greatest

average age at 12, 440 years, but also suggest the occurrence of two other prqj ectile point (leaf- shaped and fish-tail) industries prior to the fluted·points of the Llano and Folsom Complexes.

The data at this stage show the Mohave point to be the possible basic prototype for Paleo-Indian points in the New World. This find ing disagrees with Wormington's (1957) belief that the leaf-shaped point was ancestral to all New World types, although the latter does have the widest distribution from the Arctic to the South American

Regions. The presence of these four projectile point types within the last three-thousand years of the Pleistocene tends to agree with

Butzer's (1971) belief that the diversification and specialization of

Late Paleolithic stone tools was a symptom of the new versatility and flexibility of Early Man's cultural traditions and adaptations.

Furthermore, the range of variation of the leaf- shaped projectile point type within a short period of time over great distances may in dicate the transition to this lithic industry occurred in several places· during approximately the same time. If only the sites representing these four projectile point industries are considered, the data condi tionally support the argument that the initial Paleo-Indian adaptation was based upon a generalized subsistence pattern which became more 121

specialized as time and environmental change progress·ed and as

Early Man adapted to the local environmental situation. Carlson

(1962) seems to believe a number of local cultures began as general

ized riverine adaptations until they b.ecame specialized through local

environmental adaptations.

Summary

This study of Early Man has resulted in the rejection of both

hypotheses proposed at the beginning of the paper. Instead of con

firming the Llano Complex as the initial cultural adaptation in the New

World, the data suggest two Paleo-Indian economies: the New World

Big-Game Hunting Cultural Tradition and the New World Hunting

Gathering-Fishing Cultural Tradition. Beginning at 22,000 years

B. P. , the former is a specialized adaptation based upon the exploi

tation of a variety of large Pleistocene and modern fauna. The

latter economy whose sites take on a rigid western continental dis tribution, represents a generalized exploitation appearing about

15, 000 B. P. Seemingly adapted to mountain-valley-high plateau

regions, this economy's sites mainly lie within lakeshore or riverine

environments and indicate a nomadic or seasonal pattern which ex ploits to a small degree each niche 1 s resources. With rejection of the corollary hypothesis, the data show three bifacially flaked lan ceolate projectile point industries having an average age older than 122

the fluted point industry. Although there is some evidence of a uni facial projectile point stage at the beginning of the Woodfordian

Stadial, the Mohave point dated at 13, 200 ± 720 years from Fort Rock

Cave now stands as the oldest bifacial point in the New World.

A number of authors (Wilmsen, 1968b; Bryan, 1973; Irwin

Williams and Haynes, 1970) see Early Man studies as being charac terized by overly simplistic methods of analysis and an excessive preoccupation with projectile point discussions. In this thesis, I have tried to avoid these same pitfalls by invoking a broader approach to the study of Early Man in order to obtain a more complete concep tualization of the cultural processes. This attempt, I feel, has re sulted in showing Paleo-Indian adaptations to be more complex than just involving the simple ways of a hunting life. In the course of the study I have proposed two cultural traditions. I wish them to be ex amined not so much for the kind of data they contain but more as hypothetical concepts which are to be evaluated iri terms of what can be accomplished with them. In this respect I totally support Butler

(1965) who convincingly argues that the validity of these types of concepts is contigent on their success as research tools. 123

Comments On and Suggestions For Early Man Studies

In researching the literature related to this paper, I was hindered on a number of occasions by such irregularities as the lack of complete reporting, interpretations based upon "hidden data, " lack of agreement on terminology, and the role of sensationalism, all of which seem to be characteristic of a significant amount of the books and articles dealing with the subject of Early Man. I would like to make a few comments cnncerning this area and, perhaps, make a few suggestions which may aid in re-directing some parts of Early

Man studies.

First of all, it obviously is not known whether the Early Man sites discovered thus far are a representative sample of the total

'number of existing Paleo-Indian sites. Yet many archeologists per sist in appealing to "hidden data" in the process of interpretation

(Irwin-Williams and Haynes, 1970). There is no justification for such a priori assumptions.

Supposing man did migrate to the New World at a fairly early time, many Paleo-Indian scholars seem to think that inordinately few sites have been found so far. A number of explanations have been offered. Since more continental shelf became exposed with the lower ing of sea level,· coastal habitations are now underwater and covered by ocean sediments; furthermore, the finding of large mammals in 124

this area is felt to be indicative of such possible adaptat~ons (Wilkin son, 1972). The area of the exposed continental shelf along the eastern United States alone is estimated at 250, 000 square kilometers

(Emery and Edwards, 1966). Haynes (1964; 1969) feels there were too few people in the early migrations as well as suggesting that their attempts at adaptation represented extremely poor efforts. Whereas

Haynes also has suggested that Early Man sites were buried very deeply and rapidly (Irwin-Williams and Haynes, 1970), another author sees few sites being buried in time enough for preservation (Martin,

1973). Perhaps many early sites exist on a continent such as Europe because they were found in caves and were not subjected to as much depositional buildup. Possibly applying to many parts of the New

World are the reasons Black (1966) puts forth in explaining the lack of Early Man sites in the Bering Sea area. His list of geologic reasons includes tectonic changes in sea level, shifting of shorelines, coastal erosion, constant volcanism, glacial activity, and constant weathering. To this I might add the freezing and thawing processes characteristic of an area which once was subjected to periglacial activity. In believing that early hunter-gatherers were extremely nomadic, Laughlin (1967) suggests the concentration of their remains was very minimal and that few possessions were left behind as weil as hinting there was little cultural mater.ial to begin with. Bryan

( 1969) believes few biface sites are discovered, for many sites with 125

traces of cultural evidence are labeled as quarry workshops and thus

are not excavated.

During the course of this paper, several other problems in

herent to Early Man studies became apparent·. In discussing Clovis

and Folsom sites, Jennings (1974) claims the total artifact inven

tories are not known for almost all of the sites are kill sites which

lack tools associated with all facets of living. · Thus archeologists

are faced with the nonrepresentation of the total tool industries, un

less habitation sites are lo-cated. Since there is little agreement on

the terminology and cultural affinities of the Paleo-Indian tool indus

tries, Butzer ( 1971) espounses the view that this inability reflects

an almost complete lack of a systematic, typological study of those

assemblages. To these comments, I would like to add that the area

bf Paleo-Indian studies is marked by the lack and/ or tardiness of

complete reporting, be they the publication of site reports or articles

appearing in an archeology journal.

What I would like to see in the future are more Early Man

studies utilizing a theoretical orientation of cultural ecology. I am in

agreement with Irving ( 1971) who claims too much of the literature is characterized by the ignorance of environmental change. I am en

couraged by studies such as the one by Irwin-Williams and Haynes

(1970) who have· examined the close coincidence between major

ecologic-climatic events and demographic events in the Southwest. 126

Others, such as Wilkinson (1972) and Wilms en ( 1968a; 1968b), wisely

have advocated and sought to analyze tool industries within a func

tional framework which, in turn, is related to its environmental con

text. The latter author particularly has felt that technological dif

ferences may be reflective of local ecological differences, and that

such an analysis is a great aid in site determination. Perhaps the.

search for evidence of Paleo-Indian occupations is taking place in the wrong areas. An investigation with an emphasis upon those environ

ments whichseem to have hadan optimal resource base should be

carried out, although not at the expense of the total exclusion of any

one ecological zone.

What would be a tremendous aid to archeologists is badly

needed research which would clarify geologic studies on the Bering

Land Bridge, ice-free corridor, and the affect of the ice age on the

Pleistocene environments. Hopefully these studies would put an end to what Irving refers to as the ''impossibilist approach" to pre

history. " ••• in most cases to begin historical research with the

belief that a particular course of action was closed to a particular

group of men seriously limits our chances of finding out what they were able to do. This is a plea for judgment and common sense, not for uninhibited speculation (Irving, 1971)." This may seem a trifle idealistic, but it's also the most fruitful approach. 127

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