Cultural Diversity in Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene Populations in Northwest South America and Lower Central America

IJSA International Journal of South American Archaeology - IJSA (eISSN 2011-0626) www.ijsa.syllabapress.com

Anthony J. Ranere Temple University, Philadelphia, USA Email address: [email protected]

Carlos E. López Universidad Tecnológica de Pereira, Colombia Email address: [email protected]

Inter. J. South American Archaeol. 1: 25-31 (2007) ID: ijsa00003

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Cultural Diversity in Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene Populations in Northwest South America and Lower Central America

Anthony J. Ranere

Temple University, Philadelphia, USA Email address: [email protected]

Carlos E. López

Universidad Tecnológica de Pereira, Colombia Email address: [email protected]

Available online 30 September 2007

Abstract

Hunter-gatherer populations lived in wildly different geographic settings in the Americas and, not surprisingly, developed a wide range of subsistence, settlement and organizational patterns over time. This variability is evident even looking only at a restricted geographic area - Northwest South America and lower Central America. Distinctive cultural trajectories are already documented at the end of the Pleistocene in some localities, while others remain unexplored at this early period. This article summarizes these regional differences and attempts to account for them in terms of the environmental settings, changing climatic conditions, arrival of new populations and landscape domestication. © 2007 Syllaba Press International Inc. All rights reserved

Keywords: Lower Central America; Northwest South America; Hunter-gatherers; Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene; Cultural Diversity.

Resumen

Las poblaciones de cazadores recolectores vivieron en diferentes entornos geográficos en América y no es de extrañar que desarrollaran amplios rangos de subsistencia, asentamiento y patrones de organización a través del tiempo. Esta variabilidad es evidente incluso observando áreas restringidas del Noroeste de Suramérica y baja Centroamérica. Para los periodos tempranos, distintas trayectorias culturales han sido documentadas al final del Pleistoceno en algunas localidades, mientras otras permanecen inexploradas. Este artículo resume estas diferencias regionales y busca dar explicaciones en términos de contextos ambientales, cambios en las condiciones climáticas, arribo de nuevas poblaciones y domesticación de paisajes. © 2007 Syllaba Press International Inc. All rights reserved

Palabras Claves: Baja Centromerica; Noroeste de Suramérica; Cazadores-recolectores; Pleistoceno Final y Holoceno Temprano; Diversidad Cultural.

Introduction risky, we can at least note that cultivation of crops has already commenced in some parts of the region by the In this paper we look at the archaeological record 9th millennium BP. By the 7th millennium BP there for lower Central America and Northwestern South are a wide variety of crops being grown throughout America from the initial settlement of the region the region, some domesticated locally, others through the Early Holocene. We can recognize at least imported from great distances. two early episodes of migration into the region from North America; the well documented Clovis migration Before Clovis that penetrated northern South America and at least one earlier migration and two earlier traditions As in most parts of the Americas, the evidence (Abriense and El Jobo). By the 10th millennium BP for pre-Clovis settlement in the Central Area is not as we can identify several distinct lithic traditions in the toothsome as we would like. Nonetheless, early dates the region, some extending well beyond areal and megafaunal associations that are, in Venezuela, boundaries. Although identifying settlement/ associated with a lithic industry characterized by subsistence patterns at this time depth are somewhat bifacial El Jobo points, and in Colombia associated

2011-0626/$ - see font matter © 2007 Syllaba Press International Inc. All rights reserved. ID: ijsa00003 http://www.ijsa.syllabapress.com/issues/ijsa01art03.html 26 A. J. Ranere and C. E. López / Inter. J. South American Archaeol. 1: 25-31 (2007) with a lithic industry characterized by simple flake tools (called Abriense) identify a human presence in the area before 11500 B.P. (all dates used in this paper refer to the uncalibrated C14 chronology). Whether these two industries diverged from a common ancestral pattern carried into the region by a single pre -Clovis migration or whether they represent industries carried into the region by two separate migrations is a question not answerable with the data at hand. According to the recent data published by van der Hammen and Correal (2001), the earliest human presence in Colombia comes from the site of Pubenza in the Magdalena valley lowlands. Twelve lithic artifacts, including an obsidian flake (brought from Figure 2. Pelvis of Juvenile Mastodont, Taima-Taima, Venezuela. Central Cordillera) were found near the remains of mastodon dated from about 16000 to 16500 BP. The artifacts are reported to be from the same layer as the mastodons, who seem to have perished after becoming mired in marsh sediments (Correal 1993). A larger, well reported Abriense assemblage is that of Tibitó, located in the Sabana de Bogota and excavated by Correal (1981). Here bones of mastodons (Cuvieronius and Haplomastodon) and horse (Equus Amerhippus) as well as deer (Odocoileus) and fox (Cerdoycon) were recovered with the simple flake tools and dated to 11740 ± 110 B.P. There are a number of sites in Venezuela where the narrow bipointed El Jobo points (Figure 1) have been found in association with extinct fauna. Taima Taima provides the best known (if not the best) Figure 3. Landscape of Paraguaná Peninsula, Venezuela. evidence for this association. Here a juvenile Clovis, Contemporaries and Immediate Haplomastodon was excavated with a quartzite Descendants midsection of an El Jobo point within the cavity of the right pubis. Four radiocarbon dates on sheared twigs The Clovis fluted point tradition is relatively well at the site, thought to be from the mastodon's stomach represented in lower Central America where it is the or intestines, were dated to 12980 ± 85 B.P., 13000 ± earliest tradition yet to be recognized (Figure 4). (One 200 B.P., 13880 ± 120 B.P. and 14200 ± 300 (Figure possible exception is the midsection of an El Jobo-like 2) Other sites in northern Venezuela (Figure 3) with point was recovered from surface contexts at Lake extinct fauna associated with El Jobo points include Alajuela, Panama.) A workshop where Clovis points Cucuruchu and El Vano (Jaimes 1999). were manufactured has been identified in Central Panama near the current shoreline of Parita Bay (the coastline would have been ca 50 km distant at 11,000 BP (Ranere and Cooke 2003). La Mula-West is located on a small hill overlooking an intermittent stream.

Figure 1. El Jobo Projectil Points from Taima-Taima, Venezuela. Figure 4. Fluted Point Localities in Central America. A. J. Ranere and C. E. López / Inter. J. South American Archaeol. 1: 25-31 (2007) 27

Erosion has left Paleoindian stone tools on the The largest Paleoindian site yet reported in sloping surface of the hillside as a lag deposit. The Central America is Turrialba (Finca Guardiria), which site activity best documented is the manufacture of is located at an altitude of ca. 700 m on terraces of the bifacial points. We have recovered over 80 biface Reventazon River on the Atlantic watershed of Costa fragments in total, of which most were broken in the Rica (Castillo et al. 1987; Pearson 1998a,b; Snarskis manufacturing process. Twelve of the 15 basal 1979). Coarse-grained cherts, which are still abundant fragments are either fluted or extensively basally as cobbles and sometimes huge boulders in the thinned (Figure 5). The reduction sequence adjacent stream beds, were used in the production of a represented at Mula-West closely parallels that large quantity of tools and associated debris. Snarskis documented for North American Clovis workshops (1979) reports recovering in systematic surface (Morrow 1996:201-215, Ranere 2000). At the collections and shallow excavations 28,000 lithic neighboring site of Cueva de los Vampiros, cave specimens, including 18 fluted points large numbers deposits bracketed between dates of 11550 + 140 B.P. of bifacial performs, and tools often found with other (ca cal 11460 BC) and 8970 + 40 B.P. (ca cal 8150 fluted point assemblages, i.e., snub-nosed keeled B.C.) contained the blade portion of a Fluted Fishtail scrapers, end-scrapers with lateral spurs, large blades, point (Figure 6) and overshot thinning flakes burins, bifacial and unifacial knives and well-made characteristic of Clovis reduction techniques (but not side scrapers. As was the case with La Mula-West, the Fishtail reduction techniques) (Cooke 1998; Ranere bifacial reduction sequence at Turrialba closely and Cooke 1991, 1996, 2003). parallels that defined by Morrow (1994) for North American Clovis sites. Another important Paleoindian locality is Lake Alajuela (Madden Lake), a reservoir formed by damming of the Chagres River in order to provide water for the Panama Canal. During the December to April dry season, the lake is gradually drained to maintain the level of Lake Gatun (also created by a dam lower down on the Chagres river) on whose surface ships sail while traversing the waterway. Wave action during the annual raising and lowering of the water level has eroded the shorelines both of the lake itself, and of the numerous islands within it, which were once hilltops. At the end of the dry season great expanses of barren ground are exposed and cultural remains that date from the Paleoindian period to the present are visible on the surface. Periodic examination of these eroded surfaces has resulted in the recovery of seven isolated fluted points (Bird and Cooke 1977, 1978). Six are stemmed and fluted "Fishtail" varieties. The seventh Lake Alajuela point is a waisted Clovis-like specimen. A workshop for the production of bifaces is located on a small island in the lake (the Westend site; Ranere and Cooke 1991). Figure 5. Artifacts from La Mula West, Panamá: a & b, preforms; c This site covered more than 1 ha (it extended below -f, overshot flakes; g-I, fluted point fragments. the lake level at the time of our visits), and contained stone tools and ceramics from later prehistoric periods as well as the Paleoindian workshop debris. We recovered large numbers of bifacial thinning flakes, many with heavily ground and "lipped" platforms as well as a large bifacially worked leaf-shaped preform. We did not, unfortunately, recover any completed points. This likely was a workshop for making stemmed "Fishtail" points. Projectile points belonging to the fluted point tradition have been found in a number of other localities in Central America in a wide range of environmental contexts (Figure 7) (Pearson and Cooke 2002). Equally important is the fact that the assemblages from the sites in this region that have dates earlier than 10,000 radiocarbon years ago are Figure 6. Blade Portion of Fluted Point from los Vampiros Cave, arguably part of this tradition; (1) Los Tapiales, Panamá. 28 A. J. Ranere and C. E. López / Inter. J. South American Archaeol. 1: 25-31 (2007)

point from La Gloria in northern Colombia (Correal 1983) probably falls within this tradition as well. The lithic assemblages recovered in the upper Cauca Valley at the sites of La Elvira and San Isidro also appear to be related to the "Fishtail" tradition, although with the exception of one point from La Elvira, the points are unfluted (Gnecco 1994). The absence of fluting on the stemmed and shouldered points at San Isidro, which has radiocarbon dates of 10,050 ± 100, 10,030 ± 60, and 9530 ± 100 BP indicates that by this time fluting is no longer part of the fishtail/stemmed point tradition. Moreover, unlike other assemblages thus far discussed, the San Isidro assemblage also contains grinding tools and macrobotanical remains that indicate a shift towards a Figure 7. Fluted fishtail points from Gran Coclé (a) and Lago more intensive use of plant foods, perhaps including Alajuela (b-d); waisted Clovis point from Lago Alajuela (f); comparable point from Turrialba, Costa Rica (g); large preform gardening (Gnecco and Bravo 1994; Gnecco 1994). from the Westend site, Lago Alajuela (h). This fishtail/stemmed point is the most diagnostic artifact of Paleoindians in the highlands of Ecuador, Guatemala, (2) Corona Rockshelter, Panama, and (3) best known from El Inga (Mayer-Oakes 1986) .This Aguadulce Shelter, Panama. Thus not only is the tradition is, of course well represented in the southern Fluted Point tradition (i.e., Clovis and fluted Fishtail) cone of South America where it was first recognized. well represented in Central America, it is the only The Abriense or "edge-trimmed tool tradition tradition visible at the end of the Pleistocene. Fluted (Hurt 1977, Correal 1986), can be traced back to the points recovered from Cayude and Siraba on the 12th millennium BP (Figure 9) and perhaps earlier in Paraguana Peninsula, Venezuela (Figure 8) represent the Sabana de Bogota (2,600m above sea level) at the south easternmost penetration of the Clovis Tibito and the El Abra sites. Early Holocene (ca tradition documented to date (Jaimes 1999). Fluted 10000 to 7000 B.P.) examples of this tradition are and unfluted fishtail points are widely distributed in found at the open air site of Galindo and the South America, including sites in Venezuela, Tequendama (Correal and van der Hammen 1977), Colombia and Ecuador. For the record we side with Nemocon and Sueva rockshelters (Correal 1986) as the majority of archaeologists in believing that fluting well as those of El Abra. Nieuwenhuis' (2002) study evolved only once and, therefore, the fluted fishtail of tool function for these Abriense assemblages tradition represents continuity from Clovis. In indicated that while technologically simple, Abriense northwestern Venezuela, this tradition is represented flake tools were used for a wide variety of purposes, at the sites of Los Planes de Giosne, La Hundicion included projectile point tips, and that the combination and Siraba (Jaimes 1999). The blade of a stem-less of readily available but poor quality chert accounted for the reliance of Sabana de Bogota populations on simple flake tools. The very rare bifacially manufactured tools - or other carefully shaped tools - of finer grained materials could be considered rare elements of the Abriense traditions (Nieuwenhuis' suggestion, 2002) or imports from the Magdalena Valley immediately below the Sabana. In the last decade hundreds of bifacially flaked triangular stemmed points and carefully shaped plano- convex scraper-planes have been recovered from excavations and surface collections in the Magdalena Valley (Figure 10). The excavations at the workshops of Nare, Penoñes and Vuelta Acuña yielded numerous bifacial thinning flakes, other debitage and carefully shaped tools dating from 10,400 to 5000 BP and perhaps later (Lopez 1995, 1998, 2004, Otero and Santos 2002). The sites are located on Tertiary alluvial terraces covered by Holocene deposits (150 m above sea level) overlooking the MagdalenaValley bottomlands and, like most lowland tropical sites, faunal remains were not preserved. Although these sites were initially interpreted as those of hunter- gatherers (emphasis on hunting) operating in an open, Figure 8. Thinning Flakes from Paraguaná. A. J. Ranere and C. E. López / Inter. J. South American Archaeol. 1: 25-31 (2007) 29

the Calima valley and middle Cauca valley, the lithic assemblages are characterized by bifacially chipped adzes or hoes, quartz flakes produced by bipolar flaking and cobble tools (Cano et al. 2001, Cano 2002). Further north in the Central Cordillera, near the city of Medellin and in the middle Porce valley, additional preceramic sites with similar technologies have been excavated (Aceituno 2002ab). East of the Andes we find other technologically simple industries. An assemblage dating to 9250 BP from the Pena Roja site in the Rio Caqueta drainage in the Amazon watershed, was dominated by flakes struck from pebble cores, often by bipolar flaking, and used with little or no retouch (Cavelier et al. 1955). Additional tool types included bifacial choppers, nutting stones and grooved axes. Palm nut fragments from a wide range of species were the principal macrobotanical remains recovered at the site. Further north along the Venezuelan side of the Orinoco, near its confluence with the Meta, Barse (2003) identified a preceramic lithic industry composed primarily of quartz flakes, many produced by bipolar flaking. The early Figure 9. Magdalena and Cauca Valley with Early Locations noted. assemblage from Pozo Azul Sur-2 dated to 7000 BP while a similar assemblage from site of Provincial may have dated as early as 9000 BP. Palm nut fragments were the dominant macrobotanical remain at both sites. A technologically simple lithic industry also characterizes the Las Vegas sites, known from the Santa Elena Peninsula in southwest Ecuador. The Las Vegas way of life is known from remains found at 34 archaeological sites occupied between 10000 and 6600 years ago (uncalibrated). The Vegas people used technologically simple flakes, unifacially retouched tools, and a series of heavier tools fashioned from large flakes and cobbles. In general this tool kit is like that of contemporary Amotape (11,000-8,000) and Siches sites along the north coast of Peru (Richardson 1994). The Las Vegas people were unspecialized gatherers, hunters, and fishermen who exploited an environment which included seasonally dry tropical forest, more heavily wooded river bottoms, limited mangrove swamps, estuaries, beaches, and a very productive marine ecosystem. A comparison of Early Las Vegas faunal remains with those from Late Las Vegas deposits show a progressive intensification of fishing and a narrowing of hunting behaviors. In late Las Vegas times terrestrial animals (chiefly deer, but including rabbit) accounted for about 54% of the calories (from animal sources) in the Vegas diet, while fish contributed about 35% and shellfish about 11%. Figure 10. Biface Fragments from the Magdalena Medio Valley. It is likely that plant food contributed most to the savanna-like environment, more recent research people's diet. The analysis of plant microfossils suggests the terrain was forested (some areas with dry revealed that during the terminal Pleistocene period forest others with moist forest) and that riverine fauna Vegas people were exploiting wild species of (fish, turtles, manatee) might have been more Cucurbita, and that in the 10th millennium they were important than terrestrial fauna (López 1999, 2004). cultivating a primitive domesticated Cucurbita whose Yet another distinct archaeological tradition come phytoliths were considerably larger than those from from sites in the Cordillera Occidental and Cordillera modem wild taxa. Subsequently the Las Vegas people Central of Colombia dating as early as 10,000 BP. In added cultigens to their subsistence system (bottle 30 A. J. Ranere and C. E. López / Inter. J. South American Archaeol. 1: 25-31 (2007) gourd, types of Cucurbits with larger fruits and seeds, Conclusions a root crop known as leren, and finally maize around 7000 years ago (Stothert and Piperno 2000; Piperno 1) During the Late Pleistocene and Early and Stothert 2003; Stothert, Piperno & Andres 2003). Holocene we find diverse lithic traditions within the The Pacific coast of Ecuador and Peru is the only Central Area. The evidence comes from a stunning location where tectonic activity has kept the Late range of sites located everywhere from sea level to Pleistocene shoreline above water. Not surprisingly, over 3000 meters in the Andes. In this period the the coastline in Ecuador and northern Peru is the only environmental contexts were subject to abrupt and region in the Central Area where the use of coastal dramatic fluctuations. Archaeologists can't claim to resources is documented as far back as the Late have good spatial or temporal coverage in this region Pleistocene. Equally early uses of somewhat different for the period defined. Existing lithic evidence reflects coastal resources are documented to the south of our both diverse origins and divergence from common area in Peru. One can only wonder about the sorts of origins over the course of time. The bifacial El Jobo archaeological sites that might have existed along the and Clovis industries predated and were likely now submerged Pleistocene coastline of Colombia ancestral to the wide range of bifacial industries and Lower Central America. documented for the Central Area in the Early Holocene. The unifacial industries may have From foraging to farming developed as local responses to increased sedentism, or may have derived from the tradition of a population The evidence points to the conclusion that at the that entered the area by sea. We join our voices with end of the Pleistocene in tropical northern South those of other researchers, e.g., Dillehay, Rosen, and America peoples with broad-spectrum foraging Nieuwenhuis, who have insisted that each unifacial economies intensified their use of species resulting in industry should be considered independently for its plant food production. There was probably no single own attributes, characteristics, and economic center of agricultural origin, but rather a process of associations rather than assuming that all are related. domestication and cultivation by diverse peoples 2) Early cultural development in the Central Area (complexly interconnected) in a myriad of reflects the environmental diversity found there, and environments who dealt with local varieties of plants the opportunistic nature of pioneering adaptations, and (such as wild Cucurbitas in coastal Ecuador) and the power of people to design successful adaptations integrated these into their subsistence systems. This when left to their own devices. Of particular interest is has been particularly well documented for the Las the fact that at the end of the Pleistocene diverse Vegas sites in coastal Ecuador (Piperno and Stothert peoples in this region began to focus their attention on 2003; Stothert and Piperno 2003) and for sites like the plants and helped lay the foundation for American Aguadulce Shelter (Pipemo et al. 2000) in Central agriculture. The distribution of plant species (in their Pacific Panama, and for a number of sites from progressively more domesticated forms) across vast different regions of Colombia; e.g., San Isidro regions of tropical America is evidence of the social (Gnecco 1994), Peña Roja (Cavelier et al. 1995). The interconnectedness of Early Holocene peoples. Of preceramic sites from the Zana Valley in northern equal interest is the fact that not all Central Area Peru should be added to this list (Dillehay and Rosen populations embraced agriculture but remained hunter 2002). Cultivated species include at least two species -gatherers well into the Middle Holocene. of squash, bottle gourd, arrowroot, leren and yam. Interestingly enough, this record of early cultivation References shows up in association with a variety of lithic traditions with (Panama, Middle Cauca) and without Aceituno, Francisco J. (Force Valley, Las Vegas, Zana Valley) bifacial 2002a. Ocupaciones Tempranas del Bosque Tropical Subandino en la Cordillera Centro Occidental de Colombia. Doctoral Thesis, reduction. Dpto of Prehistoria de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. By the end of the Early Holocene this early form España. Unpublished. of tropical horticulture prepared the way for the Aceituno, F. J. intensification of agriculture based on major seed and 2002b. 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