SMYRNA/İZMİR KAZI Ve ARAŞTIRMALARI II SMYRNA/İZMİR KAZI Ve ARAŞTIRMALARI

SMYRNA/İZMİR KAZI ve ARAŞTIRMALARI II SMYRNA/İZMİR KAZI ve ARAŞTIRMALARI

SMYRNA/İZMİR KAZI ve ARAŞTIRMALARI II

Smyrna/Izmir Excavation and Research II

II. Smyrna/İzmir Kazıları ve Araştırmaları Çalıştayı 23-24 Eylül 2016 tarihinde İzmir’de düzenlenmiştir. Uluslararası katılımlı bu etkinlikte sunulan bildiriler Ed. Burak Yolaçan - Gözde Şakar - Akın Ersoy bu kitapta bir araya getirilmiştir.

Editörler / Edited by Burak Yolaçan - Gözde Şakar Akın Ersoy Smyrna/İzmir Kazı ve Araştırmaları II

Smyrna/Izmir Excavation and Research II SMYRNA/İZMİR Kazı ve Araştırmaları II Smyrna/Izmir Excavation and Research II

Antik Smyrna Kazısı Yayın Çalışmaları - 11

Editör/Edited by Burak Yolaçan - Gözde Şakar - Akın Ersoy

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Smyrna/Izmir Excavation and Research II

Editörler / Edited by Burak Yolaçan - Gözde Şakar Akın Ersoy

İZMİR 2017

SUNUŞ

Büyük İskender’in Doğu Seferi’nin hemen ardından kurulan ve MÖ 3. yüzyılın ilk çeyre- ğinde kentin genel plan şemasının şekillendiğini öngörebileceğimiz antik Smyrna ken- tinin tarih ve arkeolojisine ilişkin bilgi ve bulgulara ancak belirli birkaç noktada yapılan arkeolojik çalışmalarla ulaşmak mümkün olabilmektedir. Bu noktalar Smyrna Agorası, Kadifekale (Smyrna Akropolisi), Smyrna Tiyatrosu ve Basmane-Altınpark Arkeolojik Alanı’dır. Konak İlçesi’nde Kadifekale ile Kemeraltı arasında uzanan bu kent aynı yerde 2.300 yılı aşkın bir süredir farklı kültürlere ve inançlara ev sahipliği yapmıştır. Bugün tüm bu sürece tanıklık eden izlerin bir bölümüne arkeolojik kazılarla ulaşılabilmekte ve bir bölümü de halen görülebilmektedir. Bu dört mevkide 2007 yılından itibaren T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı ve Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi adına Smyrna Antik Kenti Kazı, Araştırma ve Restorasyon Projesi kapsamın- da çalışmalar sürdürülmektedir. Smyrna Agorası’nda gerçekleştirilen arkeolojik kazılarda önceki yıllarda tespit edilen Bazilika, Batı Portiko ve Mozaikli Yapı dışında son yıllarda yürütülen kazı çalışmaları ile Bouleuterion ve Roma Hamam yapıları tespit edilmiştir. Kadifekale’de yeni kentin kronolojisini tespit etmek üzere güney sur kazıları gerçekleştiril- miş, İzmir’deki ilk Türk-İslam yapısı olan Kale Mescidi kazıları tamamlanmıştır. Basmane mevki Altınpark Arkeolojik Alanı’nda gerçekleştirilen arkeolojik kazılar ile ilk kez Roma konut yapılarına ulaşılmıştır. Son olarak Smyrna Tiyatrosu’nda arkeolojik kazı ve araştır- malara başlanmıştır. Kazı çalışmalarına başladığımız andan itibaren çalışmalara katkıda bulunan bilim insan- larının edindikleri bilgileri öncelikle kendi aramızda ama sonrasında İzmirli ile paylaş- mak üzere 23-24 Eylül 2016 tarihleri arasında Antik Smyrna/İzmir Kazı ve Araştırmaları II. Uluslararası Çalıştayı gerçekleştirilmiştir. Son 9 yıldaki (2007-2016) kazı buluntuları- nın değerlendirilmesinin amaçlandığı bu çalıştaya sadece konusunda uzman Arkeologlar değil Sanat Tarihçiler, Mimarlar ve Şehir Plancıları ile Eskiçağ Tarihçileri, Tarihçiler ve Jeologlar da katkıda bulunmuşlardır. Yine sadece Türk araştırmacılar değil aynı zamanda Fransız ve Yunan araştırmacılar da bilgilerini bizlerle paylaşmışlardır. Smyrna Antik Kenti Kazı, Araştırma ve Restorasyon çalışmalarına izin ve destek veren Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Kültür Varlıkları ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü’nün yanı sıra çalıştaya, tüm ça- lışmaları adına sürdürdüğümüz Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi ile İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi, İzmir Ticaret Odası, TOTAL Oil Türkiye AŞ, İzmir Fransız Kültür Merkezi ve Tutku Tours doğrudan ve dolaylı olarak katkıda bulunmuşlardır. Konak Belediye Başkanı Sayın Sema Pekdaş’ın açılış konuşmasını yaptığı çalıştayda, Konak Belediyesi Başkan Yardımcısı Sayın Eser Atak, DEÜ Arkeoloji Bölümü Başkanı Prof Dr. Binnur Gürler ile ev sahipliğimizi yapan İzmir Fransız Kültür Merkezi Müdürü Sayın Caroline David de birer konuşma yapmıştır. Konuşmacılarımızdan Smyrna Antik Kenti kazılarının dışında İzmir merkezli sürdürü- len iki önemli kazı projesinden Yeşilova Höyük Kazı Başkanı EÜ Öğretim Üyesi Yrd.Doç. Dr. Zafer Derin ve Bayraklı Smyrnası Kazı Başkanı EÜ Öğretim Üyesi Prof.Dr. Cumhur Tanrıver sunumları ile Çalıştayımızı onurlandırmışlardır. Sürdürdüğümüz arkeolojik kazılarda, 2300 yılı aşkın bir süredir aynı yerde yaşayan bu kentin, Osmanlı Dönemi’ni en iyi temsil eden ve yansıtan günlük yaşama ilişkin objeleri ile ilgili olarak, EÜ Sanat Tarihi Bölümü Öğretim Üyesi Doç. Dr. Sevinç Gök, Smyrna Agorası çevresindeki Osmanlı Dönemi yapılarına ilişkin olarak yine EÜ Sanat Tarihi Bölümü’nden Yrd. Doç. Dr. Şakir Çakmak ve Smyrna Agorası’nda yeni ele geçen mezar taşları hakkında aynı bölümden Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ertan Daş ile Türk Dönemi çeşme ve sarnıçlarına ilişkin olarak Katip Çelebi Üniversitesi Türk-İslam Arkeolojisi Bölümü Öğretim Üyeleri Doç. Dr. Harun Ürer ve Yrd. Doç. Dr. Sarp Alatepeli önemli katkılarda bulunmuşlardır. Fransız dostlarımız Marie Lesvigne Agoralarda günlük yaşam, Louvre Müzesi uzmanla- rından Isabelle Hasselin ve Ludovic Laugier Smyrna’da üretilen grotesk figürinler, yine Ludovic Laugier Smyrna kökenli mezar stelleri hakkında, Yunan Kültür Tarihçisi Ioannis Koutoulas ise Geç Osmanlı Dönemi’nde İzmir’de kadınların eğitimi üzerine ilgiyle karşıla- nan birer konuşma yapmışlardır. Her zaman bilimsel destekleri ve alanlarındaki uzmanlıkları ile yanımızda görmekten mutlu olduğumuz EÜ Öğretim Elemanı Eskiçağ Tarihçisi Araştırma Görevlisi Dr. Murat Tozan Smyrna’nın bir sağlık kenti olarak kimliği hakkında, Tarihçi/Yazar Dr. Siren Bora ise İzmir’deki Yahudi mezarlıkları üzerine çok değer verdiğimiz değerlendirmelerde bu- lunmuşlardır. Kazı Ekibi üyelerinden DEÜ Öğretim Üyesi Prof. Dr. Binnur Gürler ve Arkeolog Gülten Çelik Ersoy Orta Çağ ve sonrası cam buluntuları, Manisa CBÜ Öğretim Üyesi Doç. Dr. Ceren Ünal Smyrna kazıları Bizans Dönemi sikke buluntuları, DEÜ Öğretim Üyesi Yrd. Doç. Dr. Duygu Akar Tanrıver Smyrna’daki Asklepios Kültü, genç akademisyenler DEÜ Araştırma Görevlisi Dr. Burak Yolaçan Agoradaki Mozaikli Yapı ve DEÜ Araştırma Görevlisi ve Doktorantı Hakan Göncü Smyrna’nın savunma sistemi ile ilgili sunumları ile Smyrna hakkındaki bilgilerimizi zenginleştirmişlerdir. DEÜ Öğretim Üyesi Yrd. Doç. Dr. Ahmet Uhri’nin destek verdiği sunumları ile Yaşar Üniversitesi’nden Yrd. Doç. Dr Elif Kocabıyık Savaşta Agora’da ele geçen buluntular çer- çevesinde İzmir tütün tarihi, EÜ öğretim üyelerinden Dilek Öztürk Kınay ise Smyrna ve Agorası’nda öteden beri var olan Menengiç ağaçları hakkında herkesin dikkatini çekecek harika iki konuşma yapmışlardır. DEÜ Öğretim Üyesi Doç. Dr. İhsan Murat Kuşoğlu Smyrna Agorası örnekleri üzerinde ya- pılmış P-Xrf incelemelerinin sonuçlarını sunarken DEÜ Öğretim Üyesi Prof. Dr. Hümeyra Birol Akkurt ve arkadaşları Smyrna Agorası çevresinin bugününü ve yarınını tartışan su- numları ile, DEÜ Öğretim Üyesi Ayşegül Altınörs ve arkadaşları ise Geç Osmanlı’dan gü- nümüze İzmir örneğinde arkeolojik mirasın tespit süreci hakkındaki sunumları ile çalışta- yı tümleyen değerlendirmeler yapmışlardır. Prof. Argyros Tataki ve Prof. Guiseppe Ragone çalıştayımıza değişik nedenlerle katılamaz- ken, Prof. Mark Wilson katılamamasına karşın sunumunun yayınlanmasına izin vermiştir. Yukarıda sözü edilen tüm buluntuların bulunduğu andan bilim insanlarının değerlendir- me aşamasına kadar olan süreçte bilgi ve emek harcayan Smyrna kazı ekibime çok şey borçluyum. Onlarsız hiçbir şey yapamazdık. Çalıştay aşamasında ve kazı çalışmalarımız sırasında hep desteklerini gördüğümüz Konak Belediye Başkanımız Sayın Sema Pekdaş’a çalıştayda sunulan bilimsel değerlendirmelerin İzmirliye, Türkiye’ye ve tüm diğer ilgililere ulaşması için bildirilerin basılmasına desek vermelerinden dolayı müteşekkiriz. Son söz olarak TC Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Kültür Varlıkları ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüğü’ne ve Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü’ne, İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi’ne, İzmir Ticaret Odası’na, Total Oil Türkiye AŞ’ye ve çalıştaya katılan tüm hocalarıma, arka- daşlarıma, meslektaşlarıma, destek verenlere teşekkür ederim. Akın Ersoy Ekim 2017

İçindekiler

Smyrna Agorası Yakın Çevresinin Bugünü ve Geleceği Today and the Future of Ancient Agora of Smyrna and the Near Environment ...... 1 Hümeyra BİROL-AKKURT / Sibel ECEMİŞ-KILIÇ / Feyzal AVCI-ÖZKABAN / Deniz DOKGÖZ / Muhammed AYDOĞAN / Deniz GÜNER

İzmir’de Cumhuriyet Öncesinden Günümüze Kentsel Arkeolojik Varlıkların Tespit ve Tescilinin Tarihsel Öyküsü Historical Background on the Identifying and Registering Urban Archaeological Heritage in Izmir Since Before the Turkish Republic Period Until Today ...... 23 Ayşegül ALTINÖRS-ÇIRAK / Ezgi Yekbun AKSU / Hatice Ecem DEMİRDEN / Deniz HEKIMOĞLU

İzmir’de Yahudi Mezarlıkları, Tarihçe, Kitabeler ve Smyrna Agorası’nda Yer Alan Yahudi Mezar Taşları Jewish Cemeteries in Izmir, the History, the Inscriptions and the Jewish Tombstones in the Agora of Smyrna...... 45 Siren BORA

Smyrna Agorası Çevresindeki Bazı Osmanlı Yapıları Hakkında Değerlendirmeler Evaluations About Some Ottoman Constructions Around the Agora of Smyrna ...... 69 Şakir ÇAKMAK

Agora Kazısında Yeni Bulunan Mezar Taşları Hakkında Gözlemler Observations About the Newly Revealed Gravestones during the Excavations in the Agora of Smyrnaa ...... 85 Ertan DAŞ

İzmir’in 8500 Yıllık Sakinine İlişkin İzler… Traces of an 8500 Year-Old Resident of Izmir...... 93 Zafer DERİN

Smyrna and Related Cities in the Light of Finds Buluntular Işığında Smyrna ve İlişkili Kentler ...... 101 Akın ERSOY

Osmanlı ve Avrupa Seramikleri Üzerinden Bir Okuma: Smyrna (İzmir) Agorası’ndaki Osmanlı Yerleşiminden Mutfak Kapları ile Günlük Yaşam Objeleri Observations Through Ottoman And European Ceramics: Kitcenware and Daily Use Objects from the Agora of Smyrna (Izmir)...... 119 Sevinç GÖK

Smyrna Akropolü Savunma Yapıları Defensive Structures of the Acropolis of Smyrna ...... 153 Hakan GÖNCÜ

Smyrna Agora Roma Hamamı 2014 Yılı Ortaçağ ve Sonrası Cam Buluntuları Medieval and Later Periods Glass Findings from the Roman Bath in the Agora of Smyrna in 2014 ...... 169 Binnur GÜRLER / Gülten ÇELİK-ERSOY

The Athlete Grotesques of Smyrna: The Originality of a Subject of Caricature and the Identification of a Production Workshop Smyrna’dan Atletik Groteskler: Tematik Özgünlük ve Uzmanlaşmiş Bir Koroplastik Atölye Önerisi ...... 189 Isabelle HASSELIN / Ludovic LAUGIER

Revealing Izmir’s Tobacco History Through Cigarette Packages Found in the Agora Of Smyrna Smyrna Agorası’nda Bulunan Sigara Paketleri Üzerinden İzmir Tütün Tarihine Bir Bakış ...... 197 Elif KOCABIYIK-SAVASTA / Ahmet UHRİ

Female Education in Smyrna: 1840-1922 Smyrna’da Kadınların Eğitimi: 1840-1922 ...... 213 Ioannis KOUTOULIAS

The Characteristics of Smyrnaean Stelae: Interpretations and New Attributions Smyrna Stellerinin Özellikleri: Yorumlar ve Yeni Düşünceler ...... 223 Ludovic LAUGIER

Pistacia Terebinthus The Terebinth Tree of the Agora in The Eastern Mediterranean and Smyrna Pistacia Terebinthus in the Eastern Mediterranean and Smyrna; The Terebinth Tree of the Agora ...... 233 Dilek ÖZTÜRK / Ahmet UHRİ

Bir Sağlık Kenti Olarak Antik Smyrna Ancient Smyrna as a City of Heath ...... 243 Murat TOZAN

Smyrna Kazıları 2008-2015 Yılları Arası Bizans Sikke Buluntularının İstatistiksel ve Grafik Destekli Ön Değerlendirilmesi General Statistical and Graphical Evaluation of Byzantine Coins from Excavations of Smyrna in 2008-2015...... 257 Ceren ÜNAL / Akın ERSOY

Smyrna (İzmir) Agorası’nda Türk Dönemine Ait Su Yapıları Fountains and Cisterns from Turkish Period at the Agora of Smyrna (Izmir) ...... 267 Harun ÜRER / Sarp ALATEPELİ

Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” Vahiy’de Smyrna’nın Yeri: “Asya’nın Birincisi” Hakkında Yuhanna’nın Tasavvuru ...... 289 Mark WILSON Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia”

Mark WILSON*

VAHİY’DE SMYRNA’NIN YERİ: “ASYA’NIN BİRİNCİSİ” HAKKINDA YUHANNA’NIN TASAVVURU Antik Smyrna şehri, bugünkü adı ile İzmir, dünya çapında yüz milyonlarca kişi ta- rafından bilinmektedir. Bu tanınırlığın sebebi, klasik ya da tarihi kaynaklar değil, Yeni Ahit’deki, Vahiy Bölümü’nde bulunan 2:8-11 numaralı kısımdır. Burada an- latılanlar, her sene dünyanın tüm kıtalarından binlerce kişiyi, Smyrna ve diğer 7 Kiliseler’e doğru hac yolculuğuna çıkmaya teşvik etmektedir. Bununla birlikte, az sayıda okuyucu ve ziyaretçi tarafından bilinen bir şey vardır ki o da, 2. bölümde yer alan dört kısa ayetin dışında da Smyrna’nın, İncil’in Vahiy Bölümü’nde mekansal- laştırıldığıdır. Bu makale, Smyrna’daki Hıristiyanlar’a hitaben yazılmış olan mek- tuptaki olası yerel dayanakları kısaca tartıştıktan sonra, Vahiy Bölümü’nde bulunan ve Yuhanna’nın Smyrna ile ilgili tasavvuruna ilham veren, şehrin sosyal, politik ve kültürel boyutlarını ortaya koyan diğer metinleri de inceleyecektir. Aynı zamanda, M.S. 1. yüzyılda şehrin tarihi durumu ile birlikte, Smyrna’nın geçmişini bilimsel olarak ortaya koyan, epigrafik ve arkeolojik çalışmalara da değinilecektir.

Introduction The prophetic letter to the church in Smyrna is the second of seven messages addressed to cities in the Roman province of Asia named in the New Testament book of Revelation chapters 2-3. The message to Smyrna is comprised of four verses (2:8–11) and the shortest of the seven with only 98 words in the Greek text. Starting with W. M. Ramsay, many com- mentators have sought to find local references, particularly in these seven letters1. The most vivid in the letter to Smyrna is the synagogue of Satan mentioned in verse 9. After discussing the beginnings of Christianity in Smyrna along with this local reference, the

* Prof. Dr. Mark Wilson, Stellenbosch University, Antalya, Turkey; [email protected] 1 The classic study is Ramsay 1994; a later study that builds on Ramsay’s pioneering work is Hemer 2001. 290 Mark WILSON article will attempt to localize other texts in Revelation that possibly intersect with the material culture of Greco-Roman Smyrna. Epigraphic and archaeological studies will provide important insights as we seek to localize these texts within their Smyrnean context. The nascent Christian congregation in Smyrna was located in one of the most important cities in the Roman Empire in the first century CE, especially in the Greek East. It was among the “First of Asia” vying with Ephesus and Pergamum for that honor2. Its population in the imperial period has been variously estimated at 75,000 (Stark 1997), 90,000 (Stark 2006), 100,000 (Cadoux), and 200,000 (Broughton)3. In the recent population estimate of cities in Roman Asia by Hanson4, Smyrna is not included, apparently the area of the city was unknown to him. Director of excavations at Smyrna calculates the city’s area as 193 square hectares5. Therefore Smyrna would be fifth in area among the Asian cities on Hanson’s chart after Sardis, Troas, Ephesus, and Pergamum. Utilizing Hanson’s three figures then to estimate Smyrna’s population, at 100 persons per hectare it would be 19,300; at 150 per hectare, 28,950; at 400 per hectare, 77,200. This would put Smyrna fifth in population as well and close to Stark’s lower estimate. However, few demographers and historians would estimate the population of Sardis and Troas over 100,000 persons and higher than that of Ephesus, Smyrna, or Pergamum. Nevertheless, Hanson’s introduction of civic area as a heuristic device to achieve a more scientific approach for calculating ancient populations is noteworthy.

The Beginning of Christianity in Smyrna Christianity’s origin in Smyrna is shrouded in uncertainty. It occurred sometime in the second half of the first century CE, but during which decade is still debated. Writing in the early second century CE, Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna, commented in his Letter to the Philippians 11:3: “But I have not observed or heard of any such thing among you, in whose midst the blessed Paul labored, and who were his letters of recommendation in the beginning. For he boasts about you in all the churches—those alone, that is, which at that time had come to know the Lord, for we had not yet known come to know him” (author’s emphasis)6. From Polycarp’s statement Osbourne posits that “the church of Smyrna…may not have existed in the 60s”7. But can Polycarp’s statement be elucidated further by examining the account of Paul’s journeys in the book of Acts? After being forbidden to preach in the province of Asia on his second journey, Paul instead received a vision to evangelize in the province of Macedo- nia. There he planted the church in Philippi around 51 CE (Acts 16:6-40). Only on his

2 This rivalry among the cities is evident even in the graffiti found in the agora basilica; see Bagnall et al 2016, 47-48. 3 Stark 1997, 132; Stark 2006, 44; Cadoux 1938, 186; Broughton 1938, 816. 4 Hanson 2011, 254, table 9.1. In the same volume Wilson (2011a, 187-188, table 7.11) uses Hanson’s data to estimate population density for civic populations, but again Smyrna is notably absent. 5 a. Ersoy (personal communication 18/1/2016). 6 For the preserved Latin translation of this verse as well as the English translation given above, see Holmes 1999, 216-217. 7 Osborne 2002, 9. Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 291 third journey did Paul arrive in Ephesus where he was based for almost three years during the period 55–57 CE (Acts 19:1-20:1).8 So the chronology of Paul’s journeys sustains Polycarp’s observation that the Philippians knew the gospel before any church in Asia including Smyrna. During Paul’s time in Ephesus around 53-55 CE, the gospel spread widely among the Jews and Greeks of Asia, according to Luke’s claims in Acts 19:10, 20. Smyrna lay ninety kilome- tres north of Ephesus along the great coastal road along the Aegean. Thus it is likely that Smyrna was among the first cities to host Christian preachers, perhaps even Paul himself9. Potter’s suggestion that Smyrna’s Christian community was founded in the mid-first century CE comports with this hypothesis10. The Life of Polycarp, allegedly by Pionius, attributes a visit to Smyrna by Paul during Passo- ver to see his friend Strateas, who had heard him preach in Pamphylia. It was this Strateas who was to continue Paul’s teaching in Smyrna (Vita Polycarpi 1-2). However, the consen- sus of scholarship rejects the authenticity of this Vita and rightly notes that it tells us nothing about the life of Polycarp or Paul. Instead it indicates what was believed about Paul in third-century Smyrna11. Revelation is usually dated around 95 CE under the Emperor Domitian. However, there is a minority of scholars like myself who hold to an early date – after Nero’s persecution of the Roman church in 64 CE, his suicide in 68 CE, the Year of the Four Emperors in 69 CE, but before the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE. If this early date is reckoned, then the church in Smyrna would have existed for at least a decade when Revelation was written12. John’s prophetic message to the church in Smyrna suggests that he had a first-hand knowledge of its members and that he had probably visited Smyrna at some time13. Because of its rec- ognized association with the apostles Paul and John, Smyrna became one of the important “cities of God” in the Roman Empire in the first century CE14.

The Synagogue of Satan A “considerable Jewish community” lived in Smyrna in the imperial period, according to Cadoux15. However, there is little material evidence of its existence until the second century CE. The mention of Jews at an earlier date in cities surrounding Smyrna – Sardis, Kos,

8 monroy (2015, 162) offers the possibility that Paul passed through Smyrna on his way to Ephesus. However, it is highly unlikely that he would have made such a long detour given the standing invitation from the synagogue leaders in Ephesus (Acts 18:21). 9 See Wilson 2017 for Paul’s possible travel in the province Asia. 10 Potter 1992,75 11 Wilhite 2017, 205. 12 For a discussion regarding the date of Revelation, see Wilson 2005. For additional perspectives on the date and authorship of Revelation see Koester (2015, 65-79) and Smalley (1994, 35-56). 13 monroy 2015, 173. 14 Stark 2006, 44. 15 Cadoux 1938, 348. 292 Mark WILSON and Ephesus16 – provides circumstantial literary evidence for such an assertion. Whether their residence was the product of the Seleucid settlement of Jews from Babylon to Phry- gia and Lydia around 210 BCE is unknown17. An inscription ISmyrna 697 dated around 124 CE names a list of donors to Smyrna’s civic institutions, among which are a group called οἱ ποτε Ιουδαῖοι18 (Fig. 1). Considering the matter of religious apostasy, Barclay as- tutely asks: “Are we hearing the vocabulary of the Jews themselves or of the Gentile au- thority which recorded their donation?”19 A funerary inscription identifies Lukios Lollios Iuosstos as a secretary of the Jewish community in Smyrna who set up a tomb for himself and his own family. This is one of the few evidences of a Jew having Roman citizenship before 212 CE20. Another inscription dating to the late second or early third century CE names a woman named Rufina who was the leader of the synagogue (ἀρχισυνάγωγος) in Smyrna21. Two well-known texts mention that the Jews of Smyrna were involved in notorious incidents in early church history. Around 155/56 Polycarp was executed “in a bitter local persecution in which the members of the synagogue played a prominent role”22. This complicity is mentioned in Martyrdom of Polycarp 12.2, 13.1, and 17.223. A century later the Martyrdom of Pionius 4.5-13 and 13.1 records two speeches wherein Pionius addresses the Jewish community in Smyrna. However, neither speech suggests that the Jews incited the Roman authorities against Pionius24. In Revelation 2:9 Jesus, speaking through the prophet John, assured the Christians in Smyrna that he knew about their “tribulation and poverty” (τὴν θλῖψιν καὶ τὴν πτωχείαν)25. This social and economic deprivation had occurred as a result of the “blasphemy of those who call themselves Jews” (τὴν βλασφημίαν ἐκ τῶν λεγόντων Ἰουδαίους). However, these Jews were not reflecting their spiritual heritage as sons of Abraham, but rather functioning as a “synagogue26 of Satan” (συναγωγὴ τοῦ σατανᾶ)27. It had ceased to be a “synagogue of the Lord” (συναγωγὴ κυρίου; cf. Numbers 27:17; Joshua 22:16 LXX) and

16 Sardis is mentioned in Josephus Antiquities 14.235; 259-261; 16:17, Kos in 1 Maccabees 15:24, and Ephesus in Acts 18:19, 26; 19:8. Like Gaston (2005, 23), I assume that the Jewish community in Smyrna was similar to those in these other Asian cities. 17 For more on this settlement by Antiochus III, see Josephus Antiquities 12.150-151. For a recent discussion of Juda- ism in Asia Minor see Monroy (2015, 136-141). 18 ameling 2004, 177-179. The translation here is debated; some scholars translate the phrase as “former Jews’ and suggest they were religious apostates; see Williams 1997 (250-253). This view has been challenged recently by others who translate as “former Judeans” preferring to understand Ιουδαῖοι as a geographical term with ethnic and cultural implications; see Harland 2009 (150-152). The inscription is now in the Ashmolean Museum, Ox- ford, with accession number ANChandler.2.48. 19 Barclay, 2016, 143 20 Williams 1998, 30; cf. Ameling 2004, 192-194, Trebilco 1991, 173. 21 Trebilco 1991, 104-106; cf. Ameling 2004, 187-192. 22 Potter 1992, 75. 23 Gibson (2007, 150-151) argues that those involved were Judaizers and not Jews. Gaston (2005, 22) argues that nothing can be learned about the Jewish community in Smyrna from the Martyrdom of Polycarp. 24 See Gibson 2001, 353. 25 The English translations of the text of Revelation are drawn from Wilson 2014, ad loc. 26 The term “synagogue” in the Hellenistic and early Roman periods could refer either to a community, its com- munal building, or both; see Levine 2005, 1. 27 This phrase is also used to describe the opponents of the church in Philadelphia in Revelation 3:9. Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 293 was now an institution oppressing followers of Jesus, particularly those who were ethni- cally Jewish. The conflict mentioned here, according to Gibson, was not between the Jewish and Christian communities in Smyrna but rather “among Jesus-followers with different stances in respect to food laws”28. Similarly, Frankfurter identifies this group not with the local Jews in Smyrna but “rather with a constituency within the Jesus movement who were claiming the label ’Jew’ in a manner that John finds illegitimate”29. While an interpretation related to intra-group theological controversies finds credence in the letters to Ephesus, Pergamum, and Thyatira involving the Nicolaitains, Balaamites, and followers of Jezebel (Revelation 2:6, 14-15, 20), such a reading for Smyrna and Philadel- phia is less persuasive. Hartog has noted that there is no inherent implausibility about Jewish opposition to Christianity in Smyrna30. And as Mayo importantly notes, “The close contextual proximity of the ’synagogue of Satan’ in 2.9 and the activity of the devil in 10b argues powerfully that the so-called Jews were instigating civil persecution”31. Thus the interpretation that the synagogue of Satan was comprised of a segment of Jews in Smyrna seems preferable. Archaeologists working in Izmir have yet to discover the remains of an ancient synagogue. Because only three synagogues have been discovered in Turkey – Sardis, Priene, and An- driake32 – the discovery of one in Smyrna would be noteworthy. Given the continuity of a religious community’s use of sacred space, it is tempting to think an ancient synagogue was located west of the agora and south of the harbor in the area of the modern Syna- gogue Street (Havra Sokağı) in Kemeraltı.

Calculating the Number of the Beast Perhaps the most notorious number in Western literature is six hundred sixty-six (ἑξακόσιοι ἑξήκοντα ἕξ 33; not 6-6-6)34. It appears in a parenthetical aside in Revelation 13:18: “Attention: wisdom is required. Let the one who has understanding calculate the number of the beast. For it is the number of a person”. Mounce represents those scholars who suggest that John’s reason to use isopsephism35 was to conceal the identity of the

28 Gibson 2001, 150. 29 Frankfurter 2001, 403. Gaston (2005, 21) similarly believes that the reference is to Gentile Judaizers and not Jews at all. 30 Hartog 2013, 227. 31 mayo 2006, 66. 32 For more on these synagogues that all date to late antiquity, see Burkhardt/Wilson (2013, 182-185). 33 Whether the text originally gave only the numerals χζϛ is unknown; there is no manuscript evidence for this. In the chart “Calculating the Number of the Beast”, I (2007, 85) mistakenly represented the number 6 with a digamma (ϝ) rather than with a stigma. Ast-Lougovaya writes (personal communication 9/12/16): “In the first century CE stigma would be used to indicate the numeral 6 in Asia Minor; this is well attested by inscriptions that feature dates or other numerical figures”. 34 Koester (2016, 2-5) discusses the alternate reading 616 found in some manuscripts and rightly concludes that 666 is the preferred textual reading. 35 The phenomenon is sometimes called by its Hebrew name, gematria. For a brief introduction see Psychoyos (2005, 178-180). 294 Mark WILSON referent to all but his most intimate friends36. However, there is no secrecy related to the number, for John expected his audience to be able to calculate the number of the beast37. In fact, all sum-based isopsephism is usually meant to reveal rather than encrypt information38. Other examples of isopsephism from antiquity exist. Over a century ago Deissmann re- ported two examples of graffiti from Pompeii wherein the numerical calculation of the women’s names are 45 and 54539. An isopsephism related to the sum of the letters in Nero’s name 1005 is mentioned by Suetonius (Nero 39).The sum of the letters of Rome is 948, which is utilized in a prophecy about the city found in the Sibylline Oracles (8.148-150). As Ast-Lougovaya writes, “Examples of sum-based manipulations abound in the Greco-Ro- man world, and overall there seems to be a tendency for more rhetorical and secular use of it in the Imperial period”40. The discovery of examples of isopsephism among the graffiti found in the Smyrna Agora is relevant for two reasons. First, John assumed that the Christians in the city understood how isopsephism functioned and so would be able to calculate the name of the person behind 666. Second, the exhortation to calculate is given in an economic context in 13:17: “…no one was able to buy or sell (ἀγοράσαι ἢ πωλῆσαι) except those who had the mark— the name of the beast and the number of his name”. Buying and selling in antiquity occurred, of course, in the commercial agora of the city41. Bagnall reviews several examples relevant to our discussion that were found in the Agora Basilica of Smyrna42. One category includes isopsephism of desire and is typically intro- duced by the formula (μίαν) φιλῶ ἧς ὁ ἀριθμὸς…. The sum of the letters in the number indicates the name of the individual desired. The sum of T22.1 is 616 with no name suggested; T24.2 is 731 with Anthousa suggested; T27.3 is 1,308 with Tyche suggested, and T42.2 is 351 with no name suggested43. A clear example of a Christian isopsephism is suggested at TP100.3 (Fig. 2): ισοψηφα / κυριος ω / πιστις ω. Its writer, after making the calculation, noted that the sum of the letters/numbers in pistis (faith) and kurios (Lord) both equal omega, 800. Bagnall writes that “it is remarkable to find archaeological evidence for Christianity in the Agora of Smyrna in the later second century or beginning of the third”44. Though the Smyrna graffiti are dated to the latter decades of the second century CE and the first half of the third century CE, they evidence a long-standing familiarity with isopsephism, as demonstrated by John’s audience.

36 mounce 1977, 265. 37 The Greek verb ψηφισάτω is a third person aorist active imperative functioning as a hortatory subjunctive used to exhort or command; see Wallace (1996 464-465). 38 For examples of letter-by-letter isopsephic manipulations that feature encryption, see Ast-Lougovaya (2015, 85-88). 39 Deissmann 1910, 275-276. 40 ast-Lougovaya 2015, 94. 41 For more on this, see the section, “The Port of Smyrna and Aegean Commerce”. 42 Bagnall et al 2016, 45-52. 43 Bagnall et al 2016, 226, 236, 267, 338. The page numbers given in the index on p. 476 are incorrect, hence those provided here are the correct ones. 44 Bagnall et al 2016, 45, 422-423. A picture of this graffito is also found in Frasca et al 2016, 60. Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 295

Neokoros of the Imperial Cult In Revelation 13 John offers a frightening vision of two beasts – one from the sea (verses 1-8) and the other from the earth (verses 10-18). The function of the second beast was specifically to the inhabitants of the earth to worship the first beast (13:12). Scholars of Revelation are generally in agreement about the interpretation of this symbolism: the first beast is the governor sent from Rome to Asia to represent the emperor and the Roman Senate, while the second beast represents the high priests and other officials of Asia’s imperial cult temples in which the emperor was worshipped45. The first imperial cult temple in Asia was erected in Pergamum in 29 BCE to Augustus and Dea Roma (Suetonius, Augustus 52; Tacitus, Annals 4.37.3). A sanctuary for Divus Julius and Dea Roma was erected in Ephesus for use by its Roman residents (Cassius Dio 51.20.6-7). The Romans did not worship at the Pergamene temple ostensibly because they did not worship a living emperor as the Greeks did46. In 23 CE, in thanks for two favorable judgments in its behalf, the koinon of Asia decreed that a second imperial temple be built in the prov- ince47. After a three-year squabble regarding the location of the temple, the Roman Senate in 26 CE awarded Smyrna the right to build it over eleven other applicants (Tacitus, Annals 4.15). Smyrna’s devotion to Rome through the crises of Mithridates (Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo 10; Appian, Mithridates48) and Sulla played a role in securing this favorable decision. As a metropolis of Asia, it was also a conventus city where the governor held an assize annually. However, as Tacitus (Annals 4.56) states, their chief argument was that they had been the first “to build a temple in honor of Rome, during the consulship of Marcus Porcius Cato, when Rome’s power indeed was great, but not yet raised to the highest point, inasmuch as the Punic capital was still standing and there were mighty kings in Asia”. A coin (Fig. 3) issued perhaps at the time of the temple’s dedication when Hieronymos was magistrate and Petronius was proconsul (29-35 CE) carries a threefold dedication to Tiberius (TIBЄPIOC), Livia (CЄBACTHC), and the Senate (CYNKΛHTOC)48. The temple had its own chief priest distinct from Asia’s chief priest who presided over the temple in Pergamum. By John’s day Smyrna had been twice honored with the temple of Roma (see below) and the imperial

45 For a full explication of this background see Friesen 2001, esp. 201-204. Speaking generally about this background Koester 2015, 601 writes, “In the beast from the sea, evil is at work in an empire that dominated the world’s peoples, deifies its own rulers, and persecutes the followers of Jesus (13:1-10). In the beast from the land, evil operates through those who promote the deification of the leaders of the state and who back these religious claims with their own political and economic influence (13:11-18)”. 46 Burrell 2004, 18. 47 For a full history of the imperial cult in Smyrna see Burrell (2004, 38-54). Burrell (2004, 38 n. 1) calls incorrect the view that the establishment of the new imperial cult might somehow be connected to the aid Tiberius gave to twelve cities of Asia after the earthquake in 17 CE (Tacitus, Annals 2.47). It is surprising that Smyrna was not struck since surrounding cities like Sardis, Magnesia ad Siplyum, Kyme, and Aegae were damaged (Kibyra was hit in 23 CE). These cities later erected a “thank you” monument to Tiberius in the Forum of Julia in Rome. Its basis with personifications of the cities was later copied and erected in Puteoli (Vermeule 1981). It is difficult not to think that the emperor’s beneficence after the earthquakes played a role in Asia’s desire to establish a new imperial cult for Tiberius. 48 mellor 1975,52. For an additional example see: http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/displayimage. php?album=139&pid=11560. 296 Mark WILSON cult temple49. Smyrna was to be awarded two other neokorates, one under Hadrian and the other under Caracalla. The three neokorate temples are shown on the reverse of a medal- lion minted under Gordian III (238-244 CE) (Fig. 4). As Cadoux notes, the place where the initial Corinthian-style neokorate temple was built in Smyrna is unknown50.

The Statue of the Beast One of the functions of the second beast, according to John, was: “And it deceived the earth’s inhabitants through the signs that it was allowed to do on behalf of the beast by or- dering the earth’s inhabitants to make a statue (εἰκόνα) of the beast, who had the wound from the sword but was alive. It was allowed to give breath to the statue of the beast so that the beast’s statue might speak. It then ordered that those who did not worship the statue of the beast should be killed” (Revelation 13:14-15; emphasis added). Statues of emperors from the imperial period were ubiquitous in cities of the Greek East and today generally displayed in museums associated with the site. These statues, usually marble but sometimes bronze, presented the emperor in three guises: 1) cuirassed as a military conqueror, 2) naked as a Greek god, and 3) togated as the model Roman citizen and pater patriae51. On the coin mentioned in the previous section and issued after the instal- lation of the imperial cult in Smyrna, the reverse (Fig. 3) shows a togated statue of Tiberius standing in the tetrastyle temple. The restoration of the togated statue of Caligula in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 5) shows that such statues were brightly painted as well52. Statues of the emperor were carried during imperial processions. Such a statue figured in the trial of Polycarp around 156 CE. Despite repeated pleas by the police captain, his fa- ther, and the proconsul, Polycarp refused to declare, “Caesar is Lord,” offer incense, and swear by the genius of Caesar to save his life (Martyrdom of Polycarp 8-10). What is being described in these exchanges is an imperial loyalty oath. An early example (Fig. 6) dating from the final decade of the first century BCE comes from Neapolis/Neoclaudiopolis (Vezirköprü), which Sørensen says “ranks among our most important documents for the cult of the emperor in Roman Asia Minor”53. The text reads in part: “I swear by Zeus, the Earth, the Sun, all the gods and goddesses and by Augustus himself that I will be favorable towards Caesar Augustus and his children and descendants all the time of ... in word, deed and intention. I will reckon as friends those whom they might reckon as friends and

49 The term neokoros, while appearing on Smyrna’s inscriptions under Domitian in the late first century CE, does not appear on her coinage until the reign of Caracalla. A coin type, first issued under the Domitianic proconsul L. Mestrius Florus in 87/88 CE, shows an Amazon goddess bearing a temple. This has been interpreted as Smyrna being the first city to depict its civic deity on a coin to advertise itself as neokoros; see Burrell (2004, 41- 42, 48-49, 53). 50 Cadoux (1938, 240) mentions a conjecture by a scholar named Slaars (n. 2) who placed it on the acropolis near the stadium. Because neither the remains of this temple nor those of the temple to Dea Roma have yet been found, their location is not localized on maps of ancient Smyrna; see Ersoy (2015, 4). Nevertheless, it is probable that these important temples would be situated either on the acropolis or below it near other civic buildings. 51 Wilson 2002, 87. 52 rabbe 2013; see figures 28-30 for the colored restorations of Caligula depicted in his toga praetexta worn by magistrates and the toga purpurea and toga picta worn by the upper echelons of the Roman elite. Caligula is also depicted with black calcei patricii that traditionally differentiated senators from patricians who wore red boots. 53 Sørensen 2015, 14. Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 297

regard as enemies those that they might judge to be enemies. And in defence of their interests I will spare neither body, nor soul, nor life, nor children but take any risk, whatever kind it may be, for their interests. Whatever I might perceive or hear being said, planned or done against them, I will disclose, and I will be an enemy of one who says, plans or does any of this. Those that they judge to be enemies, I will pursue them with weapons and iron at land and sea, guarding myself against them. If I should do anything against this oath or not precisely as I have sworn, I will raise for myself, my own body, soul and life, children, all of my family and my possession, destruction and utter ruin extending to all those that succeed me and all my descendants. The land and the sea shall neither receive the bodies of my children or descendants, nor shall they bear them fruit”54 (emphasis added). Similar oaths in Greek have been found at Samos (6 BCE), Palaiphos (Tiberian), and As- sos (37 CE). Loyalty oaths were taken at the altars of the imperial cult in its sanctuaries. As Sørensen observes, “This connects the taking of the oath with the imperial cult on an unprecedented level”55. The pressure to affirm loyalty to the emperor is addressed by Pliny the Younger in letter 10.96 also from Bithynia and Pontus to the emperor Trajan. Writing around 110 CE, Pliny described the problem related to the Christians that he has encountered: “Amongst these I considered that I should dismiss any who denied that they were or ever had been Christians when they had repeated after me a formula of invocation to the gods and had made offerings of wine and incense to your statue (which I had ordered to be brought into court for this purpose along with the images of the gods), and furthermore had reviled the name of Christ: none of which things, I understand, any genuine Christian can be induced to do. Others, whose names were given to me by an informer, first admitted the charge and then denied it; they said that they had ceased to be Christians two or more years previously, and some of them even twenty years ago. They all did reverence to your statue and the images of the gods in the same way as the others, and reviled the name of Christ” (emphasis added)56. From Pliny’s perspective, the stubborn and obstinate Christians, some of whom were Ro- man citizens, could rectify their legal situation by offering incense and wine before a statue of the emperor. Some had already apostatized and done such reverence before his statue. But Pliny realized that genuine Christians would not supplicate before such an imperial statute. This act was what Polycarp refused to do several decades later in Smyrna. During the Decian persecution in 250 CE Pionius was similarly presented this option to prevent his martyrdom. The neokoros Polemon asked Pionius at his arrest, “Surely you are aware of the emperor’s edict commanding us to sacrifice to the gods” (Martyrdom of Pionius 3.2). Thus John’s injunction not to worship the beast’s statue continued to be a challenge faced by Christians in the Roman Empire for two and one-half centuries. After the last great per-

54 The translation is by Sørensen 2015, 17 55 Sørensen 2015, 23 56 Pliny the Younger 1969, 285-287. 298 Mark WILSON secution under Galerius in the Roman East, an edict of toleration was finally issued from Nicomedia in 311 CE in behalf of Christians. Finally the pressure to offer incense before a statue of the emperor was over.

Roma on Seven Hills In Revelation chapter 17 John is carried in the Spirit to a wilderness where he is shown a vision of a woman seated on a scarlet beast. The woman has seven heads and ten horns, is dressed in purple and scarlet, and has a mysterious name on her forehead – Babylon the Great. The symbolism of the vision is then explained: the seven heads stand for seven hills and seven emperors (verses 9-10). In the chapter’s final verse 18 the woman’s identity is also revealed: she “is the great city that reigns over the kingdoms of the earth”. In his stim- ulating essay “Was Roma the Scarlet Harlot?” Knight writes, “The great harlot continues to be one of the more striking and enigmatic images of empire in the book of Revelation”57. Nevertheless, he is not convinced that a link exists between the goddess Roma and the woman in John’s vision58. But what “great city” does this great prostitute in John’s vision represent? Many interpreters identify the seven hills with Rome’s seven hills, hence “the contemporary embodiment of the beast was Rome”59. In 195 BCE Smyrna built the first temple to Dea Roma in Asia Minor, whose location is unknown. This temple is mentioned by Tacitus (Annals 4.45). The erection of the temple to Roma was motivated in part by Smyrna’s desire to thank the Romans for their assis- tance in resisting the Seleucid king Antiochus III. Mellor, summarizing Smyrna’s deification of the city of Rome, writes, “So the cult of Rome covered the entire range of political emotion: enthusiastic affection, servile flattery, gratitude, suspicion, naked fear. It was a cult based on political, rather than religious experience”60. While the political dimension of the temple is generally accepted, Mellor’s diminishment of its religious role has been questioned. Knight, highlighting its religious significance for the city, notes that coins issued in the second and third century CE that depict the goddess and her temple dem- onstrate Smyrna’s ongoing devotion to the Roma cult61. Smyrna was among the cities in Asia that held Romaia – athletic games and cultural competitions dedicated to Rome. Our knowledge of these contests is drawn mainly from inscriptions62. ISmyrna 591 names a priest of Roma in Smyrna named Tiberius Claudius Hero who, during the reign of Nero,

57 Knight 2005, 104. 58 answering the question whether Dea Roma was the scarlet prostitute, Knight (2005, 105-107) demurs in several ways: 1) the polyvalent symbolism of Revelation’s symbolism makes it difficult to establish a one-to-one cor- respondence between an item and realia from the historical context, and 2) a methodology that employs only historical “objective” evidence to interpret a symbol may overlook other aspects of the text’s meaning. He offers a third objection that is not relevant here because its referent – a coin showing seated on seven hills from the reign of Domitian – is not part of our present discussion. 59 Beale 1999, 869.Bauckham (1993, 17-18), and Smalley (2005, 435) also regard Rome as the “city of seven hills”, which is likewise a common literary topos in Roman authors. See Horace (Carmen Saeculare 7), Cicero (Ad At- ticum. 6.5), Virgil (Georgics 2.535; Aeneid 6.783), Propertius (Elegies 3.11.57), Pliny (Natural History 3.5.66), and Martial (Epigrams 4.64). 60 mellor 1975, 15-16. 61 Knight 2005, 111-112. 62 mellor 1975, 165-167 Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 299 was the revealer (σεβαστοφάντ) of the divine images during the cult’s religious ceremonies and the organizer (ἀγωνοθέτη) of the contests honoring Roma and the emperor63. The reverse of a coin (Fig. 7) whose obverse contains a bust of Julia Domna (d. 217 CE) shows a seated Roma holding a tetrastyle temple in Smyrna in her right hand64. Another type with Julia Domna depicts Roma holding Victory and a spear. These two issues with Roma read Γ ΝΕΩΚΟ (third neokorate) on the field to her right, thus recognizing that Smyrna was awarded its third neokorate by Caracalla around 214 CE. The reverse of a coin (Fig. 8) from Caracalla (187-217 CE) shows three tetrastyle temples with the neokorates of Hadrian and Tiberius flanking the central temple dedicated to Roma. Their statues popu- late the temples. The abbreviation ΡΩ in the façade overhead identifies her as the seated figure facing that of Hadrian65. From this depiction Burrell suggests that, because Smyrna never claimed to be the neokoros of the goddess Roma, her temple now began to serve a dual function. She shared it with Caracalla whose neokorate was now installed in her pre- cincts66. Summarizing Smyrna relationship with the goddess, Mellor writes, “The citizens of this Ionian city surely never regretted their early adherence to Roma”67. The Christians in Smyrna could surely recognize the depiction of Roma in John’s vision.

The Port of Smyrna and Aegean Commerce In Revelation 18:2 an angel announces the fall of Babylon. One reason for the divine in- dictment against this great city was that “the merchants of the earth became rich because of her addiction to luxury” (18:3). These merchants are said to weep and mourn over her destruction “because no one will purchase their cargo any longer” (18:11). Verses 12-13 provide a list of 29 cargoes that were shipped to Rome to satiate her appetite both for food staples and luxury goods68. Ship captains, seafarers, sailors, and dock workers are also identified as among those mourning the loss of their market in the great city (18:17). John’s portrait of maritime activity in the Roman Empire is sustained by ongoing archaeological finds. Shipwrecks from the imperial period show the capacity of cargo ships in- creasing to one hundred tons and above. Technological developments including bilge pumps, sounding weights, cranes, and concrete usage in harbors and moles all facilitated this expansion. As Wilson states, “The Roman integration of the Mediterranean under a single political system, and the virtual eradication of piracy by Pompey, together with the use of a single currency in nearly all of this area except Egypt, all greatly reduced transac- tion costs in supplying what had now became a vast pan-Mediterranean market”69.

63 Knight 2005, 115. 64 For a picture see: http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/coin-of-smyrna-with-bust-of-julia-domna-259564. 65 For a picture see: http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=139&pid=2214#top_dis- play_media. 66 Burrell 2004, 49-51. 67 mellor 1975, 52. 68 See the map “Trade in the Roman Empire” in Wilson (2007, 118) for the distribution of these goods around the empire. However, it does not specifically show Smyrna and the products mentioned here on the map. 69 Wilson 2011b, 54. Wilson’s full article surveys this evidence and provides helpful illustrations. 300 Mark WILSON

Smyrna was a key emporium in this integrated system. Through its port it “had a place in the networks of trade that sent goods to the vast markets of the empire”70. Strabo (Ge- ography 14.1.37) mentions that the harbor could be “closed”, while Aristides frequently mentions the harbor that lay at the city’s navel (Orations 17.19; cf. 18.3, 21.5 et al). Despite its 56 kilometer-long distance from the Aegean Sea, Smyrna’s excellent harbor within the sheltered Gulf of Smyrna was suitably enticing for maritime commerce (Fig. 9)71. Inscrip- tions found in Rome show the presence of merchants from Smyrna in the capital72. Ca- doux observes, “The small harbour…formed an excellent centre for the commercial life of the place; and the merchant-ship pictured on Smrynaian coins witnesses to the local appreciation of at least one ground of the city’s prosperity”73. Forty-eight images of merchant vessels (naves onerariae or corbitae) and military liburnae (or naves longae) have been found among the graffiti in the Agora Basilica, making ships the most represented subject. Despite being dated over a century later than Revelation, the graffiti represent the ongoing importance of maritime activity to Smyrna. Regarding their source, Casagrande-Kim writes, “Thus, the larger vessels could have been painted by merchants, in an attempt to boost their persona or even to publicize their business, while smaller graffiti could have been incised by passing sailors or soldiers stationed in the city”74. A major road connected the port eastward to inner Asia Minor along the Hermus Riv- er valley past Sardis75. The region was rich in grain and fruit as well as olives and figs. Magie notes, “Well-known wines were also made in the coast region of Ionia, around Smyrna...”76 Wool and textiles were also important export products that originated inland. In the fourth-century CE, the anonymous author of the Expositio totius mundi et gentium calls Smyrna a “magnificent city…broad and productive in all goods: various wines, olive oil, rice, good purple dye, and spelt”77. The discovery of numerous commercial amphorae from the Greco-Roman period in the Courtyard (Avlu) section of the Agora illustrates this activity78. Such amphorae were used to transport commodities like wine and olive oil. Luxury goods from the Orient such as incense, perfumes, spices, silk, precious stones, and rare woods – all mentioned in 18:12-13 – came via the Red Sea or overland via Petra and passed through Judea to reach the Mediterranean. Applebaum posits that Greek cities in Asia Minor might have been required to accept these luxury goods from Jewish middle- men operating in ports like Smyrna. Hence, “Jewish commerce continued to enjoy a slice of the oriental luxury trade”79.

70 Koester 2008, 766. 71 Five other illustrations of the restored inner harbor can be seen in Sipahioğlu 2007, 65, 66, 68-70. 72 Kraybill 1996, 109. 73 Cadoux 1938, 101. 74 Bagnall et al 2016, 33. 75 French (2014, 25) on Conspectus Map 5.1.1 entitled “Asia West”, shows the road network around Smyrna and labels this road eastward to Sardis as D6. 76 magie 1950, 1.46. 77 Translation by Woodman 1964, 38. 78 Şenol 2015, 243-248, 255. 79 applebaum 1987, 668. Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 301

The final item among the 29 commodities is slaves (ψυχὰς ἀνθρώπων), and Asia was a major supplier of slaves for Rome. In his survey of slave markets (Lat. statarium; Gr. στατάριον) in the seven cities of Asia, Koester finds inscriptional evidence for their existence in only three: Ephesus, Thyatira, and Sardis80. Nevertheless, Smyrna was also be involved in the slave trade. An inscription from Acmonia (MAMA VI, 260) mentions a Roman citizen named Gaius Sornatius who built a slave market there. Slaves from that market would be exported via the road westward to Sardis whose terminus was Smyrna. A marble relief from Smyrna, now in the Ashmolean Museum, shows a Roman soldier leading two slaves by a chain connected to their collar bands (Fig. 10). Such captives from war were another important source for the slave trade81. The collapse of commerce envisioned in John’s vision would negatively impact the econo- my of Smyrna. That impoverishment was already being experienced by some Jewish believ- ers who were perhaps involved in the sale of luxury goods. So the imperative to celebrate the coming destruction of Rome (18:20), despite the negative economic consequences affecting even Smyrna, would bring some measure of retributive justice to the city’s belea- guered Christians.

Conclusion This study has demonstrated that the book of Revelation had existential significance to the church in Smyrna beyond just the short letter in chapter 2. The opposition of the Jew- ish synagogue through its leaders, who also had influence in the local government82, was principal. Important images and metaphors that appear in later chapters spoke directly to their precarious situation in this major port city of Asia. The temples of Dea Roma and the imperial cult were architectural reminders that different “gods/goddesses” and “lords” ruled the city. Statues of the emperor with accompanying loyalty oaths were also spiritual realities. Their witness to Jesus had already cost them socially and economically, so that they were “poor and naked” (2:8). Although impending imprisonment faced some, its duration would be short. Nevertheless, they were to be faithful and persevere, despite the possibility of death (2:10). If they resisted, their promised reward was the wreath of eternal life and exemption from the second death of eternal judgment (2:10-11; cf. 20:6). But did the early Christians of Smyrna overcome their opposition? Over four decades later around 110-117 CE, Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch bound for martyrdom in Rome, wrote a personal letter to the bishop Polycarp as well as a letter to the church in Smyrna. He names Galvia (or Tavia), Alce, Daphnus, and Eutecnus (Smyrneans 13.2) among the leading members in the church. Ignatius’s two letters to Christians suggest that the answer must be affirmative. The rhetorical purpose for which John composed Revelation therefore realized success in the church of Smyrna.

80 Koester 2008, 778-785 81 Jewish captives after Jerusalem’s fall in 70 CE that are depicted on the Arch of Titus in Rome well illustrate this. See Josephus (Jewish War 7.117-157); Schmidt 2010, 3-4. 82 This is shown in the opposition received by Paul in Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:50), Iconium (Acts 14:2), and Thes- salonica (Acts 17:5). Fig. 1. Inscription mentioning Jewish donors, ISmyrna 697 (Photo: Record shot courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford) Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 303

Fig. 2. Faith/Lord graffito (Photo: Author courtesy of Smyrna Excavation)

Fig. 3. Coin of Tiberius with his neokorate temple (Photo: Courtesy of Yale University Art Gallery, http://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/116843)

Fig. 4. Coin of Gordian III with three neokorate temples (Photo: Courtesy of Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. https://www.cngcoins.com/Coin.aspx?CoinID=84931) 304 Mark WILSON

Fig. 5. Statue of Caligula wearing toga Fig. 6. Neoclaudiopolis Loyalty Oath purpurea (Photo: Courtesy of Direct (Photo: Tønnes Bekker-Nielsen courtesy of Dimensions and the Virtual World Heritage Istanbul Archaeological Museum Laboratory, University of Virginia) permission no. 64298988)

Fig. 7. Roma holding her Temple Fig. 8. Caracalla with Roma in Central Temple (Photo: Courtesy of Boston Museum (Photo: Courtesy of Asia Minor Coins) of Fine Arts) Localizing Smyrna in the Apocalypse: John’s Visions of the “First of Asia” 305

Fig. 9. Model of Smyrna’s Inner Harbor (Photo: Author courtesy of Izmir Museum of Commercial History)

Fig. 10. Marble Relief with Two Slaves (Photo: Courtesy Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Roman_collared_slaves_-_Ashmolean_Museum.jpg) 306 Mark WILSON

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