To Love Or Not to Love—Tang Xianzu's Reconciliation of Qing

Home , Chuanqi (short story), Qing (philosophy), Shide (monk), Tang Xianzu, Tang Yijie, The Peony Pavilion

TO LOVE OR NOT TO LOVE—TANG XIANZU’S RECONCILIATION OF QING

WITH RU, SHI AND DAO

LING RAO

(Under the Direction of KARIN MYHRE)

ABSTRACT

Tang Xianzu, one of the greatest playwrights in Chinese dramatic history, is best known for his play The Peony Pavilion, which has touched the hearts of generations of female and male readers and audiences, fueling the cult of qing in late imperial China. Tang’s last two plays,

Nanke Ji and Handan Ji, end with the protagonists attaining Buddhahood and immortality, forsaking their previous attachment, or qing. A simplistic conclusion would thus be that Tang

Xianzu surrendered his faith in qing and embraced other religious beliefs at the end of his life. I wish to examine the complex and pregnant endings of both plays, showing that they should not be read simplistically, and that they cannot support the thesis of Tang’s renunciation of qing in

Chapters three and four. qing has been attacked and defended repeatedly throughout history perhaps because of its affinity to yu. Chapter one will introduce the cult of qing and discuss how qing reconciles with Confucian traditions and beliefs. Chapter two examines Tang’s faith in qing within the context of Confucianism by examining closely the imagery associated with the plum.

Despite his deep sympathy with the doctrine of Buddhist dharma and with Daoist tenets, Tang

Xianzu was not able to accept the contradictions of the Buddhist eradication of emotions and the commendation of compassion. Nor was he convinced of the Daoist promise of immortality. Behind all this, is his faith in authentic qing, which was refined and polished by the trials of his personal life, his thwarted Confucian career, and his exposure to Buddhist and Daoist beliefs.

INDEX WORDS: Tang Xianzu, Chinese Drama, Qing, Confucianism(Ru), Daoism(Dao),

Buddhism(Shi).

TO LOVE OR NOT TO LOVE: TANG XIANZU’S RECONCILIATION OF QING WITH

RU, SHI AND DAO

LING RAO

BA, Nanchang University, China, 2007

MA, Shanghai International Studies University, China, 2009

A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

ATHENS, GEORGIA

2016

LING RAO

TO LOVE OR NOT TO LOVE—TANG XIANZU’S RECONCILIATION OF QING

WITH RU, SHI AND DAO

LING RAO

Major Professor: Karin Myhre Committee: Ronald Bogue Thomas Cerbu

Electronic Version Approved:

Suzanne Barbour Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia August 2016

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my gratitude to my advisor Dr. Karin Myhre for her guidance and mentorship during my seven years of doctoral study at UGA. I am also deeply indebted to Dr.

Ronald Bogue for patiently proofreading the manuscript and for taking the trouble to skype in while being at Europe. I would also like to thank Dr. Yuanfei Wang for serving on my

Committee in the past two years. I am deeply grateful that Dr. Thomas Cerbu, our Graduate

Coordinator has been offering me valuable advice and who kindly serves as my Committee member and who encourages me and motivates me to move forward on my path to graduation. I also would not be able to complete my work without the generous support of our wonderful

Department Head Dr. Moshi. Their patience and encouragement has kept me going and motivated me to succeed in the academic world. I am also extremely blessed to have received the unconditional love and support from my parents, and to have met so many talented students and caring friends at UGA.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2 QING AND RU—AN OVERVIEW ...... 28

3 QING THROUGH PLUM IMAGERY ...... 46

4 QING AND BUDDHISM ...... 84

5 QING AND DAOISM ...... 118

6 CONCLUSION ...... 150

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 152

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Regarded as one of the greatest playwrights in Chinese dramatic history, whose influence is comparable to that of Shakespeare,1 Tang Xianzu (1550-1616) is best known for his play The

Peony Pavilion, which has touched the hearts of generations of female and male readers and audiences, fueling the cult of qing2 in late imperial China. The charms of this play have endured into modern times, as evidenced by a “spate of strikingly different productions” that debuted in

Asia, North America and Europe from 1998 to 1999.3 Tang Xianzu’s masterpiece inspired subsequent scholars and playwrights, such as Zang Maoxun (1550-1620) and Feng Menglong

(1574-1645) to rewrite his plays; the play also inspired female readers like Feng Xiaoqing (1595-

1612) and the three wives of Wu Wushan to compose numerous poems and commentaries. Tang

Xianzu earned the reputation of being someone possessed of authentic qing to such an extent that the Qing playwright Jiang Shiquan even composed a play, Linchuan Meng, depicting the love story of Tang Xianzu and the ghost of Yu Er’niang, who allegedly admires Tang and dies prematurely from strong emotions evoked by The Peony Pavilion. Despite the importance of qing in this play, little research has been done on his interpretation of qing, beyond that of examining his preface to The Peony Pavilion and his “Epigraph for the Theatre God Qingyuan”.4

1 For example, Xu Shuofang the eminent Chinese scholar on Tang Xianzu has written an article comparing the times, language, structure and themes of the two writers and their plays. Shuofang Xu, Tang Xianzu Nianpu, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958).73-90. 2 The first chapter will discuss in details the complex layers of meaning of this word qing which include love, emotions, desires, sex, passion, etc. As will be discussed in details later, qing has been constantly attacked and defended by literati throughout the past two thousand years because of its association with yu, desires. 3 Susan Pertel Jain, "Contemplating Peonies: A Symposium on Three Productions of Tang Xianzu's Peony Pavilion," 2002. 4 Zhou Yude for example traces in details Tang Xianzu’s dramatic theory to earlier Confucian tradition in his “An Exposition of the ‘Theatre God, master Qing-Yuan, Temple Notes in Yi-Huang County”. Cheng Yun also bases his discussion of Tang’s theory of qing largely on the “Temple Notes” in his book Tang Xianzu and the Evolution of 2

Even less research has addressed his conception of qing in the context of Confucianism,

Buddhism and Daoism5. Scholars have discussed the religious influence on Tang Xianzu, yet little research has traced the evolution of Tang’s understanding and representation of qing and his efforts to reconcile qing with the aforementioned three traditions.

Tang’s last two plays, Nanke Ji and Handan Ji, end with the protagonists attaining

Buddhahood and immortality, forsaking their previous attachment, or qing. A simplistic conclusion would thus be that Tang Xianzu surrendered his faith in qing and embraced other religious beliefs at the end of his life. If this indeed were the case, the popularity of the cult of qing, which so affected many talented female readers that they died a premature death, would be deeply ironic6. Moreover, since Tang’s deeply influential dramatic theory builds upon the notion of authentic qing, the entire theory would crumble if its foundation were undermined. This dissertation thus aims to explore how Tang Xianzu has reconciled qing with various philosophical and religious influences and whether his last two plays reflect a departure from his vehement advocacy of qing.

Late-Ming Drama 湯顯祖與晚明戲曲的嬗變. 5 There were efforts examining Tang Xianzu’s influence by individual religions, but not on how ideologies have influenced his interpretation and understanding of qing or indeed how qing has evolved and reconciled with the mainstream philosophy. Zheng Peikai examines Tang Xianzu’s influence by Buddhism in his book 《湯顯祖與晚明文化》；Dai Jicheng argues that Tang Xianzu’s attachment to the world prevents him from agreeing with Monk Daguan’s teaching in his article “紫柏大師與湯顯祖”; Huang Xinyu also challenges the idea that Tang Xianzu’s Nanke Ji is a product of Monk Daguan’s Buddhist influence in her article “論湯顯祖《南柯記》之佛教觀點的展現”;呂凱 examines the Daoist influence in Handan Ji in his article “湯顯祖邯鄲記的道化思想和明代中業以後的社會”; Cheng Yun and Xu Shuofang also briefly touch upon Tang Xianzu’s exposure to Buddhism and Daoism; C.T. Hsia also points out that Tang Xianzu’s last two plays represent an aberration because of the Daoist and Buddhist messages and argues that it is hard to estimate Daguan’s influence on Tang Xianzu in his article “Time and the Human Condition in the Plays of T’ang Hsien-tsu” in Debary’s book Self and Society in Ming Thought. Yet no research looks at the relationship between qing and these religious influences. Nor do they examine the endings of Tang Xianzu’s last two plays, which tend to be read literally and thus simplistically. The irony presented in the endings should not be ignored and may shed some light on this complex question of Tang’s understanding of qing. 6 For details on the effect of The Peony Pavilion on female readers, Dorothy Ko in her monograph Teachers of the Inner Chambers describes in details in Chapter two female readers’ obsession with Tang’s masterpiece and the popularity of domestic rituals worshipping Bridal Du, the protagonist of the play. Ko also lists the premature deaths of a few talented female scholars such as Yu Er’niang and Cheng Qiong. 3

The late scholar Xu Fuming (1921-1995) admits that one of the questions prompting his compilation of Ming and Qing writings on The Peony Pavilion is, “What is the qing in The

Peony Pavilion?”7 He lists various scholars’ commentary on the play and on qing, but does not directly answer the question himself. Martin Huang in the footnote of his article “Sentiments of

Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature” also hints that Tang Xianzu’s later works seem to attempt to “transcend qing…via a Taoist/Buddhist route.”8 His article traces the relationship between qing and li (rites), qing and xing (human nature), qing and yu (desire) in the Confucian tradition but it does not elaborate on that “Daoist/Buddhist route.” Others have been fascinated by the question of Tang Xianzu’s reconciliation of qing with Buddhism, but they have not reached consensus as to whether Tant Xianzu converted to Buddhism towards the end of his life. Zheng Peikai for example believes that Tang Xianzu was convinced by Monk

Daguan’s belief that “li exists whereas qing does not,” and as a result he renounced his previous faith in qing9. Huang Xinyu, however, argues that Zheng’s evidence is not sufficient to prove that Tang Xianzu abandoned qing for Buddhism. She believes that the difference between the two works is not so much the immediate result of Monk Daguan’s teaching as it is the result of

Daguan’s long-term influence and Tang Xianzu’s immersion in Buddhism, Confucianism and

Daoism. Nor does she believe in a complete jettison of qing on Tang Xianzu’s part. I attempt to explore Tang Xianzu’s interpretation of qing through a brief comparison of the original vernacular stories and the four plays of Tang Xianzu that I have chosen for close reading and discussion: The Peony Pavilion, The Purple Hairpin, Nanke Ji and Handan Ji.

7 Xu Fuming 徐扶明, Mudan Ting Yanjiu Ziliao Kaoshi 牡丹亭研究資料考釋. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987). Research and Notes on The Peony Pavilion. p. 5. Xu writes in the preface that he has been contemplating the hotly contested questions: what is qing; whether there is any good literature after The Peony Pavilion; how to evaluate the happy endings; whether The Peony Pavilion is a tragedy, a comedy or a tragicomedy, etc. 8 Martin W. Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature," 1998.p.183, note 93. 9 Zheng Peikai 鄭培凱, Tang Xianzu Yu Wan Ming Wenhua 湯顯祖與晚明文化. (Taibei: Yunchen wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 1995).422-423. 4

Before delving into Tang Xianzu’s works, it is imperative to introduce Chinese dramatic theory, and it is helpful to use Aristotle’s Poetics to elucidate Chinese dramatic traditions. The relationship between qing and pity and fear is closer than one might expect. Authentic qing or emotions in fact lie at the foundation of Chinese dramatic theory and literary creation. By focusing on reacting to outside stimuli in the most spontaneous and natural way, Chinese drama justifies itself as a building block safeguarding the moral principles of society. By using genuine qing as the fundamental guideline in literary composition and theatrical performance, tragic moments are created throughout the plays, and pity and fear are also successfully evoked in the spectators. One person who is perceived to be an adamant champion of qing is Tang Xianzu.

This dissertation will thus discuss his understanding of qing and how he reconciles it with

Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism, and whether in the end his faith has changed.

Gilbert Murray aptly remarked on the difficulty of understanding Aristotle’s Poetics for modern British scholars, noting that “between ancient Greece and modern England there yawn immense gulfs of human history.”10 Aristotle’s influential treatise, therefore, especially since the latter half of the sixteenth century when the Renaissance rekindled people’s interest in this classic,11 has been “constantly criticized, re-asserted, and rebelled against.”12 The considerable influence of his fundamental intellectual work on Western dramatic theory is irrefutable, and, in

Roger Seamon’s words, “it is astonishing that Aristotle got so much right.”13 Seamon however

10 Aristotle, Aristotle on the Art of Poetry, ed. Ingram Bywater and Gilbert Murray, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978). 5. 11 Longxi Zhang, "Poetics and World Literature," Neohelicon 38, no. 2 (2011). 320. 12 Aristotle, Aristotle on the Art of Poetry. 20. 13 Roger Seamon, "The Price of the Plot in Aristotle's 'Poetics'," The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 64, no. 2 (2006). 257. 5 takes issue with the primacy of plot given by Aristotle, which makes “character (ethos), reasoning (dianoia), and style (lexis) mere means to an end.”14

The Chinese scholar Zhang Longxi points out that the origin of poetry in Chinese literary theory is the “articulation of one’s inner thoughts and emotions” rather than the natural instinct of imitation. He also notes the customary happy endings in Chinese drama are opposed to those of tragedy, the dramatic genre Aristotle most highly valued.15 There are, however, two aspects of

Aristotelian theory that are applicable to Chinese dramatic theory, which will be explored in this chapter. I will examine as well the unique long-term relationship between moral teaching and natural expression in Chinese drama that has no parallel in Aristotelian theory.

There are fundamental differences between ancient Greek and Chinese dramatic theory.

A quick survey of Chen Duo’s Selected Annotated Anthology of Chinese Dramatic Theory 中國

歷代劇論選注 and the translation by Fei shows that Chinese theatrical history consists of numerous short theoretical writings on music, dance and acting. There is no authoritative

“singular author” comparable to Aristotle whose work serves as the foundation for a dramatic tradition, which Fei and Schechner observe in their prefaces.16 Claire Conceison differs on this argument in her review of Fei’s book, stating that Fei’s biographical introductions before each selection have in fact inadvertently nominated several scholars of the twentieth century as

“distinguished theorists” and “pioneers” of Chinese theatre, such as Wang Guowei (1877-1927),

Wu Mei (1884-1939), and Huang Zuolin (1906-1994).17 Indeed, since the Yuan dynasty, every

14 Ibid., 252. 15 Zhang, "Poetics and World Literature." pp. 323-325. He also discussed the influence of Poetics on Indian and Arabic scholars and traditions in this paper. 16 Faye Chunfang Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present, (University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor, 1999). See their prefaces to the anthology. 17 Claire Conceison, "Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present (Book)," TDR: The Drama Review 44, no. 1 (2000). 6 dynasty boasts a few influential theorists who develop the Chinese theatre further. Although there is no major treatise from which “a planetary system of commentaries and reactions revolve”,18 Chinese theatrical history is filled with a diversity of descriptive writings by scholars who participate in the theatre and engage in philosophical reflections of the Confucian poetics.

These scholars comment on previous writings and re-interpret the classics and sometimes put forward new concepts. Examples are Li Zhi’s (1527-1602) concept of child-like heart (tongxin,

童心) and his homonymous concepts of inspired art (huagong, 化工) and well-crafted art

(huagong, 畫工) and Xu Wei (1521-93) and Wang Jide’s (?-1623) interpretation of natural language (bense, 本色).

In the seven-volume General History of Chinese Literary Criticism compiled by Fudan

University, dramatic theory only appears in the fourth volume in Yuan dynasty entry with scholars like Hu Diyu 胡袛遹(1227-1295) who comes up with “nine beauties”九美 for actresses,19 Yannan Zhi’an 燕南芝庵, a contemporary of Hu, and who proposes the “singing theory” 唱論,20 Zhou Deqing 周德清 (1277-1365) whose famous work on Chinese phonology

Rhymes from the Central Plain 中原音韻 helps to develop Northern drama21, Zhong Sicheng 鐘

嗣成(1279-1360) who compiles the first anthology and biography of song writers and playwrights of the Yuan dynasty.22 By mid-Ming, a more complex and systematic dramatic theory comes into play. Li Kaixian 李開先(1502-1568) believes theatre is closely connected to

18 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. Preface. 19 Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Gu Yisheng 顧易生, General History of Chinese Literary Criticism V. 4. 中國文學批評通史.卷四. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2011). 1081-1085. Five of the “nine beauty” guidelines are on the external talents and appearances, four of which are on the “complete internalization of the roles” 內則詳悉其情. 20 Ibid., 1085-1087. 21 Ibid., 1087-1096. 22 Ibid., 1096-1099. 7 politics, emphasizes the performative aspect of theatre, and attributes the successful bense language to a talented erudite 天姿學歷 and perceptive 悟人之功 author.23 He Liangjun 何良俊

(1506-1573) interprets the bense language as a simple and natural flow of everyday language that sounds genuine, and not affected or over-polished.24 There is also Wang Shizhen’s (1526-1590)

Quzao 曲藻, an important collection of previous Chinese dramatic theory and commentaries, and

Xuwei(1521-1593)’s Nanci Xulu 南詞敘錄 which officially documents and introduces the southern drama and further develops the idea of bense as being “in between the literary and vulgar”文俗之間, “home-style and natural”家常自然, “flowing from the heart”從心流出.25 In

Late Ming, scholars like Tang Xianzu, Shen Jing, Wang Jide, Wang Siren, Zhang Dai make their contributions to the Chinese dramatic theory tradition.

It seems that Aristotle is interested in a theoretical description of poetry and of tragedy in particular, whereas the Chinese theatrical theory is a rather descriptive product of diverse scholars who comment on or describes their opinion of what constitutes good theater. Due to limitation of time and space, I will focus on two major aspects of Aristotle’s dramatic theory— his concepts of imitation and tragedy—and discuss their difference and applicability to Chinese drama.

Imitation and Expression

It is imperative to look at the origin of poetry and drama in both traditions. Both traditions stress the natural human tendency to make poetry, music and dance. The difference is that Aristotle focuses on imitation, or mimesis, whereas Chinese scholars focus on expression in

23 General History of Chinese Literary Criticism V. 5. 中國文學批評通史.卷 5. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2011). 321-329. 24 Ibid., 329-341. 25 Ibid., 341-359. 8 the production of arts, or in Zhang’s words, on “articulation rather than imitation.”26 For

Aristotle, the telos, the final cause of all poetry is imitation, or rather the human tendency to imitate.27 One may say further that the final cause of imitation is “the natural human delight in learning which he regards as a form of recognition.”28 In the Chinese tradition, the final cause for poetry, music and dance, as will be shown in the following Confucian classics, is the natural expression of one’s heart. The final cause for expression is the belief that the external world constantly “affects one’s heart”, sometimes mysteriously.29 It can be further inferred from the

Book of Rites and Xunzi’s Discussion of Music that mankind reacts to outside stimuli to achieve harmony and avoid chaos. Therefore, Aristotle’s poetics focus on the natural action of mankind to learn about the outside world whereas Chinese aesthetics concentrates on the natural re-action of mankind to external stimuli.

At the outset of the Poetics, Aristotle stresses the importance of imitation, which is the basic principle for drama, epic, poetry, most music and dance. Sidnell explains that this imitation is not simply about “the observable features of the external world and of men’s activities, but the universal truths which underlie them.”30 Why do people naturally imitate the world? Aristotle’s answer is that people delight in learning about the world and more importantly in discovering universal truths. Given the centrality of imitation, however, we should not, as Murray cautions us, make the error of “complaining that Aristotle did not understand the ‘creative power’ of art.”31

Imitation or the making of arts is a term used in contrast to the creation of reality. It does,

26 Zhang, "Poetics and World Literature." 323. 27 Plato to Congreve, Sources of Dramatic Theory ;. ed. Michael J. Sidnell, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press1991). 34. 28 Ibid. The reason why people imitate and take pleasure in doing so can also be seen in Chapter 4 of the Poetics. 29 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. p. 6. Here I am borrowing the expression from the Book of Rites. 30 Plato to Congreve. 36. 31 Aristotle, Aristotle on the Art of Poetry. 9. 9 however, include the creative power of human beings. To Aristotle, imitation is “natural to man from childhood,” and it is “at first by imitation” that humans learn. Humans naturally “delight in works of imitation,” especially “the most realistic representations of [the objects],” even though they may be painful to see.32 The reason behind this delight is the universal pleasure humans experience when they “learn something” and when they admire the “execution or contouring” of their representation.33 In other words, people naturally imitate because they want to learn.

Just as Aristotle believes that imitation is natural to human beings, as are harmony (music) and rhythm (dance)34, so in Chinese tradition, music, dance and poetry have also been deemed natural and human, yet they are prompted by one’s heart and emotions, which in turn are evoked by the external world. In the Book of Rites, “The origin of Music” records that:

All melody originates from the heart. The external, material world affects one’s heart, which then expresses itself through sound. Sounds in turn are organized into a melody, which becomes yue, music, when played on instruments and accompanied by dance.35 Xun Zi (ca. 313-238 B.C.E.) also said “Music is joy, which is humanly and emotionally indispensable. Sounds and movements are all connected with the ways of the human world.”36 In

Preface to Mao’s Poetry with Notes and Commentaries, the authors Mao Heng and Mao Chang further identify poetry, music and dance as people’s natural responses to powerful emotions:

Poetry comes from desires and dreams. Poetry expresses one’s heartfelt desires with words. When inner impulses are compelling, one finds words; when [written] words alone are not enough, one recites them with an expressive cadence; when this is not enough, one sings with all his heart; when singing is not enough, one finds his hands and feet dancing by themselves.37

32 Ibid., 29. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 6. 36 Ibid., 14. 37 Ibid., 22. 10

In the Chinese tradition, people express their hearts as a response or reaction to the external world. In the Greek tradition by contrast, people imitate because this is their means of learning about the world. Both “imitation” and “expression” are part of humans’ natural interactions with the outside world; the former focuses on the outside world and the latter on the individual.

Although expression is a re-action to the outside world, the means of expression is often imitation. Imitation in the sense of mimicry has in fact been an important part of early Chinese theatre.

Xu Muyun (1900-1974) in his encyclopedic work on the history of Chinese theatre traces the Pre-Han forms of theatre to musicians and court jesters who entertain with wit and mimicry.

The ancient word for actor or Chinese is in fact youling 優伶; you meaning musicians who play certain instruments but do not sing, and ling referring to humorous and daring jesters, who are often midgets and entertain people with their dance, singing, satirical quips and mimicries.38 The hundred-animal dance recorded in the Yao Ceremony consists in fact of mimicries of the birds and beasts.

During the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.-220 C.E.), musicians and jesters follow the tradition of previous dynasties. Later in the dynasty, the theatre becomes more complex, with the emergence of actors who play the roles of shrimp, fish and lions, according to Meng Kang(ca.

180-260 C.E.).39

It is also at this time that storytelling rather than simple imitation of animals and people gains more significance in theatre. The puppet play kuilei 傀儡 and wrestling jiaodi 角觝

38 Xu Muyun 徐慕雲 and Duozhai 躲齋, Zhongguo Xiju Shi 中國戲劇史. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2001). 1-5. 3939 ibid. pp. 7-8. Meng Kang made a note of the those actors “戲魚蝦獅子者” in his masterpiece Hanshu Yinyi 漢書音義, which is his commentary of the historical classic History of Han 漢書. 11 become popular forms of theatre, the latter being a broad term interchangeably used with baixi, which literally means “a hundred shows”, encompassing music-dance performances, spectacles such as controlling snakes and dueling tigers, spectacles with special effects, acrobatics and magic shows.40 The Qing scholar Yu Yue (1821-1907) concludes that jiaodi marks the origin of

Chinese theatre, a thesis with which Xu Muyun also agrees.41

Given the importance of imitation in the early development of Chinese theatre, and that both imitation and expression are natural ways to interact with the outside world, how different are imitation and expression? How significant is this difference?

When the purpose of poetry is imitation, the focus naturally falls on the external object of imitation, the elements that characterize a good imitation of an action, such as are exemplified in great Greek tragedies, and on the prescriptive rules that ensure the creation of a good imitation, which Aristotle categorizes via the six elements of every tragedy: “the Plot, Characters, Diction,

Thought, Spectacle and Melody.”42 Because tragedy is an “imitation of life, of happiness and misery,”43 and action determines people’s attainment of happiness or the opposite, the plot is the most important element of tragedy.

When the purpose of all artistic production is expression, the focus is on the internal thinking self, on the authenticity and intensity of the heart-felt feelings, and the true emotions one expresses and perceives as a result. Creating authentic characters with true spirit and writing with natural diction therefore together constitute the most important element of drama. This belief reverberates throughout Chinese literary history. For instance, Wang Guowei says, “All

40 Ibid., 9-11. Xu cites many examples from Xijing zaji 西京雜記 which is a collection of anecdotes and stories as well as Zhang Heng’s(78-139) Xijing Fu 西京賦. Fei’s book offers a translation of Xijing Fu on page 24-25. 41 Ibid., 11. 42 Aristotle, Aristotle on the Art of Poetry. 36. 43 Ibid., 37. 12 literature is superior because of its naturalness, and nowhere is this more evident than in the case of Yuan drama,” praising the natural language of Yuan drama which allows colloquial words to be used. Xu Wei also advocates bense 本色 or write naturally.44 Wang Jide, a student of Xu Wei, further explains bense in terms of its reception: “if the verses can be understood by an old woman, then it can be understood by everyone…The more embellished the language is, the less force of joy and sadness it creates.” Wang Jide further describes the bense language as one that

“imitates and describes events and situations in life; it should reveal character and values through natural and subtle means of action rather than relying on fancy words.”45 By the same token, Li

Yu says it is imperative to “speak without inhibition…[and] explore the feelings of the character you are going to portray” and stresses that “The Worst enemy for a playwright is implicit and restraint.”46 Even Aristotle to some extent shares the same opinion, “those dramatists who are themselves emotionally affected are most convincing: one who is himself distressed distresses.

One who is angry conveys anger most realistically.”47

To some scholars, the ideal expression happens only when a writer’s heart is filled with unknown powerful emotions that they cannot contain. They have identified the source of literary

44 Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Yisheng 顧易生, General History of Chinese Literary Criticism V. 5. 330-338. There has been much debate about the meaning of this term—bense. In mid-Ming, during the reign of Jiajing (1522-1566) and Longqing (1567-1572), more and more plays were written, many of which were written as “closet drama”(Antou Xi 案頭戲), designed for reading not for performance. Playwrights therefore saw the need to return to the natural language (bense) of the Yuan drama. He Liangjun was an early advocator of an emphasis on bense. He criticizes Story of the Western Chamber as being over-embellished and too focused with romantic qing; he also debases Pipa Ji for showing off. He rates Baiyue Ting higher than the other two plays, against conventional dramatic reception of the plays. He believes that the bense diction should be natural, unadorned, enjoyable, easily understandable yet also literary, fitting and interesting. Wang Shizhen attacks He Liangjun’s idea and defends the conventional understanding of the plays. He thinks that Baiyue Ting is inferior to Pipa Ji because that the language in the latter is more ornate; the latter aims to uphold moral values; singing and performance throughout the play doesn’t move people to tears. Various scholars and playwrights participated in this debate and offered their own interpretations of bense, which lasts for over ten years.Supporters of He Liangjun includes Zang Maoxun, Shen Defu, Xu Fuzuo, Li Zhi and Shen Jing. Lü Tiancheng and Wang Jide partially agree with He Liangjun but acknowledge both plays as masterpieces of bense language. 45 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 62. 46 Ibid., 82. 47 Plato to Congreve. 55. 13 inspiration as an unknown force that not only creates the world but also overpowers the writers with uncontainable emotions, which I identify as qing or the Way.48 Li Zhi’s concept of huagong or inspired art serves as a good example.

The world’s truly great writers as a rule do not start writing for its own sake. They feel so many things that they cannot name; they are choked up by many emotions that they cannot or dare not utter…A mere sight or mention of something can trigger a torrent of sentiments gushing from the writing brush.49 Tang Xianzu also says that when the performer has obtained the Dao, or the Way, “the performer/dancer does not know where these feelings come from, and the enraptured spectator does not know where his own mind has gone.”50 Li Zhi further explains the difference between craftsmanship (huagong 畫工) and the inspired art of the Creator (huagong 化工) as follows:

Some believe that with perfect technical skills they can recapture the art of creating heaven and earth, but don’t they know that heaven and earth are artless?...The Creator is artless. Even the sagacious and holy do not know where lies the inspiration—how can anyone know? Thus a work of pure craftsmanship, no matter how refined, has already fallen to be only second yi, or second rate.”51 It should be noted that Li Zhi idealizes natural and artless expression or creation, and relegates imitation to a second category. Imitation is meticulous craftsmanship, which fails to evoke “new meanings or feelings.” Although the “artless” expression of the heart is an unrealizable ideal, nonetheless the emphasis on the writer’s authentic emotions, which arise from the heart, is unmistakable.

48 Tang Xianzu’s “Epigraph for the Theatre God Master Qingyuan in the Yihuang County Temple” evokes Zhuang Zi’s words describing Dao creating heaven and earth, therefore equating theatre to the Dao. In the Preface to The Peony Pavilion, he describes that “love [or qing] is of a source unknown, yet it grows ever deeper. The living may die of it; by its power the dead live again.” He thinks of qing as the essence of a play, and therefore equates qing with the Dao. 49 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 51-52. 50 Ibid., 57. 51 Ibid., 50-51. 14

Aristotle focuses on the role of the playwright in Poetics, hardly mentioning the role of the actors and performance at all. In Chinese tradition, actors are likewise considered inferior to men of letters, who compose the plays.52 This might lead one to conclude that the role of the actors and actresses is confined to imitation in Chinese theatre, since skilled comedians like

Jester Meng are so good at impersonating people.53

To some extent this is true, but the best imitation in fact corresponds to the free expression of the heart. Su Shi says that a successful imitation is not the result of “an exact copy of the man”, but comes about “because the actor had captured the essential spirit of the man.”54

Just as a good play is the result of a writer’s natural expression of the heart; so a good performance is the result of the performer’s success in capturing that expression of the writer’s heart. How does one capture the true spirit? While the evident error is to “sing with their mouths, without using their minds” which Li Yu frowns upon,55 the answer for many is to utilize the power of the imagination. Li Yu advises that first one should understand the meaning of the words (jieming quyi) before singing, acquire literacy, learn to sing and dance well. While instructing a female performer to play a male role, he says that she should “try to get closer to her character inwardly” and “put herself in her character’s shoes and lives the part.”56 Tang

Xianzu further elaborates on the importance of the actors and actresses internalizing the performance:

Delve deeply into the written words and understand their rich meanings in the context of the entire play. Go out and observe closely the changes of heaven and earth, the changes of people, ghosts, and things. Then think calmly about them…If playing the female role, you should often imagine you were really a woman. If playing the male role, you should

52 Ibid., 44. 53 Ibid., 30. See Sima Qian’s “Anecdotes of Comedians.” 54 Ibid., 30. 55 Ibid., 83. 56 Ibid., 83-87. 15

try to behave as if you were whom you play. When a performance reaches the most exquisite point, one can hear the soundless and see the Tao as big as life.57 Imitation on the part of the performer therefore emphasizes heavily one’s vicarious imagination of circumstances surrounding the fictional characters. One then responds naturally to these imagined circumstances which should theoretically dovetail with the plot of a good play. A good actor or actress goes to extremes to internalize a well-written character. Li Kaixian recounts the story of Yan Ron, an actor who after failing to move his audience “grabbed his [own] beard…and slapped his cheeks until they turned red” and “stood in front of a dressing mirror...lamenting all his loneliness and suffering.” At the next show, “thousands of people were moved to uncontrollable sobbing.”58 Zhang Dai also marvels at the superior actress Zhu

Chusheng, who “forgot herself” when she “became so involved with the emotional life of her characters” and “eventually died from them [vast emotions].”59 The exemplary imitation of a performer therefore can be understood as one’s natural expression and reaction to an imagined external stimuli under the guidance of the plot.

In addition to expressing authentic feelings on the part of the writers and the actors,

Chinese drama also values how the expression is received. As Schechner puts it, “earlier Chinese writing about theatre, up until the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), is almost entirely concerned with reception.”60 Writings devoted to the audience’s reception abound. One thinks, for example, of

Du Renjie’s humorous account of “An Ignorant Peasant Goes to the Theater” where the peasant mistakes the stage for reality and makes a fool of himself;61 The devotion to reception persists into the late imperial periods, such as in Pan Zhicheng’s reflection “Possessed by Emotions”

57 Ibid., 57. 58 Ibid., 47. 59 Ibid., 70-71. 60 Ibid., x. 61 Ibid., 39. 16 after seeing a performance of The Peony Pavilion62 and Yuan Yuling’s review of the play The

Story of Burning Incense. Yet if one examines closely the interconnections between reception and expression, one realizes that Schechner’s interpretation arises from the fact that expression and reception are at the two ends (one sending, one receiving) of the same powerful emotions.

The expression of what one feels in the heart is a result of external stimuli, and what one feels in turn affects the outside world, including the audience. Therefore, I do not fully agree with his claim that “Chinese writings place the spectator at the center of the performance experience.”

What the spectator experiences is ultimately what counts. Yet the playwrights do not focus on the spectator during their composition, but rather on expressing genuine emotions. The resonance among the spectators is the end result, not the starting point or the very center. The center is rather the overwhelming feeling of the human heart which is expressed through bense language in a play, and is then presented through convincing acting, which finally reaches the receptive spectators. Therefore, the Western approach to acting as an imitation of the external world overlaps to a large extent with the Chinese way of expressing one’s genuine emotions from within. Both achieve similar effects, but differ at their very origins. Western drama focuses on the external world, and prescribes systematic rules to faithfully represent the outside world. The focus of Chinese drama is on the writers’ natural expression of their powerful innate feelings and on the vicarious imagination of the performers. The audience’s resonance with these emotions follows naturally.

Expression and Confucian Moral Teaching

Since the external world is capable of stirring the heart/mind, it is important for the government to advocate proper music and condemn lewd music, so as to cultivate harmony and

62 Ibid., 58-59. 17 moderation among its people. There were occasional condemnations against music for the dissipated and indulgent lifestyle musical rituals had brought about. Mozi, for example, is a strong critic of music because of the extravagance of music rituals and the consequent waste of labor and time.63 Supporters of music stress its indispensable and spontaneous nature, the suppression of which will lead to chaos. Xunzi especially advocates that gentlemen should stay away from “lewd music” but listen to proper Music that is “moderate and tranquil” so that people will also be harmonious and peaceful.64 Music has always been an indispensable part of

Confucian tradition. Theatre is also susceptible to occasional attacks, but maintains its popularity throughout the dynasties. Liu Yu, a court historian of the Sui Dynasty (581.-618 C.E.) proposes to the emperor the prohibition of popular entertainment on the grounds that the extravagant costumes and ornaments cultivate “obscenity and vulgarity” and that theatrical activities undermine the proper social hierarchies by treating all men and women equal.65 Scholars like

Tang Xianzu legitimize theatre on the grounds of its all-powerful moral functions:

Theatre reinforces the order between the emperor and his subjects, strengthens the tie between fathers and sons, improves the affection and wives. Theatre can express friendship, relieve conflict, soothe anxiety, and amuse the common people.66 So questions naturally arise. Does theatre with its power serve the interest of the elite

Confucian scholars? Are not the unbridled natural expression of the heart and the boundaries of

Confucian moral teachings at odds with each other? Does Confucian orthodoxy mitigate against the freedom playwrights enjoy? It seems that theatre is regarded as part of human nature and thus as something that upholds the natural order of the society and confirms many traditional

63 Ibid., 10-13. 64 Ibid., 16. 65 Ibid., 27. 66 Ibid., 56. 18

Confucian moral values. At the same time, the spontaneous emotions valorized in theatre can challenge Confucian moral order given the fictional nature of theatre.

Gao Ming (ca. 1306-59), a Yuan dramatist, stresses the importance of Confucian moral teachings: “No matter how finely written some of them [tales] are, they are worthless stories if they do not promote good moral orders.”67 A quick survey of the writings from Fei’s collection since late imperial China, however, demonstrates that most scholars advocate the truthful expressions of one’s heart. Although since antiquity the very legitimacy of theatre has been established on the grounds that music and theatre provide the moral guidance necessary for the people, the theatre of late imperial China provides the most promising domain for dramatists to express one’s ideas and concerns. There may be conservative writers who oscillate between freedom and an insistence of the observance of moral boundaries, but most scholars see the opportunity for writers to freely express themselves as a necessity. Although Tang Xianzu also writes that “theatre presents the supreme moral doctrine through rich human feelings,”68 his emphasis is on the human feelings. Moral order is simply the byproduct of expressing one’s natural feelings.

Li Yu’s exposition on “The Truth of the Language” perhaps offers the best answer to the question of the relationship between free expression and the reinforcement of moral order:

“Writing in other literary genres…if you are just a bit unconventional and unhampered in expressing yourself, you are considered lacking in the proper Confucian composure…To write a play, on the contrary, is to say what you mean to say and to say all you want to say.”69

67 Ibid., 41. 68 Ibid., 56. 69 Ibid., 82. 19

Although Aristotle mentions the moral function of music in Politics, he does not touch upon the moral aspect of poetry, except in discussing the cathartic effect of tragedy. Through pity and fear, people may learn from the errors of the heroes. Yet pity and fear do not serve to satisfy people’s “feeling of humanity.”70 The concern of a good tragedy is not a moralistic one. It is not moral depravity that leads to a hero’s downfall. As a result, moral lessons may or may not be learned by the spectators after watching a good tragedy.

This is different from the late imperial view of the moral function of drama. Jiao Xun echoes the moralistic lesson learned from the tragic error of the protagonist who abandons his wife and children and brings about his own demise in Playing the Lute (Sai Pipa): “One false step brings ever-lasting grief.” He accents its moral function, stating that “the warning bell is sounded loud and clear for all to take note.”71 In Aristotle’s Poetics, by contrast, the complicated perennial relationship between moral teachings and natural expression of drama is not present.

Tragedy and Tragic Moments

A huge section of the Poetics is given to the discussions of tragedy. Aristotle believes that tragedy makes its personages “better, than the men of the present day” whereas comedy

“makes its personages worse.”72 Murray thinks that the meaning is rather: “you look up to the characters of tragedy and down upon those of comedy.”73

This valorization of the tragic, however, does not apply to Chinese drama. As C.T. Hsia put it, “with all its fondness for sentiment and pathos, the Chuanqi genre of the Ming theater is a

70 Plato to Congreve. 49. 71 Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 92-93. 72 Aristotle, Aristotle on the Art of Poetry. 27 73 Ibid., 9. 20 drama in the comic mode.”74 The eminent modern Chinese scholar Wang Guowei (1877-1927) also seconds this conclusion: “Plays and novels of ancient times…are, without exception, all infused with this optimism. They begin sadly but end happily; they begin with separation but end with reunion.”75 Does this mean that there are no characters in Chinese drama that the audience looks up to? The answer is decisively a negative one.

Pan Zhiheng certainly does not look down upon the Jester Meng who “could move the ancient kings deeply with their clever mimicries.” Nor does he belittle Bridal Du whose “love is genuine and full of fantasy and reverie” simply because of the happy ending of her resurrection.76 Tang Xianzu praises Bridal Du as the one “truly to have known love.”77

Generations of women have been inspired by Du’s love.

Why does Aristotle grant such importance to tragedy and its plot? In Chapter six,

Aristotle offers a detailed definition of tragedy:

A tragedy then, is the imitation of an action that is serious and also, as having magnitude, complete in itself; in language with pleasurable accessories, each kind brought in separately in the parts of the work; in a dramatic, not in a narrative form; with incidents arousing pity and fear, wherewith to accomplish its catharsis of such emotions.78 He further explains the plot for a good tragedy should be “a man not pre-eminently virtuous and just, whose misfortune, however, is brought upon him not by vice and depravity but by some error of judgment,” such as is the case with Oedipus.79 This is the only viable way to elicit pity and fear.80 The happy ending of a good person or a tragic ending of a bad person is morally

74 William Theodore De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.] Studies in Oriental Culture. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970). 279. 75 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 105. 76 Ibid., 58-59. 77 Ibid., 55. 78 Aristotle, Aristotle on the Art of Poetry. 50. 79 Ibid. 80 Seamon, "The Price of the Plot in Aristotle's 'Poetics'." This is what I gather from Seamon’s argument. 255. 21 satisfying, but neither evokes pity or fear. “Pity is occasioned by undeserved misfortune and fear by that of one like ourselves.” According to Aristotle, “the object of the imitation is not only a complete action but such things as stir up pity and fear.”81 One may argue that the arousal of pity and fear constitutes the primary, if not the only reason for his preference for tragedy. It is interesting to note that although he gives such primacy to plot in a tragedy, his aim is not different from the focus of Chinese drama, namely, the expression of strong emotions which are communicated among the audience. On this premise, I wish to argue that pity and fear is not the monopoly of tragedy. Comedy with happy endings can also arouse tragic moments of pity and fear. The difference is the intensity and duration of such feelings aroused.

The effect of tragic moments is well appreciated among Chinese playwrights. Gao Ming acknowledges that “to amuse people is easy, but to move them is hard.”82 Zhuo Renyue (1606?-

36?), a talented poet and playwright, writes in his preface to a rare tragic play, The New West

Chamber Story, that “death and tragedy strengthen us.” Although he laments that dramatists as great as Wang Shifu and Tang Xianzu are trapped by the convention of happy endings,83 the first half of The Peony Pavilion does witness the emaciation and death of a beautiful woman.

Bedridden, she expresses her gratitude and love for her mother, full of tenderness and regrets. “Mother, from my first years you have prized me as your ‘thousand gold pieces’ but I, unfilial, cannot serve you to the end of your days…Ah, let me only serve anew these parents, lily and cedar, in the lifetime to come.”84 Her untimely death and suffering are truly undeserved.

Doesn’t that evoke readers’ pity and compassion?

81 Plato to Congreve. 46. 82 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 41. 83 Ibid., 68-69. 84 Tang Xianzu, The Peony Pavilion. 100-101. 22

Madam Du’s sorrow and weeping at her daughter’s deathbed also tug at our heart strings.

She is an ordinary grieving mother anguished to part with her daughter, wishing in vain to save her life even at the cost of her own life. “See how her eyes blur with tears as she strains to raise her head and the cold sweat pours a chill to her very heart. Oh, Could I only offer my life for hers now to appease the demon of death.”85 After Bridal Du’s death, Madam Du again weeps,

“From this time forth, a mother none will call for, every inch of my bowels a hundred inches of fire”86 and faints.

Doesn’t her heart-felt tearful word instill fear into readers since the same agony of losing a daughter could indeed occur to anyone? Doesn’t her suffering arouse readers’ compassion? I believe the answer is yes.

Aristotle would think that this change from prosperity to misfortune is “not fearful or pitiful but shocking” and that her resurrection merely “satisfies our feeling of humanity.”87 To the Chinese audience, this twist of fortune is entirely reasonable and thus pitiful and fearful.

Shock and satisfaction cannot account for the “unprecedented” and resounding resonances from generations of women, many of whom died prematurely. One actress from Hangzhou identifies so strongly with Du that she “allegedly died on stage during one climactic act.”88 The tragic moments or incidents in a play can transcend its comic ending. Readers can pity and empathize with the protagonists, and fear the tragic moments occurring to them. This expression of pity and fear in the tragic moments in The Peony Pavilion is strong enough to eclipse the moral satisfaction gained from the happy ending.

85 Ibid., 102. 86 Ibid., 106. 87 Plato to Congreve. 49. 88 Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers : Women and Culture in Seventeenth-Century China, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994). 82. The actress is by the name of Shang Xiaoling. 23

Similarly, in the Purple Hairpin, Huo Xiaoyu waits for her husband Li Yi to return home.

Li Yi who had won the Prize Candidate in the Imperial Examination was being courted by the

Prime Minister to be his son-in-law. Lu, the Prime Minister tricked Li Yi into believing that

Xiaoyu has sold their love token, the hairpin, and has remarried. Although he has not accepted the marriage proposal, stays in the Prime Minister’s house and does not return home. Upon seeing Li Yi, Huo Xiaoyu is overcome with emotions and fulminates against him and bids him farewell. “Her left hand clings to Li Yu’s arm. She throws the cup on the ground, wails a few cries and drops onto the ground, appearing not to breathe.”89 All entreats him to wake her up. He sorrowfully laments his mistake and appeals to his love for Xiaoyu. She wakes up thereafter.

This is very similar to resurrection scene of The Peony Pavilion.

Abandonment can happen to anyone, man or woman. A woman so strongly in love does not deserve the tragic death as in the original vernacular story. Xiaoyu’s near death faint expresses her powerful love for Li Yi and this scene would evoke fear and pity among Chinese readers.

Yet in both cases, although death or tragic moments succeed in evoking pity and fear in the spectators, the play does not end with such unfortunate events. The climax is brought about by the powerful qing, which triumphs death and brings about a reversal of fortune. The happy ending sparks even stronger emotions in the spectators. As Tang Xianzu put it,

89Hu Shiying 胡士瑩 and Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Zichai Ji 紫釵記. (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1982). 207. 90 Tang Xianzu, The Peony Pavilion. ix 24

He established this cult of qing that transcends death and tragedy. He enchanted generations of female readers and induced them to join the “cult of truthful representations and personal communications.”91 The happy endings of Bridal Du’s resurrection and Huo Xiaoyu’s being brought back to life do not weaken the plots, but testify to the power of qing, which has been likened to the nourishing Taoist force that gives birth to a myriad of things, that traverses life and death, dream and reality.

The tragic moments or incidents in a play can transcend its comic ending. Readers can pity and empathize with the hero, and fear the tragic moments occurring to them. This pity and fear expressed through the tragic moments in The Peony Pavilion are strong enough to eclipse the moral satisfaction gained from the happy ending. Therefore, although most Chinese plays have happy endings, the intense tragic moments also evoke pity and fear. In this sense,

Aristotle’s analysis of the six elements of tragedy can also be applied to Chinese drama.

Conclusion

Chinese theatre orignates with imitation, but has been concerned throughout history to different degrees with the expression of powerful emotions. The focus on emotions, however, does not reduce the value of rational and analytical discussions of Chinese theater. Scholars have been constantly re-interpreting and commenting on the existing theatrical writings. Modern readers are endowed with a rich collection of theatrical theory. Aristotle’s focus on imitation explains his preference for tragedy. Although Chinese theatre is on the whole a comic one,

Aristotle’s theoretical description of and prescription for a good tragedy share many similarities with Chinese dramatists’ focus on powerful and genuine emotions, and tragic moments in comedies and tragedies alike and are of great value in the undestanding of Chinese drama.

91 Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers : Women and Culture in Seventeenth-Century China. 72. 25

In conclusion, let us return to Zhuo Renyue’s advocacy for tragedy. Zhuo Renyue, a melancholic literary man who died at the age of thirty, defends the momentous role of tragedy:

“Life and good fortune weaken us; death and tragedy strengthen us.” His belief in the superiority of tragedy is grounded in his view of the world: “life is fleeting and death is eternal. It is all predestined.”92 Therefore, “theatre is supposed to do good for the world. The biggest good it can do is to help people rise above their fortunes and misfortunes and rise above life and death.”93

Ironically, what Tang Xianzu did in creating a good ending is fully in keeping with Zhuo’s aim—to “help people rise above life and death”. To Tang, the way to do is not through tragedy, but through qing.

Tang follows tradition by making his plot more convincing and his characters more real than those of his predecessors. He creates unexpected reversal and recognition, which is stressed by Aristotle. However, he regards qing as the predominant value in literary creation and theatrical performances that evokes the strongest sentiments in the writers, spectators and actors.

The happy endings for both plays do not diminish the power and impact on readers.

Playwrights have written happy endings for different reasons, such as the moralistic emphasis of

Gao Ming, Dong and Wang’s focus on the plausibility of the plot. For Tang Xianzu, the happy ending of Bridal Du’s resurrection and of Xiaoyu’s return to life are the ultimate embodiment of qing, which is an essential idea he proposes in these two plays.

Overview of Content

Chapter one will introduce the cult of qing and discuss how qing reconciles with Confucian traditions and beliefs. Qing has been attacked and defended repeatedly throughout history

92 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theater and Performance from Confucius to the Present. 68. 93 ibid. 26 perhaps because of its affinity to yu. In pre-Qin texts, qing and desires are often used interchangeably.94 Xunzi believes that qing, although evil, is innate to human beings and desires thus should either be fulfilled or restrained. Mencius also believes that qing is part of one’s nature. Mencius acknowledges the goodness of qing, which needs to be cultivated through one’s efforts, but also points out the danger of desires (yu 欲). Zhu Xi offers a famous analogy, comparing xing to the quiescence of water; qing to the flowing of the water; and yu to its flooding.95 Late imperial scholars attempted to justify qing by emphasizing its genuine and sensual qualities, as well as its mysterious and transcendent power. This chapter ends with a brief review of studies devoted to Tang Xianzu and qing.

Chapter two examines Tang’s faith in qing within the context of Confucianism by examining closely the imagery associated with the plum. Tang Xianzu respects the Confucian tradition yet breaks its constraints with a Dao-ified qing. I have singled out the significant references of three aspects in the play and attempted to explore the significance of Tang

Xianzu’s additions to his source stories. First, the plum tree and fruit serve as a shared receptor of the longing gazes of the two protagonists, and as a medium and matchmaker that breaches the boundary between the supernatural and natural world, life and death, dream and reality. Secondly, the flowering plum represents death, courage, the wandering ghost and freedom. Lastly, the plum root with empty cavities reflects a deep Taoist belief in the nourishing power of the utmost emptiness, which brings about life and resurrection.

Chapter three discusses Tang Xianzu’s Buddhist influence through an examination of his writings, personal life and his play Nanke Ji. Buddhist teachings treat qing as impermanent

94 Yijie Tang, "Emotion in Pre-Qin Ruist Moral Theory : An Explanation of "Dao Begins in Qing"," Philosophy East and West 53 (2003).277. 95 Ibid. 279. 27 illusions that are stumbling blocks in the path to the cessation of suffering and should be eliminated. Tang Xianzu revered Monk Daguan and earnestly tried to fully accept Buddhism.

Yet his deep attachments to his family and friends and his Confucian values of serving the

Emperor prevented him from severing all worldly ties. Nanke Ji, I argue, does reflect Tang’s deep struggle of worldly qing. The complexity of the final two scenes and layers of meaning entail a close reading of the Buddhist teachings, consideration of Tang’s personal struggles with life and religion, and an understanding of the different possibilities of the register of the language intended. I wish to argue ultimately that Tang Xianzu does not denounce qing despite his extensive study of and affinity with Buddhism.

Chapter four addresses Daoist influences and challenges to Tang Xianzu’s interpretation of qing. I will focus on the Daoist tenets and practices which appear in Tang Xianzu’s play and the doctrinal notions directly connected to qing. I wish to demonstrate through a close reading of the play, as well as his personal writings at the later stage of his life, that the meaning of qing has been expanded to include obsessions for wealth and fame and carnal desires. However, the

Daoist exaltation of authentic qing counteracts its potentially excessive nature. Lastly, I wish to examine the ending scene of Handan Ji and argue for Tang’s distrust and mockery of the quest for immortality.

CHAPTER 2

QING AND RU—AN OVERVIEW

Chapter one will look at the history of different interpretations and re-interpretations of qing by Confucian scholars. I will also review the research that has been done on Tang Xianzu and his works. Primary sources include early Confucian classics as well as works of later influential scholars such as The Book of History, The Book of Rites, Mencius, Mozi, Xunzi, Wang

Yangming’s Chuanxi lu, Li Zhi’s “On the Childlike Mind”, Pan Zhiheng quhua and Feng

Menglong’s Qingshi.

The term qing encompasses so many layers of meaning which evolve over time that a definition of which poses a grave challenge. This chapter will focus on the Confucian texts whence this term originates and discuss the complicated relationship between qing and ru. An understanding of the connotations included in qing also will shed some light on Tang Xianzu’s treatment of genuine and excessive qing in his four plays.

Martin Huang traces the evolution of the meaning of qing from being almost an equivalent of xing in pre-modern Confucian tradition to being something excessive in the Neo-

Confucian tradition which Zhu Xi (1130-1200) compares to the running water with the possibility of overflowing the dam and causing damage.96

The Cult of Qing

It is amidst an intense opposition of enthusiasm for and criticism of qing that Feng Menglong

(1574-ca.1645), a prolific editor and publisher, declares his wish to “establish qingjiao”情教

96 Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature." 153-61. 29

(the cult of qing). Yet it is Tang Xianzu’s The Peony Pavilion that has effectively enchanted generations of women readers to join the “cult of truthful representations and personal communications.”97 So what are the qualities of qing in Tang Xianzu’s eyes? In his often-quoted preface, he explains that:

Love is of source unknown, yet it grows ever deeper. The living may die of it, by its power the dead live again. Love is not love at its fullest if one who lives is unwilling to die for it, or if it cannot restore to life one who has so died. And must the love that comes in dream necessarily be unreal? For there is no lack of dream lovers in this world. 98

Later, he passionately exclaims “has the world ever seen a woman’s love [qing] to rival that of Bridal Du”天下女子有情，有如杜麗娘者乎? To Tang, Bridal Du’s death and resurrection exhibit “love at its fullest”情之至.99 Feng Menglong also talks about this life-giving, binding force of qing in his preface to Anatomy of Love (Qingshi 情史):

If there were no qing under heaven and earth, no being could be born....With qing, even distant ones can be together; without qing, even close ones are rent asunder.... I wish to establish a religion of qing and teach all living beings: the son faces his father with qing; the minister faces the emperor with qing; the same holds true for all other relationships. Things in this world are like loose coins; qing is the cord.100 This force of qing according to Feng seems to be effective in maintaining the moral order of the Confucian society, which echoes another piece of writing of Tang on theatre, “Epigraph for the Theatre God Qingyuan”.

People are born with feelings. Melancholy, joy, anger and anxiety, to name just a few, can all be aroused by small and subtle matters. … How Great Master Qingyuan was!...He created the Tao (the Way) of theatre. …Theatre creates heaven and earth, ghosts and deities. Theatre can exhaust ten thousand possibilities of human characters… [actors] can make all people under the heaven happy or sad just by creating these illusions. …Theatre

97 Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers : Women and Culture in Seventeenth-Century China. 72. 98 Birch, The Peony Pavilion, iv. 99 Ibid. 100 Ko, 81. 30

reinforces the order between the emperor and his subjects, strengthen the ties between fathers and sons, improves the affection between the old and the young, and enriches the love between husbands and wives.101 Tang Xianzu’s treatment of the natural origin of theatre and qing echoes earlier Confucian scholar’s view of music from the Book of Rites.

All melodies originate from the heart. The external material world affects one’s heart, which then expresses itself through sound....these six feelings [sadness, joy, pleasure, rage, respect and love] are not innate in human nature but come from the heart’s response to external stimuli.102 As music and theatre originates from the stirring of the heart, qing functions similarly to music and theatre in binding the world together within the correct moral order. This natural origin of qing is reminiscent of Huang’s argument of late Ming literati’s strategies to justify qing, such as focusing on the concept of shuaixing 率性(following one’s nature); or evoking the authority of Mencius, who “is believed to have said that qing is all good.”103 Therefore, qing is further defended by its effect of maintaining social order and morality.

It should be noted, however, that although qing promotes moral order, the latter is merely a product or result of qing, not its essence. Tang in fact bestows upon qing and theatre the status of the Way. It gives birth to everything under heaven. Nothing therefore is devoid of qing. Yet some people are more receptive to qing than others. Qing resides in the beating heart that responds to the outside world with strong feelings. Qing stirs up the natural emotions of those open and responsive to it in a powerful way that brings out their innermost sadness and joy. One is moved to experience the overwhelming joy and pleasure, yet is also prone to sadness and depression. One can be moved to death, and also be brought back to life. Qing works almost like the magnetic force of the moon on the tidal waves, constantly creating the ups and downs of the

101 Fei, Chinese Theories of Theatre Performance from Confucius to the Present. 56. 102 Fei, ibid. 6. This is a quote from The Book of Rites. 103 Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature." 165, 166, 172. 31 waves for those receptive to qing. Although the “Origin of Music” piece from the Book of Rites seems a bit ambiguous and even contradictory in describing the origin of feelings as a response of the heart, yet not innate to the heart, Tang Xianzu is clear in his preface that feelings are innate in human nature and can be awakened by theatre and qing. Qing is especially meaningful and attractive in promising freedom and love for women in a society with limitations and prescriptions imposed by gender roles. It transcends Confucian morality. Qing is the omnipotent universal force that empowers those who are in tune with it. A paragon of those brilliant women who are receptive to qing is Bridal Du.

How does this reconcile with Confucian tradition? Confucian scholars’ attitude towards qing has been highly controversial and has evolved through time. It is perhaps easiest to start with a similar notion, that of ren, benevolence. Qing, in the broadest sense of the term, may be compared to the universal love for mankind, and it takes on this meaning in Nanke Ji, where Lu

Sheng admits to having qing for all the ants in Huai’an kingdom and thus wishing to help them ascend to the heavens through lavish Buddhist services. This universal love thus is almost an equivalent of ren. In the Analects, Confucius takes “to love men” to be the basic meaning of ren.104 His disciple summarizes that "the Way of our Master is none other than conscientiousness

(zhong 忠) and altruism (shu 恕)". 105 Zhu Xi offered a better interpretation of these two words: zhong means the full development of one's [originally good] mind and shu means the extension of that mind to others.106 Chunyun Fen, upon waking up from the dream and realizing the futility of the material world, wishes to alleviate the sufferings of others, a wish that is motivated by his qing for other beings. In the broadest sense of the word, qing and Confucian benevolence

104 Wing-tsit Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972). Analects 12:22. 40. 105 Ibid., 27. 106 Ibid., 27. 32 dovetail rather well. Yet qing encompasses a much wider range of connotations than ren, a range that I shall explore in later chapters. Qing’s affinities with yu 欲 have also informed negative and positive views of qing. Critics of qing regard it cautiously as constituting potentially excessive and subversive desires that may destroy one’s true nature; supporters however distinguish qing from yu, dismiss the idea that qing can ever be eliminated from human nature and valorize it as being something truly authentic and real.

Qing and Yu

Xun Zi (circa.313-238 B.C.) was perhaps one of the earliest persons to define qing. “like, dislike, delight, anger, grief and joy are stored within, and this is called the qing given us by nature. The sage…nourishes his natural emotions” 好惡、喜怒、哀樂臧焉，夫是之謂天情。

聖人…養其天情. 107 Xunzi believes that the emotions are innate to human beings, and should be nourished. In Book 22, Xunzi said again that “Nature is the consequence of heaven; qing is the essence of nature; yu is the response of qing” 性者，天之就也；情者，性之質也；欲者，情

之應也.108 It is imperative to remember, however, that Xunzi believes that human nature is evil

(人之性惡), in contrast to the more-widely-accepted Confucian belief in the fundamental kindness of mankind. Thus the fact that qing is innate to human beings does not entail its goodness. Since human nature is innately evil, natural emotions and desires are also vehicles of depravity and disorderliness. If one does not exert great efforts in cultivating oneself and transforming one’s innate evil nature into virtue, if one indulges one’s emotions, then one will give in to evil.

107 Xunzi, John Knoblock, and Jue Zhang, Xunzi 荀子. (Hunan People's Publishing House, 1999).536 108 Ibid., V.2. 730. 33

Men are born with the desires of the ears and eyes, and are fond of music and beauty. Indulging the desires, then debauchery and chaos breeds while propriety, morality and the natural order perishes 生而有耳目之欲，有好聲色焉，順是，故淫亂生而禮義文理亡焉. 109 Yet, despite the destructive potential of emotions, Xunzi does not advocate eliminating desires like Buddhism does. He explains that a doorman’s desires cannot be eliminated the same way that an emperor’s desires cannot be fully satisfied.110 This desire is “an inevitable part of qing”情

之所必不免也. 111 He further reasons that “although the desires cannot be satisfied, they can be almost fulfilled; although the desires cannot be eliminated, they can be restrained”欲雖不可盡，

可以近盡也; 欲雖不可去，求可節也. 112 Xunzi thus proposes two solutions to deal with desires, either to advance and fulfill as much as one can, or to retreat and restrain with one’s mind. Xunzi therefore points out the evil nature of qing and xing, which if left unrestrained would lead to destruction, yet believes that it is impossible to eliminate qing, an innate quality in mankind; hence, he proposes to keep qing in check either through efforts to fulfill desires, or to restrain them. In sum, in pre-Qin texts, qing and yu are often used together113 and both should be kept in moderation.

Xunzi’s predecessor Mencius (circa.372-289 B.C.) believes in the opposite that human nature is good. Does he believe that emotions and desires are good as a result of the innate good nature of mankind? To some extent, qing is considered by Mencius to be part of one’s nature, thus it is good. He instructs that “if one follows one’s true self and emotions, then one can do

109 Ibid., V.2. 740. 110 Ibid., 730. 111 Ibid. 112 Ibid. 113 Tang, "Emotion in Pre-Qin Ruist Moral Theory : An Explanation of "Dao Begins in Qing"."277. 34 good.” 乃若其情則可以為善矣.114 He elaborates further on this point in this famous passage about the innate qualities of all mankind.

The heart/mind of commiseration, everyone has it; the heart of shame, everyone has it; the heart of respect, everyone has it; the heart of right and wrong, everyone has it. Commiseration reflects one’s ren (benevolence); shame reflects one’s yi (righteousness); respect reflects one’s propriety; right and wrong reflects one’s wisdom. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety and wisdom, did not infiltrate us from the outside; they are innate to us. 惻隱之心，人皆有之；羞惡之心，人皆有之；恭敬之心，人皆有之；是非之心，人皆有之。惻隱之心，仁也；羞惡之心，義也；恭敬之心，禮也；是非之心，智也。仁義禮智，非由外鑠我也，我固有之也.115

Mencius thinks that despite the same good innate qualities, people can either cultivate them and make them thrive, or ignore and abandon them. He further calls those without these four qualities

“not human” (非人)116 and instructs people to “充之” (chong zhi, to replenish the heart of commiseration, shame, respect and right and wrong). These qualities are like the “火之始然、泉

之始達” (huo zhi shiran, quan zhi shida, the start of a fire and of a stream)117. If one fuels that fire and replenishes the stream, one can accomplish great things for the society; if one ignores them, one is not even capable of taking care of one’s parents.118 Like Xunzi, therefore, Mencius also believes that qing is part of one’s nature. Mencius acknowledges the goodness of qing which needs to be nourished and replenished through one’s efforts, but also points of the danger of desires (yu 欲).

114 Mencius 孟子 and Jin Liangnian 金良年, Mengzi Yizhu 孟子譯注. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995). 236. 115 Ibid.“告子上” 237. The translation offered here is my own attempt. 116 Ibid.“公孫醜上” 72. 117 Ibid., 72. 118 Ibid., 72. 35

To cultivate one’s heart, nothing is better than subduing one’s desires. When people have few desires, even if some might lose part of their nature, the number is few; When people have a lot of desires, even if some manage to keep their nature, the number is also few. 養心莫善於寡欲。其為人也寡欲，雖有不存焉者，寡矣；其為人也多欲，雖有存焉者，寡矣。119

It is evident from this passage that although desires are part of one’s nature, many desires would lead people to lose their true nature. Therefore, Mencius believes in reducing and subduing one’s desires, which is similar to the moderation that Xunzi later advocates. It should also be noted that qing and yu are both described as part of human nature, although the latter has the potential of being excessive and detrimental to one’s true nature. Further, this idea of keeping overpowering qing in moderation is an ideal. Even a sage may not be able to achieve such moderation. In the Wei-Jin Period, there was a debate about whether a sage has qing. (This is similar to the Buddhist question of whether the practitioner should have compassion for sentient beings like Bodhisattva which I would discuss in details in chapter three.) In the Sanguo Zhi,

“Wang Bi zhuan”, He Shao provides an answer: the sages who have extraordinary acuity can merge with harmony in penetrating nothingness; those on the same level as others have the five qing, and cannot help but respond to things with emotions, but they do not get caught up in them.120 Contrary to Buddhism, which advocates eliminating all desires, in Confucianism, it is acknowledged that “none of the natural emotions can be eliminated”121. Although one attempts to emulate the sage in protecting oneself from being caught up in overpowering emotions that might hurt oneself, in reality, even the wisest cannot refrain from being seized by powerful

119 Ibid., 312 “盡心下” 120 Tang, "Emotion in Pre-Qin Ruist Moral Theory : An Explanation of "Dao Begins in Qing"." 278. 121 Ibid., 279. 36 emotions. When Yan Yuan died, Confucius grieved with abandon, crying out that “Alas, Heaven is destroying me.”122

By the Western Han dynasty (206 B.C.-24 A.D.), xing was often said to be good, while qing bad. Dong Zhongshu (179-104 B.C.) was probably one of the first to suggest this antithesis.

In Wang Chong’s summary of the theories on human nature, Dong Zhongshu believes that “man has the beginning of goodness and his nature is good but his feelings are evil.”123 In addition,

Dong believes that “qing, is human desires”情者，人之欲也.124 Martin Huang points out that Li

Ao, who was responsible for the revival of Confucianism in the eighth century, expressed more explicitly in 複性書 the delusory nature of qing, “when the feelings have darkened, nature is hidden” and thus qing should be eliminated125. Zhu Xi (1130-1200) criticized this idea in the following passage.

Li Ao talks about restoring one’s xing, and this is right. But he says one should eliminate qing to restore xing, which is wrong. How can one extinguish qing? This is Buddhist belief, in which Li Ao was deeply mired without realizing it. 李翱複性則是，雲‘滅情以複性’則非。情如何可滅？此乃釋氏之說，限於其中不自知。126 Instead, Zhu Xi offered an analogy to address the relationship among xing, qing and yu.

He compared the xing to the quiescence of water; qing to the flowing of the water; and yu to its flooding.127 Zhu Xi believes that “qing is not against xing, but the manifestation of xing”情不是

反於性，乃性之發處.128 This affirmation is echoed by Yang Shen (1488-1559) who asserts that

122 Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy.36. Analects 11:8. 123 Ibid., 296. 124 《漢書》卷五十六 “董仲舒傳”第二十六. Electronic access of the Chinese text can be found here: http://www.guoxue.com/shibu/24shi/hansu/hsu_067.htm 125 Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature."154. 126 Zhu Xi 朱熹, Zhuzi Yulei 朱子語類. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986).卷五十九 1381. This literal translation provided here is my own. 127 Tang, "Emotion in Pre-Qin Ruist Moral Theory : An Explanation of "Dao Begins in Qing"."279. 128Zhu Xi 朱熹, Zhuzi Yulei. 1381. 37

“without qing, human beings are ashes; and without xing, we are animals.” Zhu Xi further agrees with Mencius that qing is originally good while adding that desires can be good or bad. Wang

Yangming, whose School of Mind contributed to the rise of the cult of qing, shares the same belief in the “antithetical treatment of tianli and renyu.”129 Tang Yijie (1927-2014), the modern guru of Chinese philosophy and Chinese studies, accepts a similar view with Zhu Xi that qing and yu are different. The former is the manifested demands of xing without any sense of possession, and the latter always arises out of selfish motives with the goal of possessing it.130

Therefore, we see the critics of qing attacking it as the antithesis to xing, and associating it with yu, which has the potential of being excessive, of concealing and destroying one’s true nature.

Supporters of qing distinguish it from yu, and stress that it originates from xing and is impossible to be eliminated. It is this tendency to be grouped together with yu that qing attracts at the same time an increasing number of critics and supporters.

Although Neo-Confucians of the early Ming dynasty would generally agree that desires should be feared and guarded against, scholars like Luo Qinshun (1465-1547) and Chen Que

(1604-1677) challenge the attack on yu, and use the conventional Confucian attitude towards qing to justify yu. Luo argues that desires are “qualities of nature” and should not be eliminated and points out that “heedlessly giving way to passions” and “indulging the desires” is evil. Chen believes that “when talking about desires, one can only ask whether they are excessive but one should never ask whether they are something that one should have or something that one should not have.”131

129 Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature."158. 130 Tang, "Emotion in Pre-Qin Ruist Moral Theory : An Explanation of "Dao Begins in Qing"."279. 131Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature.", 159. 38

In Late Ming, according to Martin Huang, qing is increasingly “sensualized and secularized” and is thus approached more as the sexual relationship between man and woman and promoted “as a supreme human value worthy of celebration.”132 As a result, the difference between qing and yu is blurred, which arouses more criticism among Neo-Confucian scholars.

To counter these critical voices, scholars like Feng Menglong, Li Zhi and Tang Xianzu express more emphatically their fervor and enthusiasm for qing, by making it personal, valorizing genuine feelings, and bequeathing to genuine qing the status of a Daoist transcendent and

“mysterious power” that is above “ethical standards” and that even brings about social order.133

With this focus on its natural and spontaneous quality, qing is given precedence over propriety (li 禮). Spontaneity in turns allows rebellion against the hypocrisy of social conventions. Li or propriety is very important in Confucian traditions. An ideal man according to

Confucius is one who should be “stimulated by poetry, established by the rules of propriety, and perfected by music.”134 “A superior man never abandons humanity (ren 仁).”135 Confucius further states that “Wealth and honor are what every man desires. But if they have been obtained in violation of moral principles, they must not be kept.”136 Later he stresses again that “Wealth and honor obtained through unrighteousness are but floating clouds to me.”137 Tang Xianzu, especially in his last two plays, also acknowledges the danger of excessive indulgence, which blatantly defies propriety or morality. Tang spares no efforts in mocking and condemning

Chunyu Fen who had a wild party with excessive alcohol and sexual activity with two widows and a Daoist sister after his wife passed away. Tang also mocks Lu Sheng’s indecent behavior of

132 Ibid., 161. 133Ibid., 161-170. 134 Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy.Analects 8:8, 33. 135 Ibid., 26. Translated by Wing-tsit Chan from Analects, 4:5. 136 Ibid. 137 Ibid., 32. Translated by Wing-tsit Chan from Analects, 7:15. 39 entering Cui’s house, which contributes to their marriage. Tang Xianzu pours scorn on Lu

Sheng’s lack of morality in bribing his way to becoming the Prize Candidate in the imperial exams. Yet Tang celebrates actions or behaviors that are prompted by genuine love, however unconventional they may be. Although Liu Mengmei’s sexual advances toward Bridal Du, an unmarried and virtuous maiden, in her dream violate conventional propriety and chastity, even in a dream setting Tang does not think of Liu as an inferior man. Although Bridal Du’s ghost spends night after night in Liu’s chamber, which also breaches the rules of propriety, Tang hails

Bridal Du as the woman who knows genuine qing. It is clear that to Tang Xianzu, although propriety is important, qing triumphs over it when conventions threaten to suffocate love.

The ambiguities of qing spring from its close connection with yu (desires). Generations of scholars either caution against its potentially subversive nature and treat it as morally suspect or legitimize it as an innate part of one’s true nature and ardently worship it as a transcendent power.

In light of the deep controversies constantly enveloping this term, Tang Xianzu’s four masterpieces also encompass different aspects of qing—from the sexual and romantic relationship between two people with deep faith in true love as shown in the Peony Pavilion to

Buddhist compassion for mankind as shown in Nanke Ji, from licentious desires of Lu Sheng and

Chunyu Fen to the attachments to worldly pleasure, wealth and fame as shown in Handan Ji.

Tang Xianzu acknowledges scholars’ different attitudes toward qing, and celebrates the life- giving mysterious power of genuine qing, but also exposes the ugliness of the corrupt and depraved desires. It also should be noted that Tang Xianzu is the only person who bestows a transcendent power on genuine qing and sets it above xing or li. While others work within the

Confucian or Neo-Confucian framework to legitimize qing as being an innate part of xing, Tang 40

Xianzu alone compares it to the mysterious Dao, which creates and nourishes all sentient beings and transcends the moral principles.

Review of Research on Tang Xianzu and qing

Scholars have done extensive research on Tang Xianzu’s plays, poetry, prose, personal life and philosophy. For instance, in addition to compiling Tang Xianzu’s plays and writings, Xu

Shuofang wrote copiously on Tang Xianzu’s philosophy, commentaries, his scholarly pursuit and personal life. His book Commentaries and Biography of Tang Xianzu (Tang xianzu pingzhuan 湯顯祖評傳) focuses on the events and people in Tang Xianzu’s childhood and youth, his thwarted Confucian pursuit as well as the inspiration that might have contributed to his composition and the achievements and importance of his works. Xu Shuofang also has a collection of essays on Tang Xianzu and his works,138 ranging from discussions of the similarities and differences between Tang Xianzu and Shakespeare, to the encounter between

Tang Xianzu and the Italian missionary Matteo Ricci.139 Their shared suspicion regarding immortality is essential to understanding the irony in Tang Xianzu’s very last play, which I shall elaborate on in Chapter Four. Xu Shuofang also wrote The Chronology of Tang Xianzu (Tang xianzu nianpu 湯顯祖年譜), which is an excellent sourcebook of specific events that happened in Tang Xianzu’s lifetime. Xu Fuming (1921-) gathered all the writings and commentaries on the play The Peony Pavilion in his book “Mudan Ting” Yanjiu Ziliao Kaoshi.

138 Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Lun Tang Xianzu Ji Qita 論湯顯祖及其他. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983). On Tang Xianzu and Others. 139 Ibid., 98-99. Incidentally, Xu mentioned that Tang Xianzu and Matteo Ricci both frowned upon the common practice among the elite of making gold or silver from other material and taking elixir for immortality. To establish this shared view, Xu quoted Matteo Ricci’s notes and six of Tang Xianzu’s poems which ridiculed his friends who practiced alchemy to amass wealth, and who searched for elixir for immortality. 41

Scholars have also been fascinated by the idea of qing in Tang Xianzu’s works, particularly his masterpiece. Judith Zeitlin believes that qing is both a “universal force of nature” and “a ghost and a woman.”140 She further builds on Catherine Swatek’s analysis of the

“procreative forces of nature” embodied in the flowering plum, and equates qing to qi (life energy),141 thereby associating the powerful love that can bring back life to the vital qi of the male sexuality that can revive female ghosts. In another paper Zeitlin discusses how the fate of the three wives of Wu Ren is connected to the flowering plum.142 She also points out that the chi or foolishness of the three wives is the “prerequisite for love that defies death.”143 Yet qing also appears in different forms in Tang Xianzu’s other plays. This foolishness of qing in fact constitutes a great obstacle in Tang’s struggle between qing and Buddhism, which I will address in Chapter Three.

Many scholars commented on the blurred demarcation line between dream and reality, such as Liu Shiheng (1874-1926), Shen Jifei and Wu Mei (1884-1939)144. Tina Lu observes the four images of Bridal Du, namely, the girl, the ghost, the portrait and her resurrected self, and the difficulties of pinning down one identity.145 She further talks about the importance of the lovers’ dreams that blur reality, how their identities are intertwined because of the dreams and the impossibility of determining whether the story is a supernatural or a mundane one.146 This difficulty to tell dreams from reality continues to haunt the readers and Tang Xianzu in his last

140 Judith T. Zeitlin, The Phantom Heroine Ghosts and Gender in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Literature, (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2007).p. 14. 141 Ibid. 37. 142 "Shared Dreams: The Story of the Three Wives' Commentary on the Peony Pavilion," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 54, no. 1 (1994). 143 Ibid., 172. 144 Cai Yi 蔡毅, Zhongguo Gudian Xiqu Xuba Huibian 中國古典戲曲序跋彙編. (Jinan: Qilu shushe, 1989). 1262- 1263,1265, 1266, 1268-1269. 145 Tina. Lu, Persons, Roles, and Minds : Identity in Peony Pavilion and Peach Blossom Fan, (Stanford University Press: Stanford, Calif., 2001). 36. 146 Ibid. chapter two. 42 two plays. This difficulty is particularly meaningful in understanding Tang Xianzu’s attitude towards Daoist promise of immortality which I shall address in Chapter Four.

Much work has been done on the intellectual trends in late imperial China, which have influenced Tang Xianzu’s thinking. Tang Xianzu’s exposition of qing is influenced by a variety of individualistic thoughts. Cheng Yun (1972-) traces the influence on Tang Xianzu’s thinking of his teacher Luo Rufang and the Taizhou School. He also discusses Tang’s exposure to orthodox

Confucianism and posits that Tang’s perception of the difference between Confucianism and

Wang Yangming’s School of Mind might have drawn him to the latter. He further explores Li

Zhi’s impact on him, and briefly introduces his religious beliefs and concludes that

Confucianism has always taken preeminence in Tang Xianzu’s beliefs. He continues to explore

Tang Xianzu’s writing in different styles and his focus on emotions in his writing. He then addresses at length the famous debate about playwriting between Tang and Shenjing and continues to explain Tang’s theory of the voice and tune in composing and performing a play.147

Yu-yin Cheng traces Tang’s idea of qing to the influence of the Taizhou school that stresses spontaneity.148 De Bary attributes the evolution of the Wang Yang-ming School, the Taizhou

School represented by Wang Gen and the radical form of individualism by Li Zhi that is influenced by Buddhism and Taoism to the development of individualistic thought.149 Whereas

Li Zhi’s “private or negative” individualism has been rejected by scholars, one can argue that

Tang Xianzu’s individualistic qing has been immensely successful through The Peony Pavilion.

C.T. Hsia however takes issue with Tang Xianzu’s success in presenting a passion for qing that transcends time, life and death. He believes that Tang intended to do so, but this qing once

147 Cheng Yun 程芸, Tang Xianzu Yu Wan Ming Xiqu De Shanbian 湯顯祖與晚明戲曲的嬗變. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006). 148 Yu-yin Cheng, "Tang Xianzu's (1550-1616) Peony Pavilion and Taizhou Philosophy: A Perspective from Intellectual History," Ming Studies 67 (2013). 149 De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.]. 145-225. 43 fulfilled becomes a “reconcilement with society” and is only eternal when it's “unfulfilled.”150

Hsia believes that The Peony Pavilion is “the only play in which the Taoist Buddhist ideals are not once presented for serious consideration.”151 I do not agree with this claim and will discuss in

Chapter Two how the plum has taken on Taoist significance and how Tang’s understanding of qing is deeply Taoist. It is also arguable whether Tang was seriously preaching Daoism and

Buddhism in his last two plays. Despite the Taoist and Buddhist influence in these plays, Hsia believes that Tang never drastically changes his attitude, but “prefers to see the human condition in the aspect of eternity.”152 Chapter Three and Four attempts to examine the endings of Nanke Ji and Handan Ji together Tang’s own writings, personal life, intellectual trends and religious influences to explore Tang’s understanding of qing .

As discussed earlier in this chapter, qing has been the source of controversies. Similarly, the idea of spontaneous expression is also deeply controversial, which has been the subject of

Wai-Yee Li’s book and Sophie Volpp’s books. Spontaneity emphasizes self-revelation, yet frowns upon self-reflection which restrains free expression. It advocates the natural overflowing of the self, yet it cautions against excessive outpouring of one’s emotions. This idea of authentic and spontaneous expression will be addressed in Chapter Four in the context of Daoism. Wai-

Yee Li writes about the “self-conscious rhetoric of spontaneity” which developed in Late Ming and contributed to the celebration of qing.153 Instead of tracing this idea of spontaneity to the influence of Buddhism and Daoism, she turns to the Analects to explore this idea. She argues that spontaneity “suggests removal from the public realm” instead, that it focuses on “genuine self- revelation”, and that it yet also challenges the notion of meditation, which goes against the idea

150 Ibid., 279. 151 Ibid., 277. 152 Ibid., 253-254. 153 Wai-yee Li, Enchantment and Disenchantment : Love and Illusion in Chinese Literature, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993). 32. 44 of spontaneity.154 She also points out that spontaneity leads to overpowering excessive feelings, which render language inadequate in expressing these feelings. In addition, spontaneity

“presupposes self-observation”, and “treads a narrow path between the sublime and the grotesque.”155 She also looks to theories of literature to understand spontaneity, for example, Li

Zhi’s (1527-1602) “Essay on the Childlike Mind” (tong xin shuo 童心說) and Feng

Menglong’s(1574-1645) compilation of genuine popular songs, which do not compete for honor with poetry. She also listed Yuan Hongdao (1568-1610) who romanticizes childhood as being closest to the “ineffable aura” and his elder brother Yuan Zongdao (1560-1600) who advocates spontaneous expression executed in fast speed, and the youngest brother Yuan Zhongdao (1570-

1626) who talks about a direct outpouring of the soul. She further points out some of the contradictions within the idea of spontaneity and proposes the valorization of the moment and self-observation as a partial resolution of these contradictions. On the same topic of spontaneous expression, Sophie Volpp argues that in The Peony Pavilion, Tang Xianzu contrasts the inauthentic discourse, which has been influenced by archaism, with the authentic emotions of

Bridal Du.156

To conclude, qing has been a source of controversy due to its wide array of connotations, including desires (yu 欲). Qing is at once regarded as something innate to human nature and thus a spontaneous inspiration for creation, which literati should aspire to, and as something that could potentially overflow and inundate human nature, which literati should guard against. As later chapters will demonstrate, Tang Xianzu takes into consideration both contentions and

154 Ibid., 34. 155 Ibid., 35-36. 156 Sophie Volpp, Worldly Stage : Theatricality in Seventeenth-Century China, (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Asia Center : Distributed by Harvard University Press, 2011). 90. 45 separates genuine qing as the fundamental source of inspiration for theatre, literary composition, romantic and familial love and a meaningful life.

CHAPTER 3

QING THROUGH PLUM IMAGERY

Yu-yin Cheng points out the connection between Tang Xianzu’s positive view of qing with the philosophy of Taizhou School.157 According to Cheng, through the influence of Yan Jun and Luo Rufang, xing is interpreted to be an intuitive response or “natural action” and thus “the distance between qing and xing was shortened.”158 Cheng believes that Tang further elevated the status of qing over xing, to be “as high as the Way.”159 Martin Huang also points out that some late Ming scholars emphasize the “mysterious power” of qing to circumvent “ethical censorship,” such as Tang Xianzu, who presents qing as possessing “boundless power.”160 I agree with

Cheng’s opinion that Luo Rufang’s belief of liangzhi (one’s natural and intuitive response) has rubbed off on Tang Xianzu. I wish to build on Martin Huang’s opinion and to examine how Tang

Xianzu presents the mysterious and all-powerful qing, which merges with the Daoist Way and supersedes xing, through the plum imagery. Chapter two will thus examine Tang’s faith in qing in the Confucian context through a close look at the plum imagery from three aspects, namely, the plum tree and fruit, the flowering plum and the plum tree root. I wish to demonstrate by the

157 C.T. Hsia points out in his article “Time and the Human Condition in the Plays of T’ang H’sien-tsu” that Luo Rufang regards sheng (life or vitality) as something intrinsically good, and equates it with ren. On the basis of the supreme value attributed to sheng, Tang Xianzu praises qing which is the “distinguishing feature of human existence”. De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.]. 250. Martin Huang also identifies equating qing with sheng as one strategy to legitimize qing. Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature."168. Sophie Volpp argues that Tang Xianzu contrasts the inauthentic discourse influenced by Archaism with authentic passion. She also lists the opponents of archaism, such as members of the Gong’an School, Xu Wei and Li Zhi. Volpp, Worldly Stage : Theatricality in Seventeenth-Century China.89- 93. Mowry Hua-yuan Li also echoes C.T. Hsia that Yan Jun was the first to have lectured on qing. Yan’s disciple Luo Rufang emphasizes sheng, which influences Late-Ming literati, such as Tang Xianzu and Li Zhi. Menglong Feng and Hua-yuan Li Mowry, Chinese Love Stories from "Ch`Ing-Shih", (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1983). 5-7. 158 Cheng, "Tang Xianzu's (1550-1616) Peony Pavilion and Taizhou Philosophy: A Perspective from Intellectual History." 19. 159 Ibid., 22. 160 Huang, "Sentiments of Desire: Thoughts on the Cult of Qing in Ming-Qing Literature." 168-169. 47 end of the chapter that Tang Xianzu respects the Confucian tradition, yet smashes its constraints with a Dao-ified qing. He breaches the boundary between the supernatural and natural world, life and death, dream and reality. In the strictly-controlled patriarchal and hierarchical society, Tang understands the transcendent power of authentic qing and praises it as an innate and ideal quality that everyone should cultivate.

The plum imagery has not been unnoticed by the ardent readers. Qian Yi for example, recognizing the importance of the plum tree, made the libation and buried the manuscripts of her two predecessors beneath the flowering plum tree.161 Catherine Swatek associates the red plum blossom and the plum fruit with sexuality. She also treats the image of the rootless plum branch as a phallic one. She further believes that the plum root imagery represents the ties of marriage of family and also sexuality.162 Although I do agree that the plum blossom represents their lovemaking, I think that to read so strongly into the sexual overtones of Tang’s work may compromise other connotations that Tang Xianzu has intended for plum, such as the unbridled freedom that Bridal Du enjoys and the Daoist belief of the creative power of nothingness.

Through the abundant plum imagery in The Peony Pavilion and The Purple Hairpin, Tang

Xianzu’s qing undermines and transcends Neo-Confucian doctrines of li and reaps freedom of its

161 Zeitlin, "Shared Dreams: The Story of the Three Wives' Commentary on the Peony Pavilion." Harvard Journal of Asiastic Studies. Vol. 54. No. 1 (Jun, 1994). Pp. 127-179. Harvard-Yenching Institute. p. 147. For the translation of the word mei 梅, Birch explained in his notes to his translation that he used apricot throughout because the flowering free is actually a Japanese apricot, though conventionally translated as “plum.” Clunas also writes in his book Fruitful Sites: Garden Culture in Ming Dynasty China that the flowering plum is closer to Prunus armeniaca, the apricot botanically than it is to Prunus domestica, the plum. Idema decides to keep its usual translation as plum in her article ‘“What Eyes May Light upon My Sleeping Form?’: Tang Xianzu’s Transformation of His Sources, with a Translation of ‘Du Liniang Craves Sex and Returns to Life’”. Swatek used Birch’s translation in her Ph.D. dissertation, but adopted the conventional translation of translating mei 梅 into plum in her later article “Plum and Portrait: Feng Menglong’s Revision of The Peony Pavilion.” Since the Chinese mei 梅 is not the exact botanical equivalent of plum or apricot and apricot might evoke in the minds of Chinese speakers xing 杏, I decide to keep the conventional translation of mei 梅 into plum and use the Chinese pinyin at some circumstances to present the significance of this specific Chinese imagery. 162 Catherine Crutchfield Swatek, "Feng Menglong's Romantic Dream : Strategies of Containment in His Revision of the Peony Pavilion" (1990). 152-162, 341-346. 48 own. This chapter will further explain the importance of xu (empty, void, vacant) in the Daoist tradition and the paradoxical xuqing (empty love and emotions).163 In this specious contradiction of empty love in fact lies its very strength.

To even start talking about the significance of the flower imagery in Tang Xianzu’s The

Peony Pavilion, one needs to take a look at the original tale, which however presents a problem.

Most scholars believe that Tang’s play is based on a three-thousand-word vernacular story Du Liniang muse huanhun 杜麗娘慕色還魂 which is recorded in He Dalun’s edition of

Yanju biji 燕居筆記, and that it is in fact recorded under a different name Du Liniang ji 杜麗娘

記 in Baowentang shumu 寶文堂書目 which precedes Tang's work.164 Some scholars like Liu

Hui and Xiang Zhizhu believe that the predecessor to The Peony Pavilion is a fifteen-hundred- word chuanqi story titled Du Liniang mudanting huanhunji 杜麗娘牡丹亭還魂記 which is recorded in Yu Gongren’s 餘公仁 edition of Yanju biji 燕居筆記.165 As the dates of the two stories are unknown, both possibilities exist. Liu and Xiang believe that the vernacular story has chronological inconsistency and logical mistakes, and thus is unlikely to be a creative piece, but is instead influenced by Du Liniang Ji and The Peony Pavilion. Fu Dixiu, agreeing that Du

Liniang mudanting huanhunji precedes the play, believes that the vernacular story even precedes the chuanqi story, the latter being an abridged version of the story. I take side with the

163 In replying to Liu Mengmei’s advances after her resurrection, Bridal Du’s said that “ghosts can have empty qing, but human beings need solid li.鬼可虛情，人須實禮.” Birch translates this sentence into: “That was my ghostly form: only now do I bring you my real self.” Xuqing here may be understood both as empty emotions, unreal emotions, and as unreal form, ghostly form. Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Yang Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting 牡丹亭. (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963). 175. Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion ibid., trans. Cyril Birch, (Indiana University Press: Bloomington, 1980). 210. 164 Xu Fuming 徐扶明, Mudan Ting Yanjiu Ziliao Kaoshi. 12-18. 165向志柱.《牡丹亭》藍本問題考辨.《文藝研究》 2007 年第 3 期 electronic access can be found here: http://news.guoxue.com/article.php?articleid=16123

49 conventional wisdom of the scholars after reading through the evidence presented by the two theories. Fu shows that all the other thirty stories in He Dalun’s Yanju biji 燕居筆記 all predate

Tang’s play; thus the vernacular story is also very likely to have been written and distributed long before Tang’s play.166 He understands the inconsistency of the vernacular story as a not-so- refined creation, whose literary blunder and chronological mistakes have been corrected by Tang

Xianzu in his own play. The chuanqi story which seems to have stopped abruptly at some places is in Fu’s opinion the product of a clumsy abridged version of the vernacular story.167 Until further evidence presents itself, this paper will follow the mainstream view that Tang Xianzu has indeed created his masterpiece The Peony Pavilion from the vernacular story Du Liniang Muse

Huanhun 杜麗娘慕色還魂.

When Tang Xianzu changes the vernacular story of a little over three thousand words to one of the longest plays of fifty-five scenes with over ninety thousand characters, he not only expands its volume with many more vivid details of personal feelings and desires, but also makes some noticeable changes in the character’ family background, plot, and also adds prominent imagery of the plum blossom. He could have continued to fixate on the peony as the erotically- charged imagery to represent the heroine, and to brush aside the plum as merely a symbol for fertility whence Liu Mengmei got his name.168 Yet Tang chose the flowering plum as the play’s

166伏滌修. 《牡丹亭》藍本問題辨疑.《文藝研究》2010 年 9 期 Electronic access can be found here: http://www.literature.org.cn/Article.aspx?id=72090

167For a detailed survey of the arguments from Xiang and Fu, please refer to these two articles: 向志柱.《牡丹亭》藍本問題考辨.《文藝研究》 2007 年第 3 期 electronic access can be found here: http://news.guoxue.com/article.php?articleid=16123

伏滌修. 《牡丹亭》藍本問題辨疑.《文藝研究》2010 年 9 期 Electronic access can be found here: http://www.literature.org.cn/Article.aspx?id=72090

168 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.4. In the vernacular story, Liu Mengmei’s name comes from his mother’s dream. She dreamed of eating a plum, and she got pregnant. “其母夢見食梅而有孕”whereas in Tang’s play, Liu was the person who had the dream where he “entered a garden where a lovely girl stood beneath a 50

“central image”, which is, echoing Judith Zeitlin and Catherine Swatek, “a frequent symbol of

Du Liniang herself.”169

As much significance as the title of the play The Peony Pavilion evokes for the readers, the peony is not as powerfully presented in the play, at least not for Tang Xianzu. This chapter will compare the vernacular story and discuss Tang’s adaptations, namely, addition of Liu

Mengmei’s dream, remaking of his family background, rewriting of Du Bao’s reaction to his daughter’s resurrection and the addition of plum imagery, the last one being the most important change that Tang made.

To understand the significance of the last change, we will start by tracing how the peony, the queen of flowers, has come to symbolize romantic rendezvous and beautiful women through some well-known poems and plays. The focus of this chapter will be on the plum blossom, which is an essential image for representing the freedom and rebirth of Bridal Du. By the same token, both the plum tree and its fruit (meishu, meizi) also carry importance in the play. The three wives believed that “From beginning to end, the linking device in the book is the flowering

[plum] tree.”170 The tragic death of Wu Wushan’s two wives Chen Tong and Tan Ze and the burial of their manuscripts under the plum blossom tree further attest to the enduring effects of

Du Liniang on generations of female readers.

One might ask if Tang Xianzu has simply picked the plum blossom imagery by chance in

The Peony Pavilion. An examination of Tang Xianzu’s earliest play The Purple Haipin later in this chapter will reveal a surprisingly similar preference for the plum blossom. The heroine identifies herself with the dauntless plum blossom, longing for the first waft of faithful wind (yi

flowering apricot.”, 169 Zeitlin, "Shared Dreams: The Story of the Three Wives' Commentary on the Peony Pavilion."147. 170 Ibid., 147. 51 xin feng) to urge open her petals to welcome the spring and romance before all the other flowers.171 It is also under the plum tree that the two protagonists first met. The plum tree that caught one of Xiaoyu’s purple swallow haipin serves as a token of love, reminiscent of the sprig of plum branch that Liu Mengmei saw Bridal Du holding in his dream.

This chapter eventually argues that this image is of particular importance because it embodies qing in many ways that the peony falls short of; and that this plum imagery is deliberately planted by Tang Xianzu to illustrate the omnipotent force of qing. Tang experimented with plum blossom in his first play, only to use it even more powerfully in his most prized masterpiece.

Comparison of the Story and the Play

First, in adapting the story for his play, Tang Xianzu changed the origin of Liu’s name. In the original vernacular story, Liu Mengmei was given the name Mengmei (dreaming of plum) by his mother, who dreamed of eating a plum before getting pregnant.172

However in the play, he dreamed of having “entered a garden where a lovely girl stood beneath a flowering plum tree.”173 And soon after he declared his ambition that:

Some day spring sun will touch in the dimness

the willow to yellow gold

and the snow's approach burst open

the [plum] blossom white as jade.174

171 Hu Shiying 胡士瑩 and Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Zichai Ji. 3. 湯顯祖. 《紫釵記》 “喜逗花梢一信風。” 172Liu Shide 劉世德, Guben Xiaoshuo Congkan 古本小說樷刊. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991). 第 35 輯.第 1-5 冊 The original sentence is: 因母夢見食梅而有孕，故此為名。

173 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion. 4. See the Chinese version in 湯顯祖.《牡丹亭》，pp. 3. ”夢到一園，梅花樹下，立著個美人” 52

有一日春光暗度黃金柳，雪意衝開了白玉梅。175

That girl was the one that he “must meet to set foot on [his] road to love and to high office”.176

Tang Xianzu thus weaved into his text the intricate and mysterious web of an all-powerful qing, promising a happy union in the end for the two protagonists. I believe that the importance of this dream, which does not appear in the original story, is twofold: it accentuates the omnipotent and mysterious nature of qing; and secondly it initiates the brilliant imagery of the plum, encompassing the fruit, tree, flower and the root. Qing is capable of bringing people back to life and making them die; hence, it is capable of inducing mysterious and foretelling dreams. Liu changing his name into “dreaming of plum” is also suggestive of the power of qing, as he must have been so deeply disturbed and stirred by the dream, which was as real as life, that he decided to assume the more meaningful name of mengmei, forsaking the previous one given him by his long-deceased parents. Bridal Du’s dream is equally real. While strolling in the garden after her vivid dream, she remembers and traces every place they have been, and fondly recalls that “so like to life was this young scholar” that “her longings stir to recall that moment”177. Qing, having mysteriously planted vivid and stirring dreams respectively in the two protagonists, sheds light on its inscrutable but loving nature. More importantly, Tang Xianzu has created the brilliant imagery of the plum, the significance of which this paper is going to elaborate on later. Liu’s name thus becomes "willow," which represents him "dreaming of plum," which represents Bridal

Du. Thus, dreams unite Liu and Du.

174 Ibid., 5. 175 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Yang Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting ibid., (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963). 4. 176 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion ibid., trans. Cyril Birch, (Indiana University Press: Bloomington, 1980).4. 177 Ibid., 59. 53

Secondly, it is also noteworthy that Tang Xianzu orphaned Liu Mengmei in Mudan ting whereas in the original story, Liu Mengmei was the beloved only son of a Prefect. Making Liu an orphan gets rid of his dependence on his parents, making him the hero driven by the power of qing to orchestrate the act of resurrection at the risk of breaking the Ming Code. Thus an orphaned Liu embodies qingzhi 情至—love to the utmost degree, love that defies danger or death. Being orphaned in his childhood, he however is the descendent of Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元

(773-819) and an elite family. Brought up in poverty by his camelback servant, he is also more likely to be studious and ambitious to bring honor and wealth back to his family, through the imperial examination.

In the vernacular story, Bridal Du told him that she was a ghost and entreated him to resurrect her. Liu Mengmei was so scared that his hair stood up.178 He then told his parent immediately. His father was responsible for digging up the grave, and bringing Du back to life with a hot shower. Liu thus appears to be passive, timid and incapable. In Mudan ting, by contrast, as an orphan, Liu Mengmei was meagerly provided for by his servant, Camel Guo. He

"drilled the wall for light, tied his hair to beam in fear of drowsing"179. Poor but talented, he was highly motivated to read books and obtain a high position at court, which reflected the political ambitions of many scholars at that time, not excluding Tang Xianzu. He was also as independent and courageous as he was deeply in love. Emboldened by qing, he was the brave Coffin Breaker,

178 Liu Shide 劉世德, Guben Xiaoshuo Congkan. Original sentence is: 這衙內聽罷，毛髮悚然。

179 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.1 The idiom “drilling the wall for light 鑿壁偷光” comes from Xijing Zaji《西京雜記》, a biji collection authored by Ge Hong (some say it is authored by Liu Xin). It talks about the story of a great scholar Kuang Heng of the Western Han dynasty who is destitute and drills a whole on the wall to let in light from his neighbor’s house so that he can read and study at night. The idiom “tying one’s hair to beam so as not to doze off 頭懸樑” comes from Liu Xiang’s Zhanguo Ce《戰國策》. It talks about Sun Jing from Eastern Han dynasty who ties his hair to the beam when he studies so that he would wake up from the pain when he dozes off. He eventually becomes a famous politician. Both stories are used a lot to praise the diligence and resourcefulness of aspiring scholars. 54 who raised Bridal Du from the grave, in spite of the "Ming Dynastic Code [which] prescribes execution for any person...who opens a coffin to view the corpse" and in spite of the "rumors"180 that will ensue. Qing at its fullest can raise the dead from the grave; so can it embolden the living to risk their own lives for love.

The third notable change that Tang made to the story is Du Bao's reaction to Bridal Du's resurrection. In the vernacular story, Du Bao, after reading the good news of her daughter's rebirth was very delighted (da xi), betraying no doubt or disbelief. In the play, however, Du was worried that "[her] father will balk in disbelief" when he learned a tale that "must sound like work of demon monsters."181 Indeed, Du took it as "evil witchcraft,"182 and in a fit of anger, threw Liu into jail and was going to behead him before he was saved by Camel Guo, reclaiming him as the Prize Candidate. Even after he recognized his daughter, he was still furious at the whole "diabolical" death and resurrection miracle, and refused to approve of the marriage until the imperial decree intervened. Her mother took the news with no less shock. In the end, qing vanquishes all. Madam Du embraces Bridal Du, weeping that "Ghost or not, I couldn't bear to give you up again."183 Du Bao finally acknowledges Bridal Du as his daughter out of fatherly care when she faints away.184 It should be noted that Du Bao's vehement denunciation of witchcraft and miracles manifested the influence of Neo-Confucianism, which frowned upon such superstitious elements. Indeed it may mirror Tang’s own logical and reasoning mind that tells him to dismiss the outlandish stories of resurrection. However, like Du Bao whose love and compassion for a frail daughter begging for his recognition and fainting away in the court drives away his suspicion of diabolical imposture, Tang seems also more receptive to the unexplainable

180 Ibid., 196. 181 Ibid., 251. 182 Ibid., 317 183 Ibid., 278. 184 Ibid., 336. 55 and miraculous that qing can accomplish. His adaption therefore reflects his unwavering faith in qing, which triumphs in the end, flying in the face of Neo-Confucians.

The last addition of the plum imagery is most prominent and will be discussed in details following a brief exploration of the importance of the peony.

The Importance of the Peony in The Peony Pavilion

Since the peony appears in the title of the play, readers naturally conclude that it is significant, and rightfully so. Throughout history, the peony has been at the center of people’s admiration and exaltation because of its majestic petals, elegance, fragrance, and vibrant colors.

Written records of people’s love for and cultivation of the peony date back over sixteen hundred years ago.185 Love for the peony, known as the queen of all flowers (百花之王),186 peaked in the

Tang dynasty, when even members of the royal family, such as Empress Consort Wu, Buddhist monks and Taoist priests were so captivated by this luxurious flower as to cultivate different varieties of the peony.187 Later in the Qing dynasty, the Empress Dowager Cixi chose the peony as the national flower of China.

If we turn to the texts, how many times and where is the peony mentioned in both the vernacular story and Tang’s play?

185 Wang Gaochao 王高潮 and Liu Zhongjian 劉仲健, Zhongguo Mudan 中國牡丹. (Beijing: Zhongguo linye chubanshe, 2000). According to 王高潮，written records of the cultivation of peony were found in Xie Lingyun’s writings, pp. 7. 186 Tang Poet Pi Rixiu has written a poem calling the peony as the Queen of all flowers. Wang Guowei of the Qing dynasty also wrote that peony is the ultimate queen of flowers. 187 Wang Gaochao 王高潮 and Liu Zhongjian 劉仲健, Zhongguo Mudan. 8. 56

In the vernacular story, the peony is mentioned only once, in Brida Du’s dream of the tryst “next to the peony pavilion.”188 A very similar flower commonly translated into peony in the west is shaoyao (芍藥), which is another species under the same genus Paeonia. And shaoyao was mentioned six times in the story.

Similarly, peony was mentioned sixteen times in Tang’s play, including the title, but only twice as the flower per se. All the other fourteen references appear as “the peony pavilion”.

Before we look at the flower references, it is worth glancing at a humorous story entitled

Li Xiangnu’s Confession (李淳奴供狀) recorded in the same collection of Yu Gongren’s Yanju biji as the vernacular story, which attests to the popularity of the peony in the romantic setting at that time. This popular story was written as a humorous piece in which Ms. Li confesses to the tryst she had one day in the back of her garden with a handsome scholar Wei Hua. This story however contains strikingly similar phrases to the vernacular story. The former according to Liu

Hongqiang is a copy of the latter popular story, thus further associating peony flowers with the setting for lovemaking:

遂成親於牡丹花下，締良緣於芍藥叢邊。結成偕老之歡。189

Therefore we got married beneath the peony flowers, next to the shaoyao bush. We enjoyed conjugal joys.

In the vernacular story, the venue of the tryst and the depiction of the pleasure is unsurprisingly similar:

188 Liu Shide 劉世德, Guben Xiaoshuo Congkan. “只見那書生向前將小姐摟抱去牡丹亭畔，芍藥欄邊，共成雲雨之歡娛。”

189 Yu Gongren 餘公仁, Zengbu Pidian Tuxiang Yanju Biji 增補批點圖像燕居筆記. vol. 3.《李享奴供狀》can be found in 卷三,十九至二十一頁。Translations here are all mine. 57

那生向前將小姐摟抱去牡丹亭畔，芍藥欄邊，共成雲雨之歡娛。190

That scholar went forward and carried off the lady to the side of the peony pavilion, next to the shaoyao bush. Together they enjoyed the joy and pleasure of cloud and rain.

In Tang’s play, the wording is almost the same, except that it is told from a first-person perspective:

將奴摟抱去牡丹亭畔，芍藥闌邊，共成雲雨之歡。191 [He] carried me to the side of the peony pavilion, next to the shaoyao bush. Together we enjoyed the joys of cloud and rain.

This comic confession shows that the peony pavilion has become a place where women express and enjoy their erotic desires. But it does not shed light on how peony came to take on erotic overtones. Perhaps it has to do with the many poems where the peony flower has been compared to beautiful women, such as the famous Imperial Consort Yang, and Xi Shi. For example, at the imperial feast of the peony, Li Bai composed three poems for Yang Guifei:

雲想衣裳花想容，春風拂檻露華濃。

The Glory of the trailing clouds is in her garments,

And the radiance of a flower「peony」 on her face. The spring wind softly sweeps the balustrade, And the dew-drops glisten thickly.192 一枝紅豔露凝香，雲雨巫山枉斷腸。 She is the flowering branch of the peony, Richly-laden with honey-dew. Hers is the charm of the vanished fairy,

190 Liu Shide 劉世德, Guben Xiaoshuo Congkan.

191Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting. 46. 192Bai Li and Shigeyoshi Obata, The Works of Li Po, the Chinese Poet, (New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1965). 清平調一 33. 58

That broke the heart of the dreamer king.193 名花傾國兩相歡，長得君王帶笑看。 The radiant flower and the flowery queen rejoice together, For the emperor deigns to watch them ever with a smile.194 The pairing of the peony with the ravishing and seductive Yang Guifei or other beautiful women is evident here and in many other poems. Yang Guifei’s is so seductive and bewitching that Bai

Juyi wrote in the Song of Everlasting Sorrow that:

春宵苦短日高起，從此君王不早朝。195 The spring night is too short and the sun rises too soon, Since then, the emperor never attends the morning court. Perhaps the emperor’s licentious life with Consort Yang also imbued the peony with an erotic hue. Incidentally, a Yuan song by the famous female actress Zhu Lianxiu (珠簾秀) actually foreshadows Bridal Du’s death:

便是牡丹花下死，做鬼也風流。196 If I were to die beneath the peony blossom, I would die a romantic ghost.

Thus one can see that the peony evokes romantic trysts and erotic desires. Tang, however, was not as taken by the flower as many fervent peony lovers. He does not choose the peony to represent the heroine or the omnipotent qing; instead, he adds two references to the peony in a less flattering light in the play. Bridal Du is not just an exquisite and alluring peony, pining and dying for a lover. She is rather a brave flowering plum, overcoming death to be with her lover and family.

193 Ibid.34. An alternative translation for the second line might be: Her charm is such that the Goddess of Mount Wu is heart-broken for the never-returning king. 194 Ibid., 35. 195 Bai Juyi 白居易 and Xie Siwei 謝思煒, Bai Juyi Shixuan 白居易詩選. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005). 謝思煒. 《白居易詩選》9. 196 全元曲, electronic access is found here: http://www.guoxue123.com/jijijibu/0201/00qyc/0281.htm. 59

The two references appear in the tenth scene The Interrupted Dream when Bridal Du and

Fragrance tour the garden:

Fragrance: All the flowers have come into bloom now, but it’s still too early for the peony.是，花都放了，那牡丹還早。 “However fine the peony, how can she rank as queen coming to bloom when spring has said farewell!”197 春香呵，牡丹雖好，他春歸怎占的先！198 The late blooming peony may represent the plight of many other cloistered women of

Bridal Du’s age, "whose beauty is a bright flower,"199 yet who are confined in their boudoir, having no suitable man to sweep them off their feet, and who waste away in passive pining and longing. The peony is fine and pretty, but it waits passively for too long for admirers to appreciate its transitory springtime beauty. The peony is thus disparaged by Tang; instead, the plum represents our heroine, whose qing attains the utmost degree such that a mysterious dream awakens her passion and ignites her courage to pursue her spring longings and her lover.

It is also noteworthy that this lamentation of the peony’s late blooming is absent in the vernacular story. In the story, Bridal Du has also toured around the garden, and has beheld flowers of all sorts; butterflies fluttering through the flowers; pairs of dragonflies skittering across the water and swallows and orioles singing.200 But there was no peony or any remark about peony. The above references are clearly Tang Xianzu’s addition.

197 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion. 45. 198Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Yang Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting ibid., (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963). 43. 199 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion ibid., trans. Cyril Birch, (Indiana University Press: Bloomington, 1980).46 200 Liu Shide 劉世德, Guben Xiaoshuo Congkan. Original Chinese sentences are: 雙雙粉蝶穿花，對對蜻蜓點水。梁間紫燕呢喃，柳上黃鶯晛睆。縱目台亭池館，幾多瑞草奇葩。 60

Poems from the Tang dynasty long associated the peony with the end of spring. Poets celebrated its late blooming after all the other flowers, proclaiming it as the celestial flower that does not get envious and does not vie for attention201. For instance, Tang poet Li Shanfu composed this verse in Peony:

邀勒春風不早開，眾芳飄後上樓臺。 Coerced by spring breeze, [yet she] does not bloom early; After all other fragrances drift away, 「she」 enters the pavilion.202 Tang poet Liu Yuxi also echoes and praises the peony’s late-blossoming beauty.

有此傾城好顏色，天叫晚發賽諸花。 With this state-toppling beauty, [although] heaven asked [her] to blossom late, [she] outshines all the other the flowers.203 Northern Song Prime Minister and poet Han Qi writes about the peony in the late spring.

開晚要當三月盛，豔高宜作百花魁。 Blooming late, [she] has to take advantage of April to flourish, Her beauty stands out that she is indeed the queen of all flowers.204 How late does the peony bloom? According to Suishi ji, a biji collection compiled during the sixth century which records the seasons, customs and folk art of Chu in the Yangtse valley, the first breeze will bring the plum petals into bloom in early January, and the peony awaits the twenty-second breeze to bloom in late April after all the other flowers.205

Not all poets praise this late blooming quality, however, and some like Bai Juyi also remark on the short life of the peony.

花開花落二十日，一城之人皆若狂。

201 Wang Gaochao 王高潮 and Liu Zhongjian 劉仲健, Zhongguo Mudan.7. 202Ibid., 30. 203 Ibid., 24. 204 Ibid., 59. 205 See《荊楚歲時記》. “十三花信風” 原文: “凡二十四番花信風，始梅花，終楝花。” 61

The flower blossoms and withers within 20 days, The whole city is crazy about it.206 Wang Wei laments the evanescent nature of the flower queen and blames it on the spring breeze.

自恨開遲還落早，縱橫只是怨春風。 [I]secretly hate myself for blooming late and withering early, Yet I can but blame the spring breeze. 207 As the aforementioned two references show, Tang Xianzu takes these themes even further, arguing that the late-blooming peony does not merit being called “the queen of all flowers”.

He compares Bridal Du’s plight to that of the peony. Spring awakens the peony, yet she has to wait for the twenty-second breeze to bloom, when spring is almost gone. Similarly, Bridal Du has been awakened by spring longings for love and indeed by the subsequent dream of the handsome scholar, yet she has to wait for the scholar to appear in her life for the marriage to bloom. Both come too late. If the story and the play ended here, one could indeed argue that

Tang Xianzu wanted to represent Bridal Du with the peony blossom, since both the woman and the flower are splendid and stunning, yet too short-lived. However, the story continues with

Bridal Du’s resurrection in the second half of the story where the plum, both the flower and the tree, serves as a powerful image of death, rootless freedom and rebirth.

The Importance of the Plum in The Peony Pavilion

An ingenious change that Tang Xianzu makes to the story is the carefully-devised imagery of the plum blossom, plum tree and its fruit and the plum tree root, which symbolize

Bridal Du herself, her longings and desires for love, her courage to pursue her lover, her premature death but also freedom, and her resurrection. Catherine Swatek points out that the

206 Wang Gaochao 王高潮 and Liu Zhongjian 劉仲健, Zhongguo Mudan.26. 207 Ibid., 22. 62

“particularly meaningful” image of the “flowering” plum is the central one with which Du

Liniang strongly identifies208. The real queen of all flowers is the plum blossom, the only flower to bloom in winter, against the snow and cold. Zeitlin also makes reference to the Three Wives commentary, saying that “From beginning to end, the linking device in the book is the flowering tree.”209 I will first discuss the symbolic meaning of the plum as the herald of spring which triumphs over the death of snow, as the ethereal ghostly spirit of Bridal Du and as her resurrected body. I will later explore the significance of burial under the plum tree, with a focus on the symbolic meaning of the plum roots in Taoist contexts.

In the original story, the plum tree is only mentioned when Du strolls in the garden:

“suddenly [I] saw a big plum tree, with bounty and lovely plums. It is short and in the shape of a parasol. Miss Du walked beneath it joyously and said: ‘it would be great if I could be buried here after death.’”210 The loveliness of the plum fruit and tree was thus brought to the fore in the vernacular story. The plum blossom and indeed the plum root were not in the picture.

In Tang’s Mudan ting, however, Tang painstakingly braided an astonishing number of images of the plum blossom, plum tree, its fruit and its root into the fabric of the play, some conspicuous and bold, others merely alluded to.

Numbers speak louder than words in revealing Tang Xianzu’s emphasis and addition of the plum imagery. I have created a table below to better compare the continuity as well as changes of the two texts. In the vernacular story, the plum was mentioned fifteen times: nine

208 Zeitlin, "Shared Dreams: The Story of the Three Wives' Commentary on the Peony Pavilion." 147. See also Swatek, "Feng Menglong's Romantic Dream : Strategies of Containment in His Revision of the Peony Pavilion." 154-55. Zeitlin translates 梅 into plum as opposed to Birch and Swatek’s “apricot”, and I have followed Zeitlin in replacing apricot with plum in Birch’s translations. 209 Zeitlin, "Shared Dreams: The Story of the Three Wives' Commentary on the Peony Pavilion."147. 210 Liu Shide 劉世德, Guben Xiaoshuo Congkan. Original Chinese: 忽見一株大梅樹，梅子磊磊可愛，其樹矮如傘蓋。小姐走至樹下，甚喜而言曰：“我若死後得葬於此幸矣。” 63 times as the plum tree (梅樹); twice as beside the plum tree and/or the willow tree(梅邊柳邊); twice in the name Liu Mengmei; once to explain the origin of Liu’s name (食梅而有孕); and once when Liu was feasting on the portrait, which was said to have been like looking at the plum to quench one’s thirst (望梅止渴). All the references were about the plum tree or plum fruit. The flowering plum was never present in the story until Tang Xianzu made the addition.

The plum is mentioned one hundred and thirty-seven times directly and two more times in the last scene as the branch in the south and branch in the north (南枝, 北枝) and once figuratively. Since the play is longer than the vernacular story, it is not surprising that Liu

Mengmei’s name is mentioned more often—fifty-three times. However, it is worth noticing that the three aspects of the plum imagery—the plum tree and fruit, the flowering plum, and the plum root appear significantly more often. Moreover, forty references are made to the flowering plum, which does not appear in the vernacular story. Similarly, the plum root 梅根 is mentioned eight times and is non-existent in the story. Thirteen references are made to the plum tree and six to the fruit, also more than in the story. I have singled out some significant references in the play and attempt to explore the reasons behind Tang Xianzu’s addition of the plum imagery.

Vernacular Story Tang’s play The Peony Pavilion Total number of 15 137 directly times mentioned 2 as the branch in the south and branch in the north (南枝, 北枝)

1 一樹雪垂垂如笑, scene 22

plum tree (梅樹) 9 13 64

besides the plum 2 8 tree and/or the willow tree(梅邊柳邊) 2 柳梅邊

Liu Mengmei’s 2 in his name 48 柳夢梅 name 1 in explaining the 5 夢梅 origin of his name 0 Eating plum 食梅 (食梅而有孕)

Plum fruit 1 looking at the 1 looking at the plum to quench plum to quench one’s thirst (望梅止渴). one’s thirst (望梅 2 梅子止渴). 3 青梅

Plum Shrine 0 7 as 梅花觀 or 紅梅觀

Flowering plum 0 19 Direct reference of the flower 梅花

21 梅 by itself referring to the flower

Plum Tree Root 0 3 梅根

5 根，花有根元玉有芽，尋根，花根，情根

Firstly, the plum tree and fruit serve as a shared receptor of longing gazes and yearnings of the two protagonists, and thus as a medium and matchmaker that breaches the boundary between the supernatural and natural world, life and death, dream and reality.

A significant moment of the plum fruit and tree is when Bridal Du pursued her dream in the garden, and “suddenly… [found] a great flowering plum, beautiful with its thick clusters of 65 fruit.”211 The appearance of both the blossom and fruit in the same timeframe is however rather strange. The Chinese verse only mentioned the plum tree 忽見大梅樹一株，梅子磊磊可愛.212

The flower usually blooms in late winter, early spring, which is in lunar calendar the first month or the second month, whereas the fruit grows from the third month to the fifth month. Earlier in

Scene Ten, Bridal Du has indicated the time of her strolling around the garden to be “三春”, which is the third part of spring, around the third month of the lunar calendar. The plum flowers should have already withered. In Scene 12, “When rich rain [of the third month] swells the red to bursting”213這春三月紅綻雨肥天 refers to Du Fu’s poem214 and confirms the time setting to be the end of spring, early summer when the plum fruit grows and ripens. Therefore, what she saw was the plum tree and fruit to which she was instantly and inexplicably drawn, to the extent that this is to become the burial site and rebirth place for her. She was drawn to this tree in life, buried there in death, her body being nourished and brought back to life all beneath the plum tree.

It’s not only a gateway connecting the living world and the dead, but also the gateway connecting dream and reality. When Bridal Du was strolling around the garden, she took in the splendid late spring flowers. However, it is hard to imagine that she had not noticed at all the lovely plum tree to which she was so “drawn.”215 As the three wives have noticed as well, it is the garden tour that caused 致使 her to dream of Liu Mengmei. The only connecting device in both Du’s dream and Liu’s dream is the flowering plum tree. It can be argued therefore that the plum tree was the medium through which they could navigate through dream and reality. They

211 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion. 60. 212 Chen Tong 陳同 et al., Three Wives’ Commentary on the Peony Pavilion 吳吳山三婦合評牡丹亭. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008). 29. 213 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.60. 214 Liu argues in his paper that the mei here refers to Chinese bayberry against Qian Zhongshu’s view that it refers to red plum blossom. 劉重喜“綠垂風折筍，紅綻雨肥梅”試解，《文學評論叢刊》，20081. 215 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.61. 66 were induced to enter each other’s dreams by the plum tree that they saw in real life and in their dreams. Both dreams where the plum tree was involved seemed so real that one altered his name, the other died from it.

The plum tree was thus the matchmaker bringing them together in the dreams and later on in reality. Further it could bridge the distances in space and eventually unite them. It seems to be able to hold both protagonists’ long gaze. In scene twenty-two, he broke a plum blossom branch to express his pining for family and friends. “To send my longing heart during the winter,

[I just need to break] half a sprig of plum blossom on the Lingnan ridge.” 嶺南南上半支梅 Soon after, Liu climbed over the Ridge 嶺 which coincidentally appeared in the Interrupted Dream:

“At dawn, cheeks blurred with last night’s rouge, I gazed at ‘Apricot’ Blossom Pass 曉來望斷梅

關.”216 Just as the two people’s gazes both rest on the plum tree/branch, their subsequent paths are destined to merge in the Plum Shrine which was constructed from “the old garden to the rear of the study.”217 Liu dreamed of Du standing beneath the plum tree in the garden; Du dreamed of

Liu from napping beneath the plum tree. Here again, Du’s ghost roamed back to the former garden, now the Plum Shrine, where Liu was staying. Moreover, their final reunion after Du’s resurrection was also by the grave beneath the plum tree. Tang Xianzu thus employs the plum tree and fruit to represent the transcendent and omnipotent qing. The plum tree and fruit is the gateway between life and death, dream and reality. It transcends time and space.

Secondly, the flowering plum represents death, courage, the wandering ghost and freedom. In Scene two, Liu hinted at Bridal Du’s death, which is just like the flowering plum being covered by snow, and her courage and rebirth like the plum bursting open in the snow.

216 Ibid., 43. 217 Ibid., 152. 67

Not only did Tang intentionally associate the flowering plum tree with Bridal Du, he also hinted at her death, which is just like the flowering plum being covered by snow, and her rebirth like the plum bursting open in the snow. The association with the plum and snow has been long established by poets. For instance, the post-Tang poet Qi Ji (齊己) of Five Dynasties wrote this verse in his poem The Early Plum (早梅): “Deep in the snow in the other village, last night one branch has blossomed.” (前村深雪裡，昨夜一枝開。) 218 Yuan poet Hong Xiwen (洪希文) has a similar verse in his song of the same name: “standing at the head of all the flowers, covered with snow and layered ice.” (占得百花頭上，積雪層冰。) 219 The image of a flowering plum glowing amid ice and snow is indeed a powerful one. It is the very image of Bridal Du braving death and blooming with all her beauty yet again in the physical world. In Scene two, this image is evident:

Some day spring sun will touch in the dimness, the willow to yellow gold, and the snow's approach burst open the apricot blossom white as jade. Snow and cold winter foreshadows Bridal Du's death for three years. When snow approaches at the end of winter the plum blossom bursts open, defying cold or death, implying that Bridal Du, in the face of death and hardships, is even more courageous and beautiful, and will triumph over death, because of the power of her utmost love or qing. She, as the plum blossom is the true queen of all flowers, which coincidentally is echoed by Liu Mengmei's aspiration to one day

"take for [his] own the star queen of all flowers (bai hua kui)"220. In Chinese culture, bai hua kui

218 Zheng Xiuwen 鄭琇文, "Jin Yuan Yongmei Ci Yanjiu 金元詠梅詞研究" (國立成功大學, 2005). 碩士論文. 88. 219 Ibid., 112. 220 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.5. 68 refers to both the plum blossom and a beautiful lady.221 Liu Mengmei unknowingly predicts his future of marrying the beautiful plum blossom, Bridal Du, in both a real and a figurative sense.

We saw earlier that the peony is late to bloom and early to wither whereas the plum is always the earliest to embrace spring. Poems that sing praise for the plum’s early blossoming in the spring are abundant. In fact, Zheng Xiuwen argues in her thesis that the plum, due to its defiance of the cold weather, is like a messenger for the Lord of Spring, announcing the arrival of spring.222 Chang Quanzi, a Yuan song writer, writes in Plum (梅) that “All the other flowers are in buds, [plum] alone enjoys the beauty of spring.” (百花未發，獨佔得東君春色。)223

Tang Xianzu himself has written in his poem Expecting the Spring (望春) that “gusts of chilly wind stir up the early flowering plum.” (簌簌浮寒動早梅。)224 Although smothered in snow or icy wind, plum blossom awake to the spring and burst open into blossom, a dauntless spirit that the peony lacks.

According to Yan Kunyang, the flowering plum is not only beautiful (美), but also ethereal (逸) which only befits unearthly and immortal women.225 One might expand the category of unearthly women to include the wandering ethereal ghost of Bridal Du with no physical body, whose beauty rivals Chang E and the Guan Yin Goddess, as Liu Mengmei exclaimed, “if it is neither Guanyin nor Chang E, how could it be some mortal girl?”226 Tang

Xianzu made the connection between the flowering plum and the ghostly female in Scene 27,

221 According to the definition from 漢典. 222Zheng Xiuwen 鄭琇文, "Jin Yuan Yongmei Ci Yanjiu 金元詠梅詞研究.". 111 223 Ibid., 112 224 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Quanji 湯顯祖全集. (Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1998).徐朔方箋校《湯顯祖全集》, 卷二. 北京古籍出版社. 929. 225顏昆陽 Yan Kunyang 顏昆陽, Gudian Shiwen Luncong 古典詩文論叢. (Taibei: Hanguang wenhua gongsi, 1983). 126. 226 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion. 144. 69

“Spirit Roaming.” Sister Stone picked a sprig of flowering plum and put it in a consecrated vase before the spirit tablet. Celebrants asked her what the vase and the flower represented. Sister

Stone answered:

Within the hollow of this, The vase is held the mortal world While her poor self Just like this fading [plum], Watered but rootless, Still brings a fragrance to our senses.227 老師兄，你說淨瓶象什麼，殘梅象什麼？（淨）這瓶兒空象，世界包藏。身似殘梅樣，有水無根，尚作餘香想。228 The sprig of flowering plum is truly like the wandering spirit of Bridal Du, floating in the mortal world, existing yet dead, bringing beauty to the senses of Liu Mengmei. The vase, which is hollow yet capable of containing the whole world, is reminiscent of Tao Te Ching. “The Way is empty, yet never refills with use;” “Clay is molded to make a pot, but it is in the space where there is nothing that the usefulness of the clay pot lies.”229 Water, the kind and nurturing force of a myriad of things, holds up the roaming spirit of a once beautiful woman, who now has no root.

She later identifies herself with the plum sprig：

Ha, and here in this consecrated vase is a sprig of fading blossom from the [plum] by my tomb. Sweet blossom, like Bridal Du herself you fade before your time, how sad!230

227 Ibid., 150. 228Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Yang Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting ibid., (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963). 134. 229 Laozi., Tao Te Ching : The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way, ed. Victor H. Mair, (Bantam Books: New York, 1990). 62, 70. 230 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.152. 70

再瞧這淨瓶中,咳,便是俺那塚上殘梅哩。梅花呵，似俺杜麗娘半開而謝，好傷情也.231 The withering plum sprig therefore reminds Bridal Du of her untimely death and resembles her rootless ghost self. It’s worth noting that although her wandering spirit was rootless, her dead physical body was firmly rooted with the plum root. She was both rootless and rooted, dead and alive because of the plum tree root.

Paradoxically, the green plum fruit serves to restore Bridal Du’s humanity. While examining the portrait that Bridal Du painted, Liu at first surmised that the lady in the portrait must be Guanyin or Chang E, divine images, which echoes the conventional scholars' attitude toward beautiful women, dehumanizing them as ravishing divine figures whose love and relationship however cannot last on earth. But upon noticing the verses and the green sprig of plum in Du's hands, he identifies strongly with the green plum branch, and feels “as if somehow she was holding my own self in her arms.”232 He thus re-humanized her as a "mortal girl" and was deeply attracted to her: the "plum branch in hand...luring [his] stumbling heart to thoughts of love."233 Maybe Liu was reminded of the dream that he had where the lovely girl was standing beneath a flowering plum tree. By association, Liu was unconsciously reminded of that plum tree upon seeing the lovely green plum it bears, which Bridal Du is also especially fond of. He was so affected by the dream of Du and the plum tree that he might have merged his identity with that of the plum tree. So unconsciously he recognizes that the lady in the portrait is none other than the lady in his dream, and is not an immortal or a fairy. It is only after the recognition of Bridal Du’s humanity that their love ignites. In a way, the green plum mei 梅 is like a matchmaker mei 媒,

231 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Yang Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting ibid., (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963).151. 232 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion ibid., trans. Cyril Birch, (Indiana University Press: Bloomington, 1980).145. 233 Ibid., 145. 71 bringing this couple together. Since the green plum branch is painted by Bridal Du herself, she has to some extent orchestrated her own union with Liu. She is indeed the queen of all flowers, the luring plum that braves the winter and brings about her own marriage.

The green plum is mentioned only three times during the production and appreciation of the portrait. However, in the very beginning while talking about his ambition, Liu Mengmei already identified himself with the plum fruit. Although the plum that appears early in shi jing 詩

經, as Pauline Yu has observed, is usually employed to describe a woman’s concern that she has passed her time for marriage, just like the decreasing number of ripe fruit on the tree: “Shedding is the plum tree, its fruits are seven.”234 Here Liu has transferred that concern onto himself. The sour plum and willow tree reflect his sullen mood and frowning brows at the indefinite waiting.

He feared "with this waiting, the flowering 'apricot' yields sour fruit, the willow has frowning brows"等的俺梅子酸心柳皺眉.235 Incidentally, Li Yu, the male lead of The Purple Hairpin, is also weighed down by the concern of the late-coming lover, and prays to the Flower Spirit to urge the breeze to invite flowers to bloom 願花神做主，暗催花信.236 The sour plum however can also be interpreted to represent Bridal Du herself and her untimely death. Liu fears “the wilting of my precious dream flower before the jealousy of Chang E,” foreshadowing the sour fruit born out of the beautiful flower, which represents Bridal Du’s wasting away and eventual demise when the exquisite flower has waited for too long. It seems to be apparent for readers that both characters’ fates share an inexplicable connection with the plum and willow imagery respectively which are all maneuvered by the puissant and unknowable force of qing. The

234 Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1987). 64. 235 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting.5 236 Hu Shiying 胡士瑩 and Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Zichai Ji.《紫釵記》, 4. 72 characters themselves seem to realize partially the might of qing and indeed their roles in it, only enough so as to let things fall into place in the right way. The poem that Bridal Du composed for the portrait is abstrusely ambiguous. It seems that Bridal Du cannot distinguish which image embodies Liu Mengmei, the willow or the plum tree.

Union in some year to come With the “courtier of the moon” Will be beneath the branches Either of willow or “apricot”.237 Bridal Du identifies herself with the plum blossom. She is aware but not consciously certain of the connection between liu and mei as she later asked the Infernal Judge for her lover's name, "Liu or Mei."238 Yet unknowingly, she has written a pun, providing the answer to her question. The last sentence "不在梅邊在柳邊" is subject to two interpretations, namely “不在梅

邊[就]在柳邊” and”不在梅邊[而]在柳邊.” The other interpretation can be translated as, "not beneath the plum tree, but by the willow tree," referring right back to Liu Mengmei. This sentence is so pregnant that it contains many ambiguous predictions of subsequent events. If interpreted in the “either or” syntax, this sentence is a riddle, the answer to which is only unveiled in the end. It suggests that the union will be either by a willow branch or a plum branch but does not indicate which. The importance of the plum root will be addressed later in this chapter, but for now it is a known fact that the location for Bridal Du’s resurrection is indeed beneath the plum branch, and this is the site of their union for the first time as two human beings.

The plum tree is thus the answer. But even as the plum root has attended to her body for three years and their reunion occurs beneath the plum tree, Liu, the willow is right by her side. It is

237 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion. 70. 238 Ibid., 133. 73 therefore correct also to answer that it is by the willow branch that the events transpire. If interpreted in the “not…but” syntax, the union is by the willow [branch], which really refers to

Liu Mengmei. The union is indeed administered by the Coffin-Breaker Liu, who ran the risk of breaking the Ming Code to rescue the damsel in deep distress. In fact Liu is not only the direct agent in Bridal Du’s resurrection but also an indirect one in facilitating her freedom from the

Underworld. At the City of Wrongfully Dead, the men prisoners before Bridal Du were all tried and reduced to lesser forms of life, such as birds and butterflies. Bridal Du would not have escaped reincarnation as an oriole if the Flower Spirit had not intervened and entreated for favor on behalf of her father on the ground that the only child of “an upright official…should be treated with leniency.”239 Out of respect for high officials holding a position in the earthly court, the Judge’s response was that “I shall seek advice from the Celestial Court before I pass sentence.”240 But it is not until Bridal Du asked the Judge about her future husband that the Judge decided to free her according to the mandate in the Register of Marriages: “There is a person here with whom you share a marriage affinity. On this account I shall release you now.”241 It is unclear if Liu Mengmei’s future as a Prize Candidate has any influence over the Judge’s decision.

It is clear however that being the daughter of a virtuous high court official has not freed Bridal

Du, while being the predestined wife of a Prize Candidate has.

The plum blossom imagery is also present in Liu’s sojourn in the meihua guan, or the

“Apricot” Shrine. In the beginning of scene twenty-two, the plum blossom appears before readers’ eyes, paving the way for the important tryst that is to ensue. However, Birch’s translation at this point seems problematic. I believe that here Tang alludes to the tradition of

239 Ibid.,133. 240 Ibid. 241 Ibid. 74 breaking a plum blossom branch to express one’s pining for his family and friends.242 Birch’s translation of “half a sprig of apricot was all Lingnan could offer”243 implies his disappointment and complaint, which in this context seems to be the opposite of what Liu means. In the beginning of the scene, Liu compares himself to a bird away from its nest. It is understandable that a few lines down, Liu would still be talking about nostalgia and his yearnings for family, home, Camel Guo and indeed the beautiful lady beneath the blossoming plum tree. Thus an alternative translation would be: “To send my longing heart during the winter, [I just need to break] half a sprig of plum blossom on the Lingnan ridge.” The feelings that he harbors at that moment are probably those of hope, love and yearning. Soon after, Liu climbed over the

“Apricot” Ridge 梅嶺 which coincidentally appeared in the Interrupted Dream: “At dawn, cheeks blurred with last night’s rouge, I gazed at ‘Apricot’ Blossom Pass 曉來望斷梅關”244.

Bridal Du’s longing gaze at the ‘Apricot’ Pass is soon to be rewarded with the emergence of the predicted lover, the “Coffin Breaker”245, who is going to bring her back to life.

Later in that same scene, Liu Mengmei, after slipping into a stream was aided by the tutor

Chen who then took him to the Apricot Shrine to heal him. In Birch’s translation, Chen pointed to the plum tree, saying that “where snow-laden branches smile a welcome, embroidered banner waves above wall.”246 But a closer examination of the text shows that the tree of snow is more likely to be the plum tree blossoming with petals white as snow, as if smiling, which is a very

242 Li Fang 李昉, Taiping Yulan 太平禦覽. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963). See《太平禦覽》卷九百七十<果部七.梅>. In the fifth century, Lu Kai of the Southern dynasty has enclosed a branch of plum in his letter to his good friend Fan Ye, expressing his yearning for his dear friend. The last two verses are: “The Southern Reaches of the Yangtze River has not much to offer, let me just present you with a branch of spring (referring to the flowering plum branch) 江南無所有，聊贈一枝春”. 243Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion. 117. Original sentence in Chinese is 要寄鄉心值寒歲, 嶺南南上半枝梅. 244 Ibid., 43. 245 Ibid., 134. 246 看一樹雪垂垂如笑, 牆直上繡旗飄。 75 important image here, in that it realizes Liu’s dream and foretells the upcoming union. Birch might have got the impression that it was snowing from an earlier verse that is open to different interpretations, “and the snow seems to take a delight mocking white-faced scholar. Frozen stream, broken bridge”.247 The snow may not be physically falling down. Liu might just be referring to the aftermath of the snowfall—how frozen ice has destroyed the bridge. The stream cannot be frozen because tutor Chen was soon to hear someone who “tumbled in the stream,”248 and if it was frozen, Liu would not be crying out for help, and could have gotten up and walked on. Further, Liu compared himself at the end of that Scene to “Young Wei Sheng, beneath a flooded bridge clung to a pillar and drowned rather than break his tryst”. The comparison would be meaningless if the water were frozen. A more likely translation would be “Why did the frozen ice break down the bridge” or “the bridge cracks from the frozen ice.” Therefore, it is more likely that it snowed a while ago, and it is unlikely that snow remains on the trees. Further proof for the lack of snow is an earlier verse that mentions “from stark branch, the shrill of a hungry kite.”249 Moreover, it is rare to describe snow as smiling at people. Smiling is more often associated with flowers, which symbolize beauty and spring. Further, the end of winter is the right season for plum trees to blossom. The aforementioned sentence would therefore be more properly translated as “Look at that plum free blossoming with snow-like petals drifting in the wind and smiling a welcome”. The Plum Shrine also brings to mind the “Red Apricot Convent” that the Judge Hu of the underworld reveals to the readers, where they will have a

“rendezvous.”250 The plum tree as in 梅關, 梅嶺 thus has been the carrier of Liu Mengmei’s yearnings for home and arguably the lady in his dream and also the receptor of Bridal Du’s

247 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.117. original sentence in Chinese is 雪兒呵，偏則把白麵書生奚落。怎生冰淩斷橋. 248 Ibid., 118. 249 Ibid., 117. 250 Ibid., 133. 76 longing gaze. The flowering plum in the convent welcomes Liu with beaming smile, reminiscent of his dream of Bridal Du smiling beneath a flowering plum tree. Plum Shrine is indeed where his dream comes true.

The flowering plum is also Liu Mengmei’s metaphor in the tryst in Scene 30 “Disrupted

Joy”, although borrowed from The Story of the Western Wing.251 Birch translates “一夜梅犀點

汙” as “moistened by apricot fragrance in the night.” However, “梅犀” means the white petals of the plum referring to Bridal Du’s virgin body, “點汙” referring to the petals being tainted. Thus the plum flower is present even in the euphemism for sexual intercourse.

Returning to the vase scene, one should not overlook another important image that did not appear in the vernacular story— the plum root. The plum root with empty cavities reflects a deep Taoist belief in the nourishing power of the utmost emptiness which brings about life and resurrection.

The plum tree root (梅根) was mentioned three times, the root by itself five times in the play, and burial beneath the plum tree was mentioned a dozen times. The reason for choosing the plum tree as the burial site seems to be innocent and accidental in the vernacular story, but Tang

Xianzu ingeniously connects everything together in this scene, even with the primordial cosmic force that gives birth to everything in Taoism. Mei gen（梅根） “the plum tree root” is homophonous with mei gen (沒根) “having no root”. Having no root to tie to the earth means being cut loose from the world, and therefore death; but it also means unbridled freedom to roam around the earth in search of qing. From nothingness springs forth everything; from rootlessness

251 Ibid., 172. The Story of the West Chamber《西廂記諸宮調》volume 5 卷五“ 張珙殊無潘沉才，輒把梅犀玷污。” 77 springs forth mobility and liberty. That is the true meaning of Bridal Du’s lamentation of “守得

個梅根相見”.252 Birch translates the words as “let me keep my fragrant spirit to company with this apricot’s roots.”253 The deeper allusion designed by Tang Xianzu perhaps eludes many readers. Perhaps even Bridal Du herself was not aware of the importance and indeed her inexplicable attachment to the plum tree. It is because of this rootlessness (mei gen 沒根) that

Bridal Du and Liu Meimeng are able to meet (xiang jian 相見). Thus, given our prescient knowledge of her resurrection “divulged” by the Infernal Judge, it was a tender moment of dramatic irony when Sister Stone wished heavy-heartedly that Bridal Du would reincarnate in the next life and find a loving partner, not knowing that her wish was to be realized in a slightly different manner:

she would live again in human form let her be born again as maid or man and grant that she may find a partner for eternal bliss.254 Although Bridal Du’s ghostly self is freed by the rootlessness, her resuscitated life has everything to do with the plum tree root (梅根), and indeed her burial next to it. The connection between roots and resurrection is evident through an examination of the Tao Te Ching.

The myriad creatures arise side by side, Thus I observe their renewal. Heaven’s creatures abound, But each returns to its roots,

252 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Xu Suofang 徐朔方, and Yang Xiaomei 楊笑梅, Mudan Ting ibid., (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963).56. 253Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion ibid., trans. Cyril Birch, (Indiana University Press: Bloomington, 1980).61. 254 Ibid., 149. 78

which is called “stillness.” This is termed “renewal of fate.” Renewal of fate is perpetual– To know the perpetual is to be enlightened; Not to know the perpetual is to be reckless— recklessness breeds evil.255 萬物並作，吾以觀其複。夫物芸芸，各複歸其根。歸根曰靜，靜曰覆命。覆命曰常，

知常曰明。不知常，妄作凶。

The perfect stillness and emptiness of being at one’s roots, however, brings forth a new fate, life and its physical forms. The root can be symbolic of home and birth place, or as literal as Bridal

Du has made it to be, the plum tree root. Therefore, Bridal Du who identifies herself with the plum blossom has to return to the plum tree roots before her fate can be renewed. Unknowingly, she has given instructions in her deathbed to be buried under the plum tree. Tang Xianzu however has deliberately indicated the importance of plum tree roots by granting them so many different layers of meaning. Stillness 靜 was also evoked multiple times in Scene Twenty-Seven in the form of a “consecrated vase”淨瓶. The word “consecrated”淨 is homophonous and sometimes interchangeable with “stillness”靜.

I reflect that the young lady died of her passionate grieving for the flowers, and so today I have picked a sprig of flowering apricot to present before her in a consecrated vase.256 Thus Sister Stone’s consecrated vase echoes the way of the Earth, i.e., utter stillness that was previously discussed. The consecrated vase holds and sustains the plum sprig just as the earth

255 Laozi., Tao Te Ching : The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way.78. 256 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, The Peony Pavilion.150. 79 nourishes Bridal Du’s body in perfect stillness which has returned to the plum roots and prepares her for the renewal of her fate on the earth.

It can be argued that Bridal Du has been reborn twice. After her death and burial in the garden, returning to the plum roots has given her the “stillness” and a second chance to accomplish her fate as a ghost. She was not revived physically, but her ghostly spirit was certainly set free to find the scholar for whom she wasted away, thus continuing her fate. The real physical resurrection however comes three years later thanks to the coffin-breaker, Liu

Mengmei. Her ghostly self has to return to the roots again for her to resume her fate in the living world. The plum roots have taken care of her body for three years, probably under the order of

Flower spirit who in turn answers to the Infernal Judge. The comparison of Bridal Du’s body to flowers at the resurrection scene is also unmistakable. Liu Mengmei was greeted by “a heavenly fragrance” and remarked that “the earth was unguent to her flower-like body”.257 The Flower

Spirit has been attending to her body, just as the plum root nourishes her into utter stillness before her revival. Although Liu did not specify which flower her body was similar to, it is not outlandish to assume that it is the plum blossom.

The Importance of the Plum in The Purple Hairpin

The flowering plum also appears frequently in The Purple Hairpin. In Scene one, as we discussed earlier, Li anxiously expressed his wish for “the Flower God to secretly urge the flower breeze to arrive on time”願花神作主，暗催花信, 258 suggesting his wish to find a beautiful wife soon. In scene three, the female lead’s mother, Mrs. Zheng, echoed Li’s lamentation, only this time for her own daughter’s sake, “I dread to bloom late, cold-shouldering

257 Ibid., 201. 258 Hu Shiying 胡士瑩 and Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Zichai Ji. 4. 80 the first breeze that urges the plum to flower”還恨開遲，冷落梅花信.259 Not surprisingly, the lead’s servant also chimes in, “the breeze should be urged to arrive early”花信須及早.260

The plum did effloresce on Lantern Festival, one of the very few moments when Xiaoyu left her boudoir. Her affinity to the flowering plum is evident. “She was standing beneath the moon facing the winding corridor, casually smelling the small plum blossom”小立向回廊月下，

閑嗅著小梅花.261 Not only is the plum blossom the first to embrace spring, delightful and fragrant, it is also a matchmaker. As Li aptly pointed out there is a homophonous connection between the two words, “The plum, is a matchmaker”梅者，媒也.262 Although Bao Siniang is the real-life matchmaker for the male and female leads, Bao is nonetheless simply fulfilling her traditional role of matching two people’s looks, talents and social status. The real matchmaker of qing, which can only spark after two people meet, is the plum, both its flower and tree. The plum carries special significance in the dream as it represents a breakaway from the shackles of arranged marriage of matching status, and a union of true love, love that can transcend life and death, love that can go between dream and reality. Thus, in The Peony Pavilion, in the absence of a physical matchmaker, the plum tree beneath which Bridal Du stands, fulfills the social role of a matchmaker, legitimizing the union between the two lovers in their dreams. The three wives commented that “being a ghost is no different from being in a dream”魂則與夢無異.263 Thus in her dream in the garden, her dream self was merely consummating the marriage of qing where the plum tree was the matchmaker. Likewise when she was a wandering spirit, she simply

259 Ibid., 8. 260 Ibid., 8. 261 Ibid., 20. 262 Ibid., 21. 263 Chen Tong 陳同 et al., Three Wives’ Commentary on the Peony Pavilion. 91. 81 followed where qing led her, and had a relationship when qing and the plum blossom acknowledged the union.

In The Purple Hairpin, the sudden appearance of the three scholars would have scared away Xiaoyu, thus extinguishing any chance for their first meeting if the plum tree had not intervened. Li having caught a glance of the exquisite beauty, noted excitedly that “didn’t a hairpin hanging on the plum branch just drop onto the ground with a clinking sound”兀的不是梅

梢上掛釵，廝琅的墜地也.264 The plum tree almost acts like a supernatural matchmaker, bringing the two together. No wonder the two leads “holding the jade-white plum flower, whisper that unexpectedly we meet at this Lantern Festival”手撚玉梅低說：偏咱相逢，是這上

元時節.265 Ironically, while anxiously looking for her exorbitant hairpin, Xiaoyu was disgruntled at “the plum branches which do not help good thing happen”不見釵，這不做美的梅梢也.266

She realized soon afterwards that the hairpin’s journey “to the desirable man’s fragrant sleeve is also caused by the plum branch”到檀郎香袖口是這梅梢惹.267 The plum branch thus has not only zuomei 做美, assisted good things to occur, but also served as a matchmaker. Not surprisingly, zuomei 做美 is homophonous with zuomei 做媒, doing matchmaking. The scene where “the two were standing beneath the lanterns, whispering beneath the fragrant plum blossom which drifts down like snowflakes”那兩人燈下立多時，細語梅花落香雪 is thus reminiscent of Liu Mengmei’s dream of meeting “the lovely girl [standing] beneath a flowering

[plum tree],” who is “inviting” and announces to him that she is one that he “must meet…to love.” Just as Bridal Du foretells her future marriage to Liu, it is also beneath the flowering plum

264 Hu Shiying 胡士瑩 and Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Zichai Ji. 20. 265 Ibid., 20. 266 Ibid., 20. 267 Ibid., 21. 82 tree that Li Yu proposes their future marriage “with the hairpin as the matchmaking gift”便當寶

此飛瓊，用為媒采.268

In fact, the plum as the matchmaker has been so prominent in the play, that twenty-nine of the forty-eight direct references to the plum 梅 appear in the first eight scenes, which lead to their marriage. After their marriage, there are only fourteen direct references to the plum in the rest of the play. Four of them refer to the tradition of breaking a branch of plum to express one’s nostalgia and yearnings for loved ones, as we have seen in The Peony Pavilion. As Li Yu was on the way to the western frontier, he and the soldiers were consumed with “yearnings for their home land that tears soaked their sleeves”思鄉淚滿巾.269 Li Yu coincidentally evokes the poem

Lu Kai has sent to Fan Ye along with a branch of plum, again reminiscent of Liu Mengmei’s trip to take the exam where he also breaks a branch of flowering plum: “Lu Kai has composed the poem on the plum in Northern Shan area, but here, no sign of a messenger or courier [can be seen]”隴上提梅，杳無便使.270 Li is not alone. Xiaoyu thousands of miles away, also longed wistfully for him. She told her maid that “Outside the study window, there is half a branch of green plum. Please break it off”書窗外半枝青梅，好摘下也.271 She even “smells the green plum while walking away”走也撚青梅做嗅.272 The green plum here again carries both people’s love and yearnings for one another. It is not only a matchmaker, but also a match-keeper, binding the two’s hearts together. The plum appears three more times as “like me, a flowering plum trembling in the wind 比似俺吹徹梅花”, “the flowering plum and the cold jade 梅花寒玉”, “the

268 Ibid., 21. 269 Ibid., 96. 270 Ibid., 96. 271 Ibid., 100. 272 Ibid.,100. This is borrowed from Li Qingzhao’s song “Dian Jiang chun”點絳唇: “見有人來，襪劃金鉤溜，和羞走。倚門回首，卻把青梅嗅”. 83 plum blossom loneliness 梅花幽意” to symbolize Xiaoyu’s cold heart that suffers from melancholy and pining. The rest of the references to the plum are recollections of the night they first met under the plum tree.

It is thus evident that Tang Xianzu has a particular fondness for plum blossoms from his very first play. His heroine Bridal Du and Xiaoyu Huo both identify with the flowering plum.

Both are compared by the male leads to beautiful plum flowers with whom they fall in love at first sight. Both characters, when they are distressed, also perceive themselves as a plum blossom in a withering or cold state. The plum tree is the mysterious matchmaker in both cases, the gateway between life and death, dream and reality, embodying the supreme qing both characters hold for each other and indeed the power of qing which has been unleashed therefrom. The branch of green plum fruit has been a symbol for Xiaoyu’s pining. In The Peony Pavilion, it is not only a matchmaker and a reminder of Bridal Du’s humanness, but also a manifestation of the puissant qing which leads her to include a green plum unconsciously in her portrait. Tang Xianzu further develops the image of the plum tree root, which is a momentous one in the play, serving to represent Bridal Du’s freedom to pursue qing and also to nurture and facilitate her resurrection from utmost nothingness and stillness.

CHAPTER 4

QING AND BUDDHISM

Over the course of his life, Tang Xianzu not only committed himself to the Confucian tradition by taking the imperial exam and serving as an official but also engaged in deep study of the traditions of Buddhism and Daosim. If Tang Xianzu struggles with the Neo-Confucian tradition of qing and xing, he is even more torn with the Buddhist tradition of extinguishing desires, of which qing is a predominant one. The question remains, did Tang Xianzu renounce qing, which he so ardently championed? Does NanKe Ji, which is composed in 1600, signal his conversion to

Buddhism? How did he reconcile qing with Buddhist beliefs?

There are no clear-cut answers. According to Xu Shuofang, The Peony Pavilion was composed within three to five months in 1598 when Tang Xianzu resigned from the official position at Suichang.273 Nanke Ji took him a year and a half to write and Handan Ji a year and three months to finish. The former was finished in 1600 and the latter in 1601. Tang Xianzu first met Monk Daguan (1543-1603) in person in 1590 and kept up frequent visits and correspondences with him until Daguan died in 1603. Tang Xianzu has a high esteem and deep affection for Monk Daguan who repeatedly tries to help Tang to realize that only “when qing fades away, human nature is restored 情消而性複.”274 Wu Mei argues that NanKe Ji is “a work that Tang composes to deliver the world from suffering 度世之作”, and that it is “the noblest of

273 Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Pingzhuan 湯顯祖評傳. (Nanjing 南京: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993). 116. 274 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings 紫柏大師文集. (Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004)., 610. 85 the four plays.”275 Tang also mentioned in his own preface that “when the dream ends, one is awakened; when qing ends, one becomes Buddha 夢了為覺，情了為佛”. Yet Tang also claimed elsewhere that “Others talk about xing, while I talk about qing 他人言性，我言情” and that “they do not know that qing definitely exists 安知情之所必有.”276

Scholars have long been fascinated by the question of Tang Xianzu’s reconciliation of qing with Buddhism. Zheng Peikai for example believes that Tang Xianzu was transformed by

Monk Daguan’s belief that “li exists whereas qing does not,” and that as a result he renounced his previous faith in qing.277 Huang Xinyu by contrast argues that Zheng’s evidence is not sufficient to prove that Tang Xianzu had abandoned qing for Buddhism. She believes that the differences between the two works are not so much the result of Monk Daguan’s immediate influence on Tang as the result of Monk Daguan’s long-term influence on Tang and his immersion in Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism. Nor does she believe in a complete jettison of qing, which Tang so powerfully praised and upheld in The Peony Pavilion. Xu Shuofang also believes that despite the intense battle between Buddhist and Neo-Confucian values, Buddhism was never able to take the upper hand.278 He thinks that Tang Xianzu engaged in a profound encounter with the principle of Buddhist dharma, but was not converted to Buddhism.279

In this chapter I first examine Buddhist teachings and scriptures on qing, and Daguan’s own exposition on qing in his writings and meditations on dharma, and then discuss some of the elements of these teachings that might have been difficult for Tang Xianzu to accept. I follow

275 Mao Xiaotong 毛校同, Tang Xianzu Yanjiu Ziliao Huibian 湯顯祖研究資料彙編. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986)., 1339. 276 yi Cai, Zhong Guo Gu Dian Xi Qu Xu Ba Hui Bian. Yi Yi, (Ji nan: Qi lu shu she, 1989)., 1273. 277 Zheng Peikai 鄭培凱, Tang Xianzu Yu Wan Ming Wenhua., 422-423. 278 Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Pingzhuan., 165. 279 Ibid., 167. 86 this discussion with an examination of the correspondence between Tang Xianzu and Daguan and Tang’s own personal writings which directly addresses qing, aiming to present Tang’s struggle to choose between youqing 有情 and wuqing 無情. Finally, I compare and contrast the original story of Nanke Taishou Ji and Tang Xianzu’s adaptation of the story in order to identify the major differences between the two and the significance of those differences, with the ultimate goal of determining whether it is justified to read this particular play as an expression of Tang’s disaffection with qing and his embrace of a passive and pessimistic outlook towards life.

Buddhist Treatment of Qing

Treating Tang Xianzu’s later two plays as pessimistic and world-denying works is as unjust as misreading the Buddhist truth of suffering as a bleak and pessimistic philosophy. The first noble truth in Buddha’s teaching is the “reality of suffering,”280 which does not aim to persuade people that “life is unpleasant”, but “addresses a basic fact of existence: sooner or later…beings are confronted by and have to deal with duhkha (suffering).”281

To discuss Buddhist view towards qing, one has to start with the second noble truth in

Buddha’s teaching.

This is the noble truth of the origin of suffering: the thirst for repeated existence which, associated with delight and greed, delights in this and that, namely the thirst for the objects of sense desire, the thirst for existence, and the thirst for non-existence.282

This thirst or craving is the cause of suffering “because it can never be satisfied.”283 Desires can grow from “the trickle of a stream” into a “swiftly flowing river,”284 sweeping people away.

280Rupert Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism, (1998)., 59. The first noble truth states: “This is the noble truth of suffering: birth is suffering, ageing is suffering, sickness is suffering, dying is suffering, sorrow, grief, pain, unhappiness and unease are suffering; being united with what is not liked is suffering, separation from what is liked is suffering; not to get what one wants is suffering; in short, the five aggregates of grasping are suffering.” 281 Ibid., 60. 282 Ibid., 59. 87

Craving can crystallize into four kinds of attachment: attachment to the objects of sense desire, attachment to views, attachment to precepts and vows, attachment to the doctrine of the self.285 It is the attachment, however, not the object of desire, that is the cause of suffering. Sense desire is one of the attachments.286 Just as sense desire or sense contact is represented on a Tibetan wheel of existence through the picture of a couple embracing,287 sense desire seems to be what Idema identifies as the cause of Liniang’s death and resurrection in the original story that inspired The

Peony Pavilion. Idema translated the title of the vernacular story as “Du Liniang Craves Sex and

Returns to Life.”288 The craving for sex or sensual pleasure is evidently what brought Du Liniang to emaciation and eventually to death. In The Peony Pavilion, Tang Xianzu took a different approach and created an omnipotent Dao-ified qing to enable Bridal Du to travel between dream and reality, life and death. Du is portrayed by Tang as a person possessing genuine qing and empowered by qing, instead of a desperate woman longing for sex. Tang treated the tryst in her dream as a manifestation of how the mysterious and puissant qing brings two people, who have faith in it and who possess authentic qing to the utmost degree, together across time and space, life and death. Yet the craving for qing and the failure to be satisfied still brought Bridal Du to her death bed before the resurrection scene. Although Tang envisioned Du’s death with life and

Daoist stillness, her death would be attributed in Buddhism to suffering from sense desires and from a thwarted longing for a pleasurable object in her dream. Buddhist belief would reason that one has this desire and thirst because one assumes the world and the creative force of qing to be permanent and unchanging, yet the opposite is true. Thus we have seen a head-on clash between

283 Ibid., 70. 284Ibid., 71. 285 Ibid., 71. 286 Ibid., 73. 287Ibid., 158. 288 Wilt L. Idema, ""What Eyes May Light Upon My Sleeping Form?": Tang Xianzu's Transformation of His Sources, with a Translation of "Du Liniang Craves Sex and Returns to Life"," Asia Major 16, no. 1 (2003). 88

Tang Xianzu’s belief in a constant and permanent, life-giving, all powerful qing and the

Buddhist belief that nothing in the world is permanent, including qing. All is illusion. All feelings, bodies, volitions, and conscious awareness are merely “impermanent” sufferings that one mistakes for being part of one’s self.289 Qing is not permanent. Even the idea of a constant self is the product of linguistic usage and the way in which certain physical and mental phenomena are experienced as connected.290 In the “Theatre God, Master Qing-yuan, Temple

Notes in Yi-Huang County,” by contrast, Tang Xianzu believes that “people are born with qing,” which implies that qing is permanent and part of the self. Because of their innate qing, people respond to stimuli from the external world and produce sound and movement, which is then expressed in poetry and dance.291 Buddhism thus adopts a hostile view towards qing, seeing it as something impermanent that people mistakenly cling to and as a barrier on the path to the end of suffering.

The next question naturally follows: what is Monk Daguan’s view of qing? Since their first meeting in 1590, Monk Daguan had been an important influence on Tang Xianzu’s life, both as a spiritual mentor and as a dear friend. Daguan chanced upon Monk Mingjue when he was seventeen years old and thereafter was converted to Buddhism. He spared no effort in studying the scriptures and spent most of his time travelling over the country to teach.292 His five meetings with Tang Xianzu throughout the thirteen years until his death influenced the latter tremendously. Later in this chapter I will focus on Daguan and Tang’s direct correspondence, but

289 Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism., 137. 290 Ibid., 139. 291 Zhou Yude 周育德, "An Exposition of the 'Theatre God, Master Qing-Yuan, Temple Notes in Yi-Huang County' 宜黃縣戲神清源師廟記解," Xiju xuekan No. 11 (2010.1).9. 292高峰, 紫柏大師. 33. 89 first I will examine the Buddhist reflections (fayu 法語) in which Daguan addresses the issue of qing, which he treats in conformity to the aforementioned conventional Buddhist beliefs.

夫理，性之通也；情，性之塞也。然理與情而屬心統之，故曰“心統性情”。即此觀之，心乃獨處於性情之間者也。故心悟，則情可化為理；心迷，則理變而為情矣。若夫，心之前者，則謂之“性”；性能應物則謂之“心”；應物而無累，則謂之“理”；應物而有累，則謂之“情”也。293 Therefore, li (principle), is the state of xing being clear and unblocked; qing, is the state of xing being blocked. However li and qing are both governed by the heart. Therefore, one says “the heart rules xing and qing”. From this view, the heart resides in between xing and qing. Therefore, when the heart is enlightened, qing can be transformed into li; when the heart is confused, li will be transformed into qing. Similarly, the predecessor of the heart is called xing; When xing is capable of responding to the outside world, it is called the “heart”; Responding to the outside world without being attached is called “li”; responding while being attached is called “qing”.

Daguan’s understanding of qing is very similar to the standard Buddhist sense of the term. It is regarded as attachment to the external world, a blockage of one’s true nature that prevents one from ending suffering. Daguan mentions in another place that if one cannot use li to stop qing, then it is really hard for one to go through the Gate of life and death, fortune and misfortune.294

Daguan further compares qing to water, to the pure yin energy that flows downward and thus flows into dark and polluted places. Li on the other hand is compared to a flame that flies high and bright, the pure yang energy.295 He repeatedly emphasizes the importance of transforming qing into li. Li changing into qing is like earth cultivating trees. Burning qing to restore li is like burning trees to return it to earth. Another analogy that he uses is water and ice. Xing is like water that flows freely and eventually leads to wusheng 無生, emptiness and transcendence;

293 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 11. 294 Ibid., 19. 295 Ibid., 30. 90 whereas qing is like ice, a hindrance to movement, and hence something that leads to confusion and attachment, and eventually to youdai 有待, a carnal and corporeal existence.296

One might wonder then since qing is thought of as a blockage, a hindrance in Buddhism, is compassion or sympathy also a hindrance? It is to be noted that although in English love and compassion are two different words, in Chinese, qing has a wide repertoire of meanings which also includes compassion. Daguan in fact employs the word qing when he describes the compassion Bodhisattva holds for sentient beings. If one recalls, Buddha decides to teach because of a “feeling of sympathy for the suffering of beings”297 and Bodhisattva in fact “forgoes his own immediate release from suffering”298 in order to teach the path of cessation of suffering to other beings. Daguan praises the compassionate Buddhas of the past who transformed themselves into medicine and herbs to cure the sick, and into food to feed the world. He then asks, “is this qing, is this not qing” 此情耶？非情耶? “Having no qing is not different than the wood and stone; while having qing makes them the same as the mundane people” 無情則同木石，

有情則不異眾生.299 To this apparent contradiction, Daguan does not have a perfect answer. He did not directly answer his own question in this passage, but tried to separate qing from attachment. “How does the sage not have qing? It’s only that his qing is unblocked and not hidden, thus they have qing but no attachment”聖人豈無情哉？惟其通而不昧，情而無累.300

However, qing, or feelings or emotions without any attachment, is contradictory in light of

Daguan’s own definition of qing quoted earlier. To extinguish qing or attachments and emotions while being compassionate and thus attached to the people is as paradoxical as trying to get rid

296 Ibid., 30. 297 Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism., 64. 298 Ibid., 227. 299 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 33. 300 Ibid.33. 91 of all desires, including the desire to get rid of all the desires.301 It seems probable that Tang

Xianzu would have had difficulty in grappling with and accepting the paradox of having compassion without attachment. Tang holds deep compassion for ordinary people’s suffering, an attitude that is in comforty with Daguan’s efforts to change the tax system and ease people’s lives. Tang also commiserates with the suffering and death of his friends and family. Daguan however attributes both the grief of hearing someone’s death and the joy of knowing someone’s birth or being alive to the deception of qing.302 If compassion means “a feeling of wanting to help someone who is sick, hungry, in trouble,”303 then how can someone want to help without being attached, or without wanting to help? Daguan tries to limit the meaning of “no attachment” by saying, “initially there is no love or hatred.”304 But the answer is still unsatisfactory, because he later says that the heart does not harbor love or hatred, but that qing does. Love or hatred comes from qing.305 Thus it is still self-contradictory to acknowledge having qing whence love and hatred emerge while also emphasizing the “no attachment” of love or hatred. Perhaps this is why Tang Xianzu, despite his fascination with Buddhist meditations and wisdom, was not able to abandon his faith in qing. This complicated relationship between compassion and qing also represents differences between Mahayana and Theravada Buddhism. In Theravada Buddhism,

“the normal route to awakening was considered the path of arhatship, and the heroic path of the bodhisattva an option for the few” (roughly comparable to the Catholic belief that becoming a priest is reserved only for the few who have been called to the task).306 In Mahayana Buddhism, however, which is the primary practice in China, the path to arhatship is deemed selfish, and the

301 A. L. Herman, Wayne Alt and John Visvader have written papers back and forth, debating on the solution of the paradox of desire in Buddhism. 302 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings.44. 303 Definition according to Merriam-Webster dictionary. 304 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 33. 305 Ibid., 57. 心無好惡，好惡由情，故情有愛憎。 306 Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism., 228. 92 path of the compassion of the bodhisattva is “ultimately the only legitimate way of Buddhist practice.”307

Leaving aside the paradox, Daguan also acknowledges that one can find enlightenment on the Way all of a sudden, but qing can only be dissipated slowly.308 He points out that in a smooth and favorable situation, one gets lost more easily; in an adverse situation one awakens more easily.309 At one point, he also points out that greedy desires arise from “manifest object 前

境.” Among all the objects, physical appearances of male and female are the most bewitching, for they connect people and produce love, love that blinds them to step on sharp blades or jump into boiling water.310 In this light, the love that emboldens Liu Mengmei to defy the law and dig open the grave, which receives accolades from Tang, would be understood by Daguan as merely excessive desires that confuse one’s heart and bring one to his doom. Bridal Du’s premature death in the play in Daguan’s eyes would also have been merely a disaster incurred by qing. Her stroll in the garden, in this view, awakened in her sensual desires, which she was not able to tame.

The sensual dream of a handsome man bewitched her so much that she hopelessly died from it.

Not only does Daguan’s idea towards qing fly in the face of Tang Xianzu’s advocacy of qing. Daguan also holds an androcentric view towards females. Whereas Tang Xianzu acclaims

Bridal Du as a rare woman attaining the utmost qing, Daguan says that one “would rather be a poor man than a rich woman”. In fact, Daguan seldom writes about women’s practice, and only does so after repeated begging and entreating. He regards women as the “body of suspicion and

307 Ibid., 228. 308Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 36. 309 Ibid., 60. 310 Ibid., 63. 93 medium of slander” that brings about disasters.311 He further believes that being born as a woman means that in one’s previous life, one had many desires. A female body is the fruit that bears out of the flower of desire. It is important to note that in making the statement that “a noble and rich woman is not as good as a poor man”, Daguan is offering an objective observation of women’s subordinate position in the society of his time and of the limitations and constraints to which women were subject in practicing Buddhism, rather than expressing his own misogynist convictions. For that matter, in an earlier passage, his attitude towards women sounds rather sympathetic.

The suffering in hell is not the extreme. The suffering to which a female is subject is of the highest degree. Although as noble as the mother of an emperor, one might think that she has unrivaled good fortune. Yet she does not know that she is in a worse position than a poor man in pursuing the Way, visiting famous mountains, and meditating Buddhist messages. Why? Female have endless barriers in their way, all kinds of suspicion against her. Every motion or stillness, every exit or entry, all the things that one does are all restricted. One cannot do as one wishes. A poor and lowly man is different. As long as the heart is willing, he can visit mountains and pursue the Way as he wishes.312 However, even if one considers these sympathetic views of women’s plight, Daguan is clearly convinced that women are inferior to men in attaining enlightenment and that women are the cause of suspicion and desires.

Daguan’s view towards women is very much in line with the attitude towards women in early Buddhism in India. Alan Sponberg identified four attitudes towards women that he observed in Buddhist literature.313 First, there is “soteriological inclusiveness,” which believes

311 Ibid., 101-102. 諸佛菩薩以女身為鴆毒坑，為惡蛇窟，鴆毒坑邊，不幸失腳，慧命立斷，惡蛇窟中，不幸共宿，毒氣入心。……女身為天下猜疑之本、譭謗之媒，故名山道場、村墟精舍，或安禪講，佛子所聚，法雷震天，慧日光耀。諸佛慈念，鬼神護持，貧賤棄兒，往來乞食，無有阻礙。凡諸見者，生憐憫心，起周濟念。如有女人暫入道場，一切見者，聞者不推其來意如何，即皆省疑蔔度，人既生疑，因疑起謗，因謗集禍。道場以此光輝頓滅，法雷以此消聲，僧眾以此人不敬……由此觀之，則貧賤男子勝於富貴女人萬倍無可疑者。 312Ibid., 84. 313 José Ignacio Cabezón, Buddhism, Sexuality, and Gender, (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 94 that women are capable of achieving liberation. Nonetheless, this inclusiveness does not grant equality. Women are deemed by nature inferior to men, “both socially and spiritually.”314 The second attitude is “institutional androcentrism,” which holds that women may pursue a full-time religious career only within a carefully regulated structure that reinforces male authority and female subordination. Sonberg believes that this second attitude focuses on women being perceived as a “threat to the integrity of the monastic institution” because the monks fear unfavorable public opinion might lead to a lack of financial support.315 The community’s disapproval of female practitioners stems from the suspicion of impropriety among the monks and nuns, and a lack of male authority over women is seen as dangerous, since it would mean that women would have no protection from robbers and thieves. The third attitude is “ascetic misogyny,” which regards women as uncontrolled, envious, greedy and weak in wisdom. They are moreover “active agents of distraction and ruin.”316 The psychological problem of celibacy was thus shifted to one that places the blame on the object of craving and desires. The last attitude is soteriological androgyny, which, unlike the second attitude, recognizes and affirms the difference between the two genders positively and emphasizes the soteriological potential of both genders.317 Daguan, one may conclude, holds the views of ascetic misogyny and soteriological inclusiveness. Although he believes that women can achieve enlightenment, he clearly holds that women are inferior to men because of their excessive desires. This misogynistic belief, however, did not influence Tang Xianzu, whose first two plays portrayed women in a daring and heroic light, and whose latter two plays ridiculed the excessive desires and licentiousness of two male protagonists—Lu Sheng and Chenyu Fen. However, Daguan’s influence on Tang Xianzu is

1992). 3-36. 314 Ibid., 12. 315 Ibid., 13-17. 316 Ibid., 19. 317 Ibid., 25. 95 unmistakable. I will continue to discuss Tang Xianzu’s Buddhist deliberations about qing as well as some of the challenges that prevent him from being converted to Buddhism through an examination of his own writings.

Tang Xianzu’s Correspondence with Daguan and Their Dispute about Qing

In the Collection of Tang Xianzu’s Poetry and Prose 湯顯祖詩文集, there are forty-four entries that are composed directly for Daguan or indirectly inspired by his thought.318 Some are correspondences with the Buddhist Master; some are records of Daguan’s visit and departure; still others are Tang’s reminiscences of their conversation and time spent together. Daguan requited this friendship by composing several poems and a long letter to Tang. They had five meetings according to Daguan, the last one being the longest, lasting about a month.319 The first one in 1570, however, would more accurately be described as a spiritual encounter, in which

Daguan was impressed by the Buddhist connotations in two poems composed by Tang Xianzu and as a result wished to convert him to Buddhism. Tang, then a young and aspiring Confucian scholar, had written two poems on a rock after dropping a hairpin in the lotus pond.320

搔首向東林，遺簪躍複沉。雖為頭上物，終是水雲心。

318 Tang Xianzu addresses Daguan as “達公”，”達師”，”紫柏”，”可上人”. 319 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 610. 320 The poem that Tang composed in1570 before he had earned a position in the court already reflects his Daoist and Buddhist values. The heart of water and clouds 水雲心 or 雲水心 usually refers to a wandering Daoist or Buddhist practitioner who perpetually travels like water and clouds. The autumn water 秋水 brings to mind Zhuang Zi’s famous passage expostulating on the limitation of human beings and the vastness of the world. 因緣 refers to the primary and auxiliary cause of all things. The lotus flower is also revered in Buddhism. Daguan, it seems, was very impressed that such a spiritual poem was composed by the twenty-year-old Tang Xianzu and had been desirous of meeting him after having read the poem. Twenty years later, in 1590, they finally met in person for the first time. Daguan said on meeting him that: “I have admired you for a long time.” For more details, refer to 戴繼誠. “紫柏大師與湯顯祖” p. 150.

卷 14，pp. 549. 96

橋影下西夕，遺簪秋水中。或是投簪處，因緣蓮葉東。 ——《蓮池墜簪題壁二首》

Scratching my head towards the Donglin School, Dropping the hairpin, which jumps up and sinks again. Although it belongs to the head, eventually it is ultimately a heart of water and clouds. In the west the sun sets in the shadows of the bridge, I left my hairpin in the autumn waters. Perhaps where I dropped the hairpin, Causes the lotus leaves to be in the East.

In 1590 they met for the first time in Zou Yuanbiao’s house. According to Dai Jicheng,

Daguan tried to convert Tang to Buddhism during this meeting. Tang had been appointed to

Nanjing only six years earlier and was still hoping to serve the emperor in the court as a

Confucian scholar. Instead of committing himself to the monastic life, he decided to be a lay disciple of Daguan, and adopted the Buddhist name 寸虛.321

To say that Daguan is esteemed by his disciple would be a grave understatement. Tang’s writing brims with his admiration and affection for Daguan. He considers it his immensely good fortune accumulated over the years to be able to listen to Daguan’s Buddhist chanting during their meeting in Nanjing in 1591.322 While accompanying Daguan to the Gaozuo Temple, he also writes about Daguan’s “superb illuminated heart.”323 In a poem composed at the same time, he

321 Dai Jicheng 戴繼誠, "Master Zibai and Tang Xianzu 紫柏大師與湯顯祖 " Zhejiang shehui kexue No.2 (2002). 150-151. 322 定是清溪靈語笑，千秋才得唄聲聞。 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Quanji. 299. 323 雲霞法塵影，山水妙明心。ibid., 300. 97 even compares Daguan to a Buddha, saying that he carries quite a number of the thirty-two physical marks of a Buddha’s body.324 He thinks that Daguan has achieved a high degree of wisdom and enlightenment, “With no worldly desires, it is easy to travel in the world; within the mundane world, the only hard thing is to encounter the higher realms 世外欲無行地易，人間惟

有遇天難.”325 He composed ten poems during Daguan’s Nanjing visit to express his Buddhist illumination and his conversation with the Buddhist master. Towards the end of his life, he reflects on the most important people in his life, saying, “I have been careless and unrestrained all my life. At a young age I have studied with Luo Rufang. Later on I learned from Daguan.”326

Shortly after the Nanjing visit, he was exiled to Xuwen because of his outspoken remarks criticizing the government. In 1593, he was then transferred to serve as the magistrate of

Suichang County, Zhejiang province.327 Debary conjectures that perhaps one of the reasons that

Buddhism succeeded in infiltrating Confucian society and overcoming its reservations about passing down the family line and preservation of the body is that “it offered a new explanation for the sorrow of life.”328 In this light, Tang’s thwarted political career in the court coupled with what happened soon afterwards in Tang’s personal life may have drawn him closer to a Buddhist renunciation of the world.

When he went to Suichang, he brought good fortune and prosperity to local people; but disaster struck his personal life.329 In 1594, Tang Xianzu’s seven-year-old daughter died from

324 三十二相君不少。三十二相 the thirty-two physical marks are supposedly ways to distinguish the Buddha, including flat soles, slender fingers, golden body, forty teeth, etc. A complete list of the marks can be found in the Dictionary of Buddhism: http://www.fodian.net/zxcd/default.asp ibid., 301. 325 Ibid., 527 “達公忽至” 326 Ibid., 1352. 327 Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Lun Tang Xianzu Ji Qita. 1. 328 William Theodore De Bary, The Buddhist Tradition in India, China & Japan, (New York: Vintage eBooks, 2011). 130. 329 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Quanji. 456. 98 smallpox. In the eighth month of that year, his younger stepbrother also passed away.330 In 1598 just before he resigned his position as the magistrate, he was heartbroken by two more deaths, first of his two-year-old son Lü’er 呂兒 who was very bright and could speak already,331 and then that of his eight-year old son 西兒, who died in the eighth month of the same year.332 He shared his grief with Daguan, which was recorded in Daguan’s letter, “To Tang Yireng”.333

His bereavement could only be mitigated by Daguan’s last visit in Linchuan on the nineteenth day of the twelfth month in 1598. He was so overjoyed at Daguan’s unexpected visit that “his eyes were shamefully welling up with tears and his nose was running 慚愧吾生涕淚

瀾.”334 Throughout the month of Daguan’s stay and long thereafter, he wrote over twenty poems recording his thoughts and feelings. He was so engrossed in Daguan’s chan teachings that he wrote “[I am] tired of the mundane world, and too lazy to be reborn into Gods; it’s all because I have recently been engaged in meditation with Master Zibai 厭煩人世懶生天，直為新參紫柏

禪.”335 I will not focus on Tang’s Buddhist ruminations and insights in general, but on direct references to qing with regards to his writing about the last visit. Tang Xianzu had long found it hard to renounce qing as Buddhism dictates. In Daguan’s letter, we can see his repeated and vociferous remonstrance of Tang against qing.

The True and pure heart was originally superb. When qing grows, it becomes foolish and troubled. When one’s foolish, then one is close to death. But still one does not wake up, how stubborn is the heart!

330 Ibid., 457. 淚灑蒼茫河漢青 He cried hard for his step-brother’s death. 331 Ibid., 489. 平昌哭兩歲兒呂二絕 332Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Pingzhuan. 167. 333 達觀 “與湯義仍” Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 卷二十二。The prose that Tang wrote for his son Xi’an was unfortunately lost. 334 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Quanji. 527. 335 Ibid., 529. 99

真心本妙，情生即癡；癡則近死，近死而不覺，心幾頑矣！336

The “foolish heart” that becomes so “troubled” and “close to death” brings to mind Bridal Du who in Tang Xianzu’s eyes loves to the utmost degree. The popularity of Tang’s masterpiece must have also reached Daguan, who clearly thinks differently about qing and tries to dissuade

Tang and others from pursuing qing, and indeed from being consumed by its lethal power.

Daguan further explains the relationship of qing to one’s nature.

There are three kinds of nominal (unreal) existence: something exists because it is caused; things follow one another continuously; things are inter-dependent and exist only relative to each other… …Once one enters the inter-dependent state, one values the study of the far-away over the study of the near-by. The near-by one is one’s xing [one’s nature, the self, Buddha nature]; the far-away one, is one’s qing. Hiding one’s nature and indulge in qing is called “forsaking the Way”… … Once the principle/li is clear, qing dissipates. When qing dissipates, one’s nature is restored. Once nature is restored, then a superb man is accomplished. There is no regret in dying then.

三假者，因成假，相續假，相待假是也。……既流入於相待，則以習遠為重，反以習近為輕。夫近者，性也；遠者，情也。昧性兒恣情，謂之“輕道”。…… 理明則情消，情消則性複，性複則奇男子能事畢矣，雖死又何憾焉！337

Qing is essentially a distraction and indulgence that leads people away from the “the Way,” and from one’s true nature. Daguan also thinks that the sage finds the Way as being eternal, whereas ordinary people believes that qing is eternal 夫道乃聖人之常，情乃眾人之常.338 He thinks that having qing is what subjects ordinary people to constant reincarnations.

Daguan had high expectations for his talented disciple. He believed that “Tang Xianzu has brilliant perception and aptitude. His worldly desires are naturally weak while being deeply

336 Cai Yue 曹越, Collection of Master Zibai's Writings. 608. 337Ibid., 609-610. 338 Ibid., 610. 100 receptive to Buddha’s teachings. He has an outstanding ability to obtain the Way 寸虛受性高明，

嗜欲淺而天機深，真求道利器.”339 Daguan entertained deep hope and expectation for Tang

Xianzu’s eventual victory over worldly desires and illusions, and changed Tang’s Buddhist name into Guangxu, “Vast Empty” in this letter.340

We must have had past karmic relations, so I cannot use the superiorly enlightened man to blame you, saying that you hide your heart. Master Weishan once said that “as long as you do not hide your heart, your heart will be pure.” Moreover, you have extraordinary aptitude, which you must have grown in your past lives. If it’s not a result of past lives’ cultivation, then your worldly experience must have been rich, which in turn hides your pure nature. In recent years, your world experience has been more adverse than smooth. This is because the Creator cannot bear to see such unusual talents to sink into the sea of desires, and has secretly guided you. He must have wanted to guide you to accomplish this big cause.

野人與寸虛必大有宿因，故野人不能以最上等人望寸虛，謂之瞞心。溈曰：「但不瞞心，心自靈聖。」且寸虛賦性精奇，必自宿植。若非宿植，則世緣必濃。世緣一濃，靈根必昧。年來世緣，逆多順少。此造物不忍精奇之物，沈霾欲海，暗相接引，必欲接引寸虛，了此大事。341

Tang Xianzu’s respect for and friendship with Daguan brought Buddhist insight and consolation for the loss of his children and kin. However, Daguan’s firm renunciation of qing also left him deeply perturbed. As can be seen from Tang’s Preface to The Peony Pavilion quoted in the last

339 ibid., 609. 340 Ibid., 613. 又野人今將升寸虛為廣虛，升廣虛為覺虛，願廣虛不當自降。Here’s my translation: Today I will raise “Inch Empty” to “Vast Empty”, and from “Vast Empty” to “Awakening Empty”, I wish that you will not demote yourself. 341 Ibid., 613. 101 chapter, Tang’s faith in qing is as deep and ardent as Daguan’s rejection of it. Daguan tried to

“repeatedly pound the Buddhist message into Tang Xianzu” during his last visit.342

Caught between the gratitude for Daguan’s friendship and eagerness to liberate him from the foolish qing, and his appreciation and recognition of qing as the most powerful life-giving force, he composed many poems reflecting his own struggle between having qing and not having qing.

While accompanying Daguan to Nanchang to see him off during their last meeting, Tang Xianzu laments that “[coming and going] it’s the same Jiangxi westward road, even if one has no qing, tears dampened Daguan’s clothes 等是江西西上路，總無情淚濕天衣.”343 The subject here is unclear, leaving one to wonder whose tears was Tang writing about. It is certainly likely to be the tears of Tang, as he already burst into tears upon his mentor’s arrival. It is no surprise to see him shed tears on Daguan’s departure. It is also possible that the tears belong to none other than

Daguan himself, for it is slightly harder for Tang Xianzu to dampen Daguan’s clothes with his tears. It is likely Tang’s observation that although Daguan advocates getting rid of qing and all emotional entanglements, his tears have drenched his clothes. He was not exempt from sorrow when he bade goodbye to a dear friend, which is contrary to Buddhist teaching. In Buddhism, the first of the “four noble truths” is the truth of suffering.344 Separation from what is liked 愛別離 is one sort of suffering. Regardless of whose tears are referred to, Tang Xianzu did not appear to have renounced qing or to have been delivered from suffering. The harder Tang tries to get rid of qing, the more resilient and abundant qing becomes.

342Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Quanji. 533. “…此事相擊扣” 343Ibid., 531. 344 Gethin. The Foundations of Buddhism, 59. This is the noble truth of suffering: birth is suffering, ageing is suffering, sickness is suffering, dying is suffering, sorrow, grief, pain, unhappiness, and unease are suffering; being united with what is not liked is suffering, separation from what is liked is suffering; not to get what one wants is suffering; in short, the five aggregates of grasping are suffering. 102

Having no qing indirectly caused having qing, several nights we talked about the cause and effect and could not fall asleep 無情當作有情緣，幾夜交蘆話不眠. Having no qing, having no end, but qing abounds. When qing reaches the state of not being excessive, has it come to an end? When one arrives at the end of the abundant qing, there is no cassia tree in the moon, nor ripples on the lake 無情無盡卻情多，情到無多得盡麼。解到多情情盡處，月中無樹影無波.345 Another poem that he composed around the same time is entitled “suffering from Daguan’s departure”離達老苦, , in which Tang deviates from the Buddhist teaching again.

From the light of the water and the moon, there emerges the Buddhist temple, in the empty wind and cloud, I think about smartness. I shouldn’t shed sad tears so much for so long. From this I realized that I have qing 水月光中出化城，空風雲裡念聰明。不應悲涕長如許，此事從知覺有情。 Tang was afflicted with the suffering of separation, but also the death of his toddler and teenager children as mentioned above. He was however most devastated and rendered inconsolable (淚不禁 tears unstoppable) by the death of his eldest son, Tang Shiqu in 1600.346

His son was only twenty-three years old, extremely talented and with an aspiring and promising future. Yet he died on his way to Nanjing for the imperial exam. Shiqu could read the classics at the age of three, recite the classics at five and write beautifully at eight. Tang had a very high opinion of his son, stating that he was born with the talent to assist the emperor 蘧兒原是佐王

才.347 Tang Xianzu was so attached to his son that he wanted to believe that people become ghosts after death, so that Shiqu could come into his dream, and appear before the candlelight 我

願定依人作鬼，燈前夢裡見來時.348 Tang Xianzu’s own career met with many twists and turns as a result of his adherence to moral principles and his refusal to yield to corrupt political power.

345Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Quanji. 531. “江中見月懷達公” 346 Ibid., 554-555. 猿叫三聲腸斷盡，到無腸斷泣無聲。The ape cries three times, burning his insides with grief until his insides can’t hurt any more, he weeps silent tears. 347 Ibid., 555-556. Tang xianzu compared Shiqu to Wang Yuanze, Wang An’shi’s prodigy son who died at the age of thirty-three, 宋朝已死王元澤, 直至明殤湯士蘧. 348 Ibid., 556. 103

So Tang placed high hopes on his son Shiqu, who worked too hard and ignored his own health.

Two things are clear: first, Tang Xianzu still believed in the Confucian way of serving the court and the emperor; second, having written about forty poems mourning Shiqu’s death, Tang was deeply attached to his son and found it extremely difficult to put an end to his pain and suffering.

Zheng Peikai thinks that Daguan’s idea of li is dharma, the absence of qing, worldly entanglement.349 Tang himself even admitted in one poem “繭翁口號” that he composed at the age of sixty that “I do not follow the natural world and do not make a nest. I do not sever the direct and indirect causes and I am not like a self-destructive pleasure-seeking moth. I would rather be like this until death, the world does not compare me to a Buddhist master 不隨器界不

成窠，不斷因緣不弄蛾。大向此中幹到死，世人休擬似蘇何”350. Xu Shuofang argues on the basis of this poem that Tang Xianzu does not wish to sever worldly ties and preach Buddhist dharma, and that he certainly has not converted to Buddhism.351

Despite his affinity to Daguan and his Buddhist teachings, despite the fact that Tang

Xianzu may have been inspired time and again by his mentor and been really tempted to practice

Buddhism, he has not renounced genuine qing, and was not able to sever the emotional ties to his loved ones and his passion.

Tang Xianzu’s Nanke Ji Compared with Nanke Taishou Ji

The next question that puzzles people is whether Tang’s apparently Buddhist play Nanke Ji reflects his renunciation of the world. To answer this question, it is imperative to compare the

349 Zheng Peikai 鄭培凱, Tang Xianzu Yu Wan Ming Wenhua. 330. 350 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Shiwen Ji 湯顯祖詩文集. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982). 638. 351 Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Pingzhuan. 167. 104 play with its original story. I have identified three major differences between the two works, which elucidate this complicated question.

Firstly, the decisive factors that brought Chunyu Fen to the kingdom of ants are different in Tang’s play and the original story. The chuanqi precursor features the father as the initiator responsible for Chunyu’s entry into the kingdom of the ants, whereas Tang Xianzu has Chunyu enter the kingdom on account of his carnal qing—his own desires for a beautiful woman.

In the original story,352 although not stated clearly, what brought Chunyu Fen to Huai’an is the word of his father, who died while fighting in the frontier, according to the account of the

King of Huai’an. It is implied thus that non-human beings including animals and insects somehow can communicate with the dead, even though they are physically separated. The King did not make up the story to legitimize the marriage and gain Chunyu Fen’s approval. He was able to deliver a letter from Chunyu to his father, and fetch a reply in his father’s calligraphy.

The father confirmed the distance and barrier between them, showed his sorrow and affection, and predicted that in three years they would meet again. After three years, Chunyu died at the age of forty-seven, thus able to enter the realm of the deceased and meet his father as predicted.

It is important to note that in the original story, the father, following the Confucian tradition, is the initiator and planner of the marriage and thus the force that leads to Chunyu’s entry into the

Kingdom of Huai’an.

Tang Xianzu kept the plot of the original story, but made some changes to show that it is qing that induced Chunyu’s entry although the nature of this qing is no longer the pure life- giving love seen through rose-colored glasses in his first two plays.

352 The original Chinese story can be found in《太平廣記》卷四百七十五<昆蟲三>. A translated version can be found in William H. Nienhauser, Tang Dynasty Tales a Guided Reader, (Singapore; Hackensack, N.J.: World Scientific, 2010). 131-158. 105

Tang hints at the importance of qing at the very start of the play: “Look at the insects and ants who are ‘devoid of qing’, they also care about qing 看取無情蟲蟻，也關情.”353 In Scene

Five, Tang presents the real cause of Chunyu’s entry into the Kingdom of Huai’an. Princess

Jinzhi has reached the age of marriage, with unrivaled beauty and talents. The Queen says that

“Yesterday by the order of my King, he wants the marriage to be with a human being. We need people with good eyes and perception, to obtain a son-in-law with qing 昨乘我王之命，要求人

世之姻。必須有眼之人，方得有情之婿.”354 The King’s order is to marry his daughter to a human being. (No rationale is offered for this order.) It is clear that the mother’s criterion for a desirable match is that the man should have qing. Soon after the King issues his order, she sends her niece and her Daoist friend to seek a worthy husband for her daughter. It is worth noting here that Tang Xianzu presents the world of the ants as different from but equal to the human world.

Both the mother and daughter distinguish themselves from “humans 世間人”, their world from the “human world 人間世”. Yet they adopt the Confucian tradition of Thrice following and Four

Virtues, and think of themselves as being every bit the equals of human beings.355 The Queen mentions later that the reason the King wants to find a human husband is that the choices are too limited within the kingdom of ants, and that “it’s hard to find a brave and wise man at the moment who can support and serve the country, therefore they decided to choose a husband among humans.”356 She also asks the ladies to pay attention to “handsome men 英俊之士”. This remark harks back to Daguan’s warning against the bewitching power of male and female’s physical appearances, which lead to reckless behavior and suffering. This already sets the play

353 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, A Dream under the Southern Bough 南柯記. (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2006). 2. 354Ibid., 42. 355 Ibid., 44. “難道這三從四德微細的不如人？” 356 Ibid., 46. 106 apart from the original story. The pivotal point here is that what motivates the ladies to identify

Chunyu Fen as the right candidate “having-qing person 有情人”357 for marriage with the

Princess and thus fit to enter the kingdom is the ripening of the Princess and her need for a loving partner with qing. One more difference here is that in the play the hairpins that the ladies presented to the Buddhist Master belong to the Princess herself,358 whereas they belong to the two ladies in the original story. Just as the purple hairpin that Li Yi picked up symbolizes love and leads to their marriage; the hairpin that Chunyu Fen saw represents the Princess herself, and her longing for qing.

If it is qing that leads Chunyu Fen into the dream, and thus the Kingdom of Huai’an, then this qing in the play is certainly one of sense desire. Having met Qiongying, the Queen’s niece, by chance at the temple, Chunyu thinks to himself: “this woman’s beauty radiates from her skin.

Fragrance is produced at her smile. Has the world seen such a heavenly immortal beauty?...This handkerchief smells of fragrant powder. If only I can be like the handkerchief, to be held in your sleeves, and moistened by your fragrant sweat.” The ladies confirm that this man with desires is the man they are looking for, “this scholar, has qing 此生，有情人也”. In Scene Eight, “Qing

Manifests,” Chunyu meets the two ladies again in the Xiaogan temple while listening to Master

Qixuan’s explanation of a scripture. He recognizes that the golden hairpins and rhino horn box the two ladies offered to Qixuan are “out of this world,” as is the case of the two women 人與物

皆非世間所有359. He then asks the Master where Qiongying comes from, to which question the

Master answers by summoning a white parrot, who serves the Bodhisattva. Master Qixuan

357 Ibid., 46. 358 Ibid., 48. 359 Ibid., 86. 107 immediately recognizes the “emergence of foolish qing 癡情妄起.”360 The parrot tries to speak the truth that they are “ants inhabiting human forms 蟻子轉身,” which Chunyu, whose heart is blinded by desire, misunderstands as “female turning around 女子轉身.”361

Yet to continue to convince readers that qing rather than a deceased spirit is the leading force in the plot, Tang Xianzu portrays Chunyu as an impassioned and amorous man as in the original story, but also directs his qing to the Princess. Qiongying points out that the hairpins and box belong to another young lady who is even more “stunning 妙.” Chunyu is left wondering why she does not come in person and “make a golden hairpiece box,” a witness to their love.362

The two ladies again remark that he has “such abundant qing 好不多情也” and “excessive qing

太情多”363 and is precisely the right choice for a husband. In the next scene, they recommend

Chunyu to the Queen because of his “attachment 垂情” to the Princess’ gifts, which qualify him as a “person possessing qing 有情人”and his “handsome look and talent 俊才.”364 This deliberate redirection of Chunyu’s desires for all beautiful women, as was originally intended in the story, to a longing for the owner of a piece of rare jewelry, thus demonstrates the mysterious way that the powerful qing works in evoking people’s longings and bringing them together across reality and dreams, which is not different from the way qing functions in the first two plays of Tang Xianzu. However, it is noteworthy that the qing manifested in Chunyu is a strong sensual desire and longing for a beautiful woman. Although it is powerful and mysterious, it is nonetheless portrayed as being carnal and excessive. By contrast, the qing that Princess possesses is more authentic and faithful.

360 Ibid., 88. 361 Ibid. 362 Ibid., 90. 363 Ibid., 90. 364 Ibid., 96. 108

Not only is Chunyu’s qing carnal, it is also indulgent and licentious. In the original story, when his wife dies from a plague, he resigns his post as the Magistrate of Nanke County and escorts her coffin back to the court. He is grief-stricken and wailing along the way. Yet soon after he resumes his social activities, he becomes rather powerful and influential, which is what prompts the King to send him back to the human world in the first place. His grief seems to ease off rather swiftly, yet he does not live a dissipated life after her death in the original story. By contrast, in Scene Thirty-Eight of the play, “The Scholar Indulges,” we witness Chunyu’s debauchery shortly after the Princess’ demise. Despite the Princess’ admonition on her deathbed that “I have always treated you well, after my death, do not marry again,”365 Chunyu cannot bear the loneliness and temptation of the three women, two of whom are widows, another being a

Daoist sister. The three women covet Chunyu’s good looks and resent their own solitary lives, thus taking turns entertaining him with shameless nocturnal debauchery. In Scene Thirty-Eight,

Chunyu gets drunk. Qiongying arranges the bedding for him. Chunyu makes advances toward the three women: “is the host not going to accompany 難道主人不陪”?366 They all decide to join the “bed full of beauties,” “quenching their thirst after a long draught.” The Princess, when in the process of ascending the happy destiny of the Thirty-Three Gods 㣼利天 where the beings are still subject to desires and emotions,367 confronts and criticizes Chunyu for having forgotten her death-bed words and their marriage and for having indulged himself with three women.368 Thus

Tang Xianzu again exalts a woman with faithful and authentic qing and in contrast creates a

Chunyu with licentious craving and excessive qing. Although the original story contains hints of

Chunyu’s propensity for alcohol and teasing women, Tang Xianzu develops that possibility and

365 Ibid., 372. 366 Ibid., 444. 367 Lai Yonghai 賴永海, Zhongguo Fojiao Baike Quanshu 中國佛教百科全書. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000). 77-78. 368 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, A Dream under the Southern Bough., 536. 109 creates this new image of an unfaithful Chunyu leading a profligate life. In Scene Thirty-Three,

Monk Qixuan confirms that the reason for Chunyu’s entry into Huai’an is because of the

“hindrance of qing 情障.” Although the authentic qing of the Princess, which echoes the utmost qing that Bridal Du possesses, may have been the force that enables Chunyu’s journey to

Huai’an, Tang Xianzu evidently does not exclude the Buddhist idea that Chunyu’s excessive desires may have been the direct cause. Yet it is clear that Tang did not reject the authentic qing, but targeted the excessive qing that Chunyu possessed.

Secondly, the detailed description of Master Qixuan brings to mind Tang’s mentor

Daguan. The composition of this character Master Qixuan thus provides Tang with an opportunity to share with the world the Buddhist wisdom that he has learned from his own mentor, but it also reflects how deeply entrenched Daguan’s influence has been on Tang. Master

Qixuan only appears once in the story indirectly through the description of the women whom

Chunyu Fen met as a young man. But in the play, Master Qixuan is revered as an enlightened figure who is pivotal in helping Chunyu become a Buddha. Qixuan tries to awaken Chunyu from their first meeting. Their conversation about afflictions applies not only to Chunyu but also Tang himself.

--What are the branch afflictions?369 --Inside the empty palace of the pagoda tree whose leaves have all fallen in autumn; playing pipe instruments reluctantly by the Ningbi Pond. --What are the secondary afflictions? --Opening up the two wings one travels hundreds of thousands of li, whereas one stops to rest because one is attached to the high branch. --How can one get rid of the afflictions? --Only after the day the dreaming soul returns to the south, and when the road is clear leading one back to the mountains and waters of the hometown.

369 Ibid., 78. Branch afflictions refer to the six primary afflictions, from which all the secondary afflictions 隨煩惱 are derived: desire 貪 (also written 愛), anger 嗔, ignorance 癡, pride 慢, doubt 疑 and false views 見. 110

[生]如何是根本煩惱 ? [ 淨 ]秋槐落盡空宮裡 ,凝碧池邊奏管弦。 [生]如何是隨緣煩惱 ? [ 淨 ]雙翅一開千萬裡 ,止因棲隱戀喬柯。 [生]如何破除煩惱 ? [ 淨 ]惟有夢魂南去日 ,故鄉山水路依稀。

For Chunyu, the branch afflictions are the world that he has taken to be real, the world of ants inside the pagoda tree. His secondary afflictions are his desire for women and fame. The only path to end the afflictions is for him to realize the emptiness of this world through waking up in the human world. For Tang Xianzu, the branch afflictions are his Confucian beliefs to serve the

Emperor in the Court. Yet he has been exiled because of corrupt officials; he has had to “serve reluctantly” in an insignificant position, “playing the instrument.” His attachment to qing and to a court position is his secondary affliction. The path to end his suffering is to realize the futility of his attempts and return to his hometown in the south, which he did prior to composing this play. The wisdom and truth of Qixuan’s answer thus parallel Tang’s own life and truly bring to mind Master Daguan. Qixuan’s attitude towards female practitioners is also similar to Daguan’s.

The two ladies ask Master Qixuan if females can also be saved. The Master answers that the scripture clearly states that human beings and non-human beings can be saved by Bodhisattva.370

This salvation even extends across religions, as a Daoist female practitioner can also potentially become a Buddha. Qixuan’s answer is reminiscent of the soteriological inclusiveness discussed earlier, according to which all beings can be saved (although neither Master treats women as their equals).

Thirdly, in the original story, the ending conveys no message concerning Buddhist deliverance whereas Tang Xianzu painstakingly presents an ironic universal salvation to end his

370 Ibid., 84. 111 play. The King says to Chunyu on their departure that in three years, he will welcome Chunyu back. This brings to mind Chun’s father’s promise of their reunion in three years. What the original story portrays is Chunyu’s fantastic journey motivated by his father’s entering the kingdom of ants, spending twenty years of his life governing the Nanke County and experiencing a happy marriage, bereavement of his wife and friend, only to wake up and realize that all has been a dream. His entry into the realm of ants is caused by his deceased father, and his second entry can only be made possible through his own death three years later. In the story, he decides to abstain from alcohol and women, after realizing the transient and empty nature of his twenty years of life in Nanke County, and then pursuing the Way. Yet the story does not end with him achieving any sort of enlightenment on a Buddhist path to end suffering; nor does he become an immortal in the end. Although the story does reflect a Daoist or Buddhist awakening to the emptiness and illusiveness of the worldly pursuit, it is less a religious story designed to preach

Buddhism or Daoism than the story of a father’s attempt to bring an alcoholic son to understand the transient nature of life and live a deeper and more spiritual life. In the original story, Chunyu, having realized the emptiness of the physical life, and abandoned worldly pleasures, achieves some sort of awakening. This conforms to the Mahayana Buddhist beliefs, according to which

“at the beginning of the path we are…motivated by the wish to rid ourselves of our own individual suffering; it is only as we progress along the path that we come to understand that, in fact, suffering is above all something that beings share in common.”371 Thus, a case can be made that Chunyu in the original story realizes his own suffering and attempts to end it. But Chunyu in

Tang Xianzu’s play attempts to transcend the individualistic path onto a selfless path of compassion for all beings. Yet how successful is this approach?

371 Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism. 229. 112

Tang’s play ends with the ants rising to the heavenly realm. The play could have ended with Scene Forty-two where Chunyu realizes that the anthills under the pagoda tree match the layout of the kingdom of Huai’an (literally meaning “pagoda tree peace”) where he lived for over twenty years. Instead, at the end of that scene, Chunyu converses with a monk who suggests that he go to the Water and Land Service of Master Qixuan and write a letter to ask for enlightenment. The rituals prescribed are complicated, entailing fasting and retreat for forty-nine days, chanting of Buddhist scriptures 36,000 times day and night, burning one’s finger as incense to write the letter, and finally praying for seven days and nights in front of a Buddha statue.372

Chunyu has three prayers, which were to see his father, his wife and the whole kingdom of

Huai’an ascending to the realm of the heavens.373 Through these prayers for others, Chunyu is also working towards his own progress to reach Buddhahood. The “three defilements of the mind” are “greed, hatred and delusion.”374 By praying for his father and his wife, he effectively quenches his greed for attachment; by praying for the whole kingdom, he gets rid of his delusion of the empty world; by not praying for his enemy in the Tanluo Kingdom, yet helping them in their ascent, he relinquishes his hatred. One may conclude, then, that Tang Xianzu tries to follow

Buddhist ideas in writing the final two scenes.

Yet Chunyu’s achieving Buddhahood all of a sudden seems to be problematic if one looks at the fourth noble truth of the way leading to the cessation of suffering: “the noble eightfold path, namely right view, right intention, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, right concentration.”375 This right path is the only way to break out of the cycle of greed, hatred and delusion. Only perfection in these eight dimensions of

372 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, A Dream under the Southern Bough., 502. 373 Ibid., 510. 374 Gethin, The Foundations of Buddhism., 80. 375Ibid., 60 113 human behavior can lead to the cessation of suffering. Buddhist texts in fact present this path as

“a gradual and cumulative process” beginning from “generosity” to “good conduct” and ending in “meditation”, alternatively, from “good conduct” to “meditative concentration” to

“wisdom”.376

In the play, however, Chunyu seems to have been chained up by the afflictions, despite his efforts to get rid of them. In praying for his family and the ants of Huai’an, the Tanluo

Kingdom ascended. His response is, “Tanluo is our enemy, all my efforts, instead helped them ascend, how did that happen? How?” indicating clearly that he has not let go of his animosity.

He further says to Master Qixuan, “How many people of Nanke County has Tanluo killed? How much karmic retribution?” The Master answers that the killing was the karmic result of hatred from previous lives. Chunyu cries and demands to see his father and wife.377 There is no verbal evidence of resignation. One may surmise that the cry serves as a sign of resignation of his hatred. Yet the evidence is scanty indeed to argue that he has attained perfect generosity. For that matter, in the next scene, he complains about how hurtful it was to burn a fingertip, only to save his enemies,378 apparently not entertaining enough generosity for his enemy yet. When his father asks him what he plans to do in the future, he answers, “still be a general.”379 The father has to admonish him not to kill, as Chunyu obviously has not realized that killing perpetuates the cycles of suffering. One can see that Chunyu is still miles away from reaching generosity.

To get rid of greed is even harder, because love is also one kind of greed. The moment of his father ascending to the realm of Gods, and of their reunion after decades of separation, is a

376 Ibid., 83. 377 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, A Dream under the Southern Bough. 520 378 Ibid., 522. 379 Ibid., 526. 114 poignant one. In fact, Chunyu’s biggest suffering is that he was not able to see his father again.380

This scene is also particularly touching, probably because of Tang Xianzu’s own tragic experience of losing his eldest son, on whom he had placed his hopes, aspirations and love. Tang

Xianzu was also not able to say goodbye to Shiqu, who was taking the imperial examination in

Nanjing when he unexpectedly died. Echoing the paradox of praising compassion yet renouncing qing, Tang Xianzu poses the question again through Master Qixuan: “you said you don’t have qing, but why do you want them to ascend to the heavenly realm?”381 Tang seems to be caught up by this paradox and to have been struggling himself on the matter of whether one should possess qing or not. Chunyu, while hoping to help his loved ones to ascend to happier destines, still entertains love for them, and thus is not rid of greed. Not surprisingly, Chunyu does not get a chance to answer the Master’s question in that scene—and indeed, the question is finally unanswerable. It is particularly hard for Chunyu to let go of his wife despite his licentious indulgence after her death. After quickly talking about their love and regrets at the reunion, the

Princess brings up Chunyu’s indulgence with the three women. Chunyu tries to play down the importance of the drunken revelry, saying he was helpless at the moment, asking her to forget about it, and offering to be together with her again.382 Thus, Chunyu is lying, equivocating and desiring, none of which constitutes good conduct, nor is he working to eliminate his greed. In fact, his greed is so strong that he wants to follow her to the Realm of the Thirty-Three Gods until Master Qixuan “held a sword and chopped them apart.淨猛持劍上砍開”383 After that, he sees that the hairpin and box that his wife gave him before ascending were branches and pod of the pagoda tree, a realization that allows him to escape delusion. One might say that he finally

380 Ibid., 514. 381 Ibid., 518. 382 Ibid., 536. 383 Ibid., 542. 115 realizes that the world is a delusion, yet to argue that he has perfected his meditation and attained perfect wisdom would be far-fetched, and would smack of irony. Also ironic is the ending where he attains Buddhahood immediately after being separated from his wife. It seems as if Tang

Xianzu is mocking one’s personal efforts, which, no matter how arduous, are not as useful as one whipping of the sword of Master Qixuan. It can be argued that Tang Xianzu projected his own relationship with Buddhism and Daguan onto the play. Tang Xianzu, while attempting to end his thirst, especially his greed of qing, only finds himself fastened more tightly by the thirst. He seems to want Daguan to sever that connection for him, yet Daguan never came back from the court. It is also possible that he scorns the possibility of attaining Nirvana through a single action of Qixuan, and ridicules Chunyu’s vain efforts on the path to the cession of suffering. Xu

Shuofang believes that Nanke Ji does not represent a comprehensive state of Tang’s mind, but perhaps more his passive, soft side, ready to renounce the world.384 I agree that to judge a writer’s philosophy from one work does not do justice to the author and that one particular work may reflect only one aspect of an author’s mind. But I think even to conclude that Nanke Ji reflects Tang’s passive side would be simplistic and unjust based on the aforementioned evidence and arguments. It is certainly untenable to argue that Tang Xianzu wishes to renounce the world and convert to Buddhism by writing Nanke Ji. Instead, the play reflects his personal struggle with Buddhism and his inability to accept the paradox of compassion and qing. It may also represent his mockery of the contradictions in Buddhist philosophy and the possibility of salvation. Tang’s intentions behind the play may never be revealed. But based on Tang Xianzu’s extensive reading of Buddhist scriptures and in-depth conversations with Master Daguan, it is extremely unlikely that Tang intended the ending of Nanke Ji to be understood literally, namely,

384Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Pingzhuan., 167. 116 that Chunyu has reached perfect Buddhahood abruptly in the final scene and that Tang has every wish to emulate him.

Conclusion

Buddhist teachings treat qing as impermanent illusions that are stumbling blocks in the path to the cessation of suffering. Women are also treated as inferior in practicing Buddhism although included in salvation. Daguan holds very similar views, that qing is a hindrance to the true heart and should be transformed into li or xing. Yet he also acknowledges compassion but does not offer a satisfactory reconciliation between compassion and no-attachment. Through Daguan and

Tang Xianzu’s correspondence and Tang’s poems of Buddhist enlightenment, one sees Tang’s earnest and arduous efforts to accept Daguan’s teaching. Yet Tang struggles with this idea of qing and fixates on the paradox of having compassion and renouncing qing. His personal tragedies draw him closer to Buddhism, which was also the way Buddhism entered a society with strong and resisting Confucian tradition according to De Bary. Yet his hopeless attachments to his family and friends and his Confucian values of serving the Emperor prevented him from severing all worldly ties.

In his penultimate play, Nanke Ji, his own adaptations are essential to understand his play and the motivation behind his creation. He first changed the direct cause of Chunyu’s entry to the

Kingdom of Huai’an from a deceased father’s wish to the mysterious and puissant qing. He also contrasted the authentic qing of the ant Princess and excessive qing of Chunyu. Secondly he developed the character of Master Qixuan into a full-bodied respectable monk, probably with his mentor Daguan as the prototype, and wove his personal experiences and regrets into the play.

Lastly, he added two final scenes in which he depicted Chunyu who was deeply mired in greed, hatred and delusion until Master Qixuan, brandishing a sword, split Chunyu and the ascending 117

Princess apart. The detailed description of a pious Chunyu at the Buddhist service and his success in ending his suffering immediately after Master Qixuan’s assistance of the sword, however, cannot be read simplistically at face value. Nor should it be interpreted to reflect

Tang’s own renunciation of qing. The complexity of the final two scenes and layers of meaning entail a close reading of the Buddhist teachings, consideration of Tang’s personal struggles with life and religion, and the different possibilities of the register of the language intended. Tang

Xianzu may indeed be voicing the almost insurmountable hindrance on the Buddhist path to the cessation of one’s emotions, and mocking the contradiction and possibility of attaining

Buddhahood. In light of all these considerations, one may conclude that Tang Xianzu has not denounced authentic qing. Yet he has adopted Buddhist ideas to mitigate the excessive and suffering aspect of qing.

118

CHAPTER 5 QING AND DAOISM The influence of Daoism on Tang Xianzu is irrefutable. Tang Xianzu’s grandfather introduced him to Daoism at an early age. His teachers Luo Rufang and Xu Liangfu were both

Daoist practitioners. According to Xu Shuofang, out of the seventy-five poems that he composed from twelve until twenty-five, eleven of them exhibited Daoist beliefs.385 His style names, Hai

Ruo 海若, or Ruo Shi 若士 were from the two Daoist classics, Zhuang Zi 莊子.秋水 and Huai

Nanzi 淮南子.道應訓, respectively. In his two early plays, we have already noted the transcendent Daoist qing in a romantic context. The merging of qing and dao has also been present in Tang’s “Epitaph for The Theater God Master Qingyuan in the Yihuang County

Temple.”

His last play, Handan Ji, however, has been branded as pessimistic and passive by many scholars, as in the end he presents worldly pursuits as empty and futile dreams and the Daoist

Way as the only reality. Qing seemed to have completely given way to dao. Yet the deep irony throughout the play cannot be ignored, and that irony suggests a counter argument to the thesis of Tang’s abandonment of qing. What I wish to present through this chapter is that a simplistic reading of the play as a passive Daoist denunciation of the world would unjustly disregard the copious ironic expressions pervading the play and the mockery that he might have intended at the end of the last scene. Entertaining the possibility that the immortal world may also be nothing more than a dream, Tang Xianzu did not abandon genuine qing for Daoist immortality, which I

385 Ibid. 18. 119 shall address later in this chapter through a close reading of the play alongside the original story

“Zhenzhong Ji.”

I will pay close attention to qing in the story and the ending of Handan Ji. I will also examine Tang Xianzu’s own writing about the play as well as scholars’ commentaries on his play. I wish to demonstrate through a close reading of the play as well as his personal writings at a later stage of his life that the meaning of qing was expanded to include obsessions for wealth and fame and carnal desires. Qing has lostits romantic hues and has taken on worldly colors. The genuine qing is able to transcend its romantic interpersonal self, and merge with the dao. The disingenuous carnal qing for sexual gratification and material pursuits, be it in the case of

Chunyu Fen or Lu Sheng, can only bring about ill fortune and death and is advised to be extinguished in both cases. Whether this impersonal energy form of qing is a renunciation of the romantic qing that enthralls the masses, or whether this qing is still viable as a major value that may be contextualized in the larger religious and philosophical framework of life and death, is the central question addressed in this chapter.

In addition to the primary sources, I will also examine secondary sources that address the scholar’s attempt to reconcile Confucianism and Daoism. Liu Ts’un-yan for example explores

Wang Yangming’s observation on ru and dao and mentions Lin Zhao’en and Yuan Huang’s attempts to “unify” Daoism with Confucianism.386 Liu also mentions Lu Xixing and Wu

Shouyang, famous Confucian scholars who became Daoist priests, in one case for decades, in the other throughout his life. Cheng Yun also briefly talks about Tang Xianzu’s attitude toward

Daoism and suggests that Tang’s last play and his denunciation of the mundane world reflect a

386 De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.].pp. 291-321. See Liu Ts’un-yan’s “Taoist Self-Cultivation.” 120

“spiritual crisis” among the Confucian scholars of Tang’s day.387 I agree that a spiritual crisis enveloped the late imperial Confucian scholars who were disillusioned with a corrupt government and confronted with the futility of their scholarly pursuits and their official position.

Yet I think that Tang Xianzu has not completely denounced everything in this world to opt for

Daoist or Buddhist practice. Through this play, Tang Xianzu jeers at the corruption and hypocrisy of contemporary society and casts doubts on Lu Sheng’s spiritual awakening from the dream into the immortal world, leaving readers to wonder if the immortal world has also been a dream after all.

I will first attempt to discuss the controversial sexual practice of some lineages of Daoism, which was also seen in Handan Ji, and the deep satire Tang Xianzu engaged in his treatment of immortality. I will further explore Daoist philosophy on which most lineages would agree and discuss the challenges and support that Daoist philosophy presents for qing. I will continue to compare the original story “Zhenzhong Ji” with Tang’s play to present his attack on the excessive material qing. I will end with a close reading of the last scene of the play to address

Tang Xianzu’s concerns with the Daoist promise of immortality.

Daoist Exposition on Qing

Daoism has never been one unitary religion. It encompasses many different lineages at different times, which possess distinct ideas and compete against each other and other religions.

It has also continuously evolved and absorbed ideas from Buddhism and Confucianism throughout its history. Any attempt to assemble a definitive Daoist perspective of qing is thus a futile effort. I will therefore focus on the ironies of the Daoist tenets and practices that appear in

387 Cheng Yun 程芸, Tang Xianzu Yu Wan Ming Xiqu De Shanbian. pp. 51-52. I have also come across a Ph.D. dissertation written by Li Yan on the connection between Daoism and Ming Qing drama. 121

Tang Xianzu’s play and the doctrinal notions directly connected to qing. As all later schools of

Daoism were based on early Daoist philosophical treatises such as Dao De Jing and Zhuang Zi, I will focus on the most fundamental Daoist works, which most practitioners would accept as legitimate articulations of Daoism. I will start with how Tang uses the general tolerance of sex among Daoist practitioners to mock the disingenuous and materialistic qing. I will continue to show how the Daoist focus on the authentic nature of qing can mitigate the excessive and thus subversive nature of qing. I will also briefly explore how Daoist philosophy and practices have influenced prominent Confucian scholar-officials in helping them achieve longevity, especially the influence on Tang Xianzu and his teacher Luo Rufang. I will list the two aspects of materialistic qing that Tang satirized in his play, namely, the desires for sex, and for fame and wealth, which conform to Daoist beliefs. Lastly I wish to examine the ending scene of Handan Ji and argue for Tang’s suspicions about the quest for immortality and his satiric treatment of the subject. Carnal and disingenuous qing has no place in Daoism. Authentic qing dovetails with the

Daoist emphasis on the natural and genuine emotions. Although Tang focuses on exposing and denouncing the worldly qing in his last play, he does not share Lu Sheng’s enthusiasm towards gaining Daoist immortality. The fact that he did not ardently advocate the power of qing in his satirical play does not indicate any change of heart. In fact, his very last poem reflects his acknowledgement of heart-felt feelings. Tang’s depiction of the futility of the desires for wealth, fame and pleasures should not be read as a declaration of renunciation of the world; nor should the last scene of Lu Sheng’s journey to the immortal world be read simplistically as Tang’s testament to Daoism. Although qing takes on Daoist hues in the play, it remains the beacon for

Tang Xianzu in his quest to find the deeper meanings of life. 122

In the context of Handan Ji, when qing was directly mentioned in the last scene, Lu

Sheng admitted that “I have been hindered by qing all my life”弟子一生耽擱了個情字.388 An examination of Lu Sheng’s life would demonstrate that this barrier qing refers to his attachment to wealth and power and desires for sexual pleasure. The thirst for wealth and power is certainly discouraged in Daoism. Many Daoist practitioners gave up their wealth. Even the Yellow

Emperor “gave up all under heaven” and “built himself an isolated hut” and stayed there for three months.389 Sexual practice is more controversial. Since the qing in Handan Ji with which

Lu Sheng was obsessed takes on the form of excessive carnal desires, I will start with the carnal aspect. Daoism in fact is rather tolerant of sexuality.

Gil Raz explains in detail the “highly ritualistic and choreographed” sexual initiation rites of Celestial Master Daoism, which last well into the seventh century and defended such a practice not as a bedchamber pleasure-seeking activity, but as a spiritual salvific practice to reunite the three pneumas into one.390 He also points out that other lineages criticized this practice and even within in Celestial Master lineage, rules have to be written to avoid abuse of the rites. Buddhists and Confucians also frown upon it. He further quotes early writings about the importance of keeping a balanced sexual practice, because abstinence and free indulgence both lead to a decrease in one’s allotted years. Schipper in The Taoist Body also introduces the

388 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Xu Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji 邯鄲記. (Beijing: Waiyu jiaoxue yu yanjiu chubanshe, 2003). 528. I referred to the English translation provided in this text. But for higher accuracy, I have translated the English translations myself that I am quoting here from the Chinese text of Tang Xianzu’s play Handan Ji. I opt for a more literal translation, hoping to better fathom Tang Xianzu’s intentions. 389 Zhuang Zi and Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way : Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu, (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1998).95. 390 Gil Raz, "The Way of the Yellow and the Red: Re-Examining the Sexual Initiation Rite of Celestial Master Daoism," NAN N¸ 10, no. 1 (2008). 86-120. 123 initiation rites of the Celestial Master and explains that the great majority of Taoists are married and that in some cases marriage is a condition for their priesthood.391

Returning to Tang Xianzu’s play Handan Ji, we find there a Daoist concept of “capturing the yin to replenish the yang”392 (ziyin buyang 滋陰補陽), which holds the belief that a man can

“draw out something to his advantage from a young woman’s womb” during sexual intercourse.393 This idea in turn originates from the Daoist trigram, where male is represented by li 離 with two yang lines and one yin line and female is represented by kan 坎 with two yin lines and one yang line. Male can thus borrow the yang line from the female through intercourse to become a body of pure yang (qian 乾) with utmost “strength, vigor and indestructability.”394 It is also believed that “if during the contact a man is able to bring about one conception 一坎 to his merit, his life will be prolonged twelve years,” and should someone obtain ten conceptions, “his life would last one hundred and twenty more years, and he would have no difficulty in following the Yellow Emperor and ascending to the sky.”395 However, it is of paramount importance in this practice that “no sperm is discharged” to keep one “vigorous and active.”396 Schipper and Gil believe that “this is not true Daoism.”397 “Eroticism is not only dangerous, it is unworthy.” Self- control is the first thing to be learned in sex. However, self-control is much more complex than the physical action of semen retention. As a Daoist author remarked sarcastically about the idea of retaining semen to reach longevity, “If it were simply a matter of not ejaculating, every

391 Kristofer Marinus Schipper, The Taoist Body, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). 150. 392 De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.]. 301. 393 Ibid.304. 394 Ibid.304. 395 Ibid.304-305. 396 Ibid.305. 397 Schipper, The Taoist Body.149. 124 eunuch would become immortal.”398 Schipper also points out that all true Daoists “vigorously denounce the practice of ‘nurturing the yang at the expense of the yin.’”399 Gil Raz suggests that the rejection and criticism of such a controversial practice of sexual cultivation, which continued into the Tang dynasty, may have been the result of the Shangqing teachings which “view the ideal body as a closed system, self-sufficient unto itself for attaining transcendence.”400 This vehement criticism of this practice from within and outside Daoism has found its way into Tang

Xianzu’s last play in the form of satire.

In the play, the sexual misconduct of Lu Sheng at the old age of eighty matches this practice. Lu Sheng first makes a long speech warning against getting close to women from the

School of Court Music. He gives a soliloquy about the bewitching beauty and charming smile of these girls, which “entice the soul”把魂都笑倒了 and “slash one’s nature”伐性.401 He also quotes Laozi to prevent himself from being blinded by the five colors and to justify his staying away from the girls. His wife suggests that he send them back to the emperor. Lu Sheng refuses to send them back because such a gesture would indicate disrespect for the emperor, and hence he decides to shamefully accept the gift. His high moral stance, however, lasts only as long as the banquet. After gulping down a few drinks, Lu Sheng decides to start spending the nights with one or more of the twenty-four singers and dancers, using sash lanterns as the signals to indicate his visit. His old friend Pei Guangting remarks that “Lu Sheng who has enjoyed the extremes of wealth and fame, only thinks about longevity.”402 Lu Sheng’s wife Cui scolds him when he is bedridden: “Husband, your illness although being predestined is also your own doing. As an

398 Ibid.150. 399 Ibid.150. 400 Gil Raz, The Emergence of Daoism : Creation of Tradition, (Abingdon, Oxon.; New York: Routledge, 2011).208- 209. 401 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji.454. 402 Ibid.470. 125 eighty-year old man, why did you decide to cai zhan 采戰—have sex in order to strengthen your vital energy?”403 To which Lu Sheng responds that he was hoping to gain some “longevity so that he could look after the offspring,” and he was by no means “seeking pleasure without her knowledge”404. With twenty-four beautiful young girls vying to please him, he has been visiting them every night until something “accidently went wrong,”405 after which he becomes sick for three months. Yet this seemingly “Daoist” practice carries deep irony in Lu Sheng’s case. Instead of gaining another two-hundred-and-eighty-eight years of life, Lu Sheng falls ill and soon dies from it. Despite his insistence on not having surrendered to sensual pleasure, his behavior indicates the dissipation of his sperm and shameless abandonment to sexual pleasures, which he so hypocritically condemned earlier. Although the Daoist practice was tolerant of sexual practice at certain periods in history in some lineages, Tang Xianzu, through a parodic depiction of Lu

Sheng’s licentious and lustful indulgence at the end of his life, criticizes the futility and depravity of such a practice as well as the hypocrisy of its practitioner.

Daoist practitioners of different schools and lineages have adopted different views and practices towards sex and desire throughout history. As Schipper observes, except for a small number of the clergy, Taoist masters, men and women, are generally married.406 However, sexual desires are cautioned against by Daoist masters. As Zhou Zuyan explains, the “natural inclinations…exclude human desires” and the concept of ziran (自然 as it is, natural state) in the

Laozi does not apply to “human beings’ internal urges for sensual and material gratification.”407

Zhuangzi also holds “largely negative attitude to human desire,” but also includes “implicit

403 Ibid.476. 404 Ibid.476. 405 Ibid.472. 406 Schipper, The Taoist Body.150. 407 Zuyan Zhou, Daoist Philosophy and Literati Writings in Late Imperial China : A Case Study of 'the Story of the Stone', (The Chinese University Press, 2013).74-75. 126 affirmation of sexual feelings” because human desire is a “natural expression of human authenticity.”408 In Shangqing and Lingbao lineages of the Six Dynasties, asceticism was practiced. From Song dynasty till the beginning of Ming dynasty, Quanzhen movement developed in full swing, reaching its height in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries.409

The Quanzhen Daoists live in formal monasteries and abstain from the “Four Hindrances

(alcohol, sex, wealth and anger).”410 In Ming dynasty, Quanzhen was “eclipsed by the Zhengyi

(Orthodox Unity) movement as the preferred and imperially sanctioned form of Daoism.”411

Zhengyi Daoist practitioners and clerics are allowed to “marry and have children.”412 Since

Xuanzong’s reign (r. 1425-1436), according to De Bruyn, imperial eunuchs were given power to run the court, resulting in “an alliance with Daoists in the control of Ming politics.”413

In the Shangqing and Lingbao lineages of the fourth and fifth century, asceticism and celibacy were advocated, due to Buddhist influences and to training methods developed within these lineages. The Shangqing movement incorporated the Buddhist notion of suffering, reincarnation and the elimination of desires. Eskildsen points out that the Zhengao (the

Proclamation of the Perfected)’s borrowings from the Buddhist text Sishi’er zhang jing (四十二

408 Ibid. 76-79. The implicit affirmation of sexual feelings was used by later scholars to validate qing throughout history. 409 Louis Komjathy, The Way of Complete Perfection a Quanzhen Daoist Anthology, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2013). 1-11. Quanzhen monasticism became the dominant form of Daoist monasticism during the Yuan dynasty. 410 Ibid. 6-7. 411 Ibid. 7. According to De Bruyn, Ming emperor Zhu Yuanzhang wanted to limit the influence of organized religions and prepared an official liturgy for all Daoist rituals. He thus gave preference to the Zheng Yi (Orthodox Unity) School and criticized Quanzhen (Complete Perfection). At the end of the Ming dynasty, however, The Zhengyi diversifie into several branches, whereas the Quanzhen united under the Longmen branch and would surge to power in the Qing dynasty. See Livia Kohn, Daoism Handbook, (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2000). 595, 603. According to Yi’er Wang, in 1304, southern and Northern Celestial Master Sects, the Shangqing Sect, and the Lingbao Sect, have been generally called Zhengyi Daoism. See Yi'e Wang and Adam Chanzit, Daoism in China, (Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2004).47-48. 412 Daoism in China. 48. 413 Kohn, Daoism Handbook. 600. According to De Bruyn, Xianzong promoted Li Zisheng, a Daoist magician who served to procure young sex partners for him and rose to become the Grand Councellor of the Ooffice of Imeprial Sacrifices. For a list of other important Daoist figures during the Ming dynasty, please refer to Kohn’s book, 601- 603. 127

章經) singled out sexual desire as the worst kind of desire and advised against marriage.414 He also notes that there were non-Buddhist reasons for celibacy, including preserving one’s semen to keep one’s life span and “medicinal strength.” 415 Moreover, some training practices in

Shangqing texts require celibacy to be effective. Lustful thoughts during Shangqing practice are very dangerous; they disqualify one from being a heavenly immortal and thus from gaining higher salvation. Chastity and devotion bring one directly in contact with the immortals.416

Similarly, the Lingbao movement, which imitates Mahayana Buddhism in aiming to save all the sentient beings in the world, emphasizes the importance of acquiring good merits and performing altruistic deeds for the benefit of all other living beings, including animals. Lingbao texts also reflect a Confucian social hierarchy in the lineage’s concept of salvation. The “Upper gentlemen” propagate the religion and assist the king with the government; the “Intermediate gentlemen” are loyal to their rulers and filial to their parents and worship diligently; the “Lower gentlemen” cut off their sexual desires and dwell in desolate forests or mountains.417 The Lingbao movement was so heavily influenced by Buddhism that it evoked controversies over whether Lingbao practitioners replaced the notion of immortality with that of ending the cycles of reincarnation as the ultimate goal.418

The Complete Perfection School, which survives to this day and is headquartered at

Beijing’s White Cloud Monastery, hosts monks and nuns who live celibate lives and who practice inner alchemical meditations. The School was influential during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and extended throughout the country in the form of monastic institutions.

414 Stephen Eskildsen, Asceticism in Early Taoist Religion, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998).74. 415 Ibid., 75. 416 Ibid., 78. 417 Ibid., 103-104 418 Ibid., 121-122. 128

The Heavenly Masters School, now known as the Orthodox Unity School, is composed of men, who are allowed to marry. It is based in Mt. Longhu in Jiangxi Province, and in Taiwan.

Therefore, as mentioned above, many scholars and Daoist practitioners use Zhuangzi’s emphasis on one’s natural inclinations to validate sex. However, lustful sex or abuse of the initiation rites is frowned upon by most Daoist practitioners. Aside from the sexual aspect of qing, the sensory perception of qing is also cautioned against, as it is in Buddhism. The authenticity of one’s emotions, a key aspect of qing, however, is highly lauded. According to

Mabuchi Masaya, the consensus among scholars is that “the tendency to unify the three teachings dominated the latter half of the Ming dynasty, and within this framework, scholar- officials variously paid attention to ancient Daoist texts.”419 Although there is no direct treatment of qing in major Daoist text, some tenets of early Daoist philosophy shed light on the conflicted stance towards qing within Daoism.

In chapter twelve of Dao De Jing, we are cautioned against our sensory organs on which qing is dependent. “The five colors make a man’s eyes blind… The five flavors make a man’s palate dull; the five tones make a man’s ears deaf.”420 As noted earlier, this quote was also mentioned by Lu Sheng in the play in his cautionary soliloquy, which reminds us of the story of

Yingying, in which Scholar Zhang made a lofty speech about why he had to reject such a ravishing woman as Yingying. This idea that our senses create an unreal world and prevent us from perceiving deeper reality is very similar to the Buddhist truth that the thirst for existence binds us to endless reincarnations. In Xisheng Ji (Scripture of Western Ascension), an influential

Daoist religious text of the fifth century, readers are faced with very similar Buddhist ideas

419 Livia Kohn and Harold David Roth, Daoist Identity : History, Lineage, and Ritual, (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002). 127. 420 Laozi., Tao Te Ching : The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way.72. 129 regarding sense impressions: “Sense impressions are the origins of misfortune. They destroy human purity. Thus the sage never has any sensual desires.”421 Later in the scripture, “Laozi says: if people die prematurely, it’s their own fault” because “they agitate their bodies.”422 It is reminiscent of the cautionary tone with which Buddhism speaks of emotions and desires.

Excessive desires and attachment to the world would hurt one’s body and shorten one’s earthly years. Thus the premature death of Bridal Du would again be interpreted as a misfortune that she brought upon herself. The text further says that “to attain long life, stop desires and give up emotions.”423 Along the same line, Zhuangzi says in Chapter Five that “What I mean by having no emotions is to say that a man should not inwardly harm his person with ‘good’ and ‘bad,’ but rather should accord with the spontaneous and not add to life.”424 Zhuangzi in Chapter eleven again talks about the dangers of stirring up one’s emotions, “whether through depression or through elation, the human mind may be imprisoned or killed.”425

Does this mean that Daoism is thus hostile toward qing? The answer is not clear-cut.

Excessive emotions and desires, which decrease one’s allotted years, are certainly warned against; however, the genuine and spontaneous nature of qing, which is innate in human beings, is highly praised and desired among practitioners.

In Chapter Five, Zhuangzi describes the sage as “zhenren,” a genuine person or a true person. Coutinho further explains that the “genuineness is authenticity, being true to oneself,” and the ideal is to “live in fullest appreciation and joyful acceptance of every moment of one’s

421 Livia Kohn, Taoist Mystical Philosophy : The Scripture of Western Ascension, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991).50. 422 Ibid., 52-53. 423 Ibid., 52-53. 424 Zhuang Zi and Mair, Wandering on the Way : Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu.49. 425 Ibid., 92. 130 life” instead of being emotionally dead or apathetic.426 Chapter Twenty-Five of Dao De Jing talks about the importance of accepting things as they are: “the Way patterns itself on nature 道

法自然.”427 Daoist ideas on qing thus are different from those of Buddhism. Although the former has borrowed the Buddhist practices of keeping the emotions still, it does not advocate a complete rejection of one’s natural emotions. Contentment is one emotional state to which

Daoist practitioners aspire. Tang Xianzu’s last play, Handan Ji, focuses more on excessive desires as Tang exposes and mocks the contemporary corrupt government as well as hypocritical officials’ licentious indulgence under the disguise of religious practice; his masterpiece The

Peony Pavilion cleverly adopted and exalted the spontaneous and genuine qing that Bridal Du possesses, and thus he aligned it with the Way. If the story had ended with Bridal Du’s premature death, Tang might have consented to the Daoist and Buddhist idea of the destructive power of unbridled qing. But Tang labeled Bridal Du’s qing as genuine and utmost, patterning itself on the Way; thus, according to the logic of the play, life and death can be transformed into each other through this Daoified qing. Tang Xianzu very carefully distinguishes the authentic qing innate to human nature, which conforms to the Way and which is as powerful and intense as the Way, from the excessive qing, such as carnal desires, futile worldly pursuits or unruly emotions, which diminish one’s natural lifespan. Yet the demarcation line is very thin and blurred. His focus on the authenticity of qing instead of its stillness and his mockery of some controversial Daoist practices may be attributed to his teacher Luo Rufang.

Daoist Influence on Confucian Scholars

426Steve Coutinho, "An Introduction to Daoist Philosophies," (2014). 111. 427 Laozi., Tao Te Ching : The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way. 90. 131

Tang Xianzu attributes his earlier insights to his teacher Luo Rufang 羅汝芳 (hao Luo

Jinxi 羅近溪, 1515-1588), and he certainly esteems and reveres him. Luo Rufang and many scholars at that time accepted and practiced Daoism. Luo Rufang in fact “would at one time dally with Buddhism and at another with Daoism.”428 Even prominent Neo-Confucian scholars like

Zhu Xi and Lu Xiangshan 陸象山 (1139-1193) “are inclined towards” Daoism;429 Zhu Xi even wrote commentaries on the sacred books of Daoism;430 Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472-1529) admitted having spent thirty years in the study of Daoist literature.431

Luo Rufang was certainly influenced by Buddhism and Daoism. Coming from a family that practiced Buddhism,432 Luo grew up with frail health and could not eat meat. He practiced

Buddhism under the guidance of his parents and read Buddhist scriptures.433 At the age of seventeen, Luo kept Daoist ledgers of merit and demerit and the next year started meditation with the help of water and a mirror.434 Luo passed the provincial imperial exams but gave up on the last exam at the imperial court because of his weak health. He spent ten years visiting learned people from all walks of life within the country, from Confucian scholars to renowned Daoist and Buddhist priests, from astrologers to fortune-tellers.435 Luo followed Wang Yangming’s

Neo-Confucianism, which focuses on innate knowing (liangzhi 良知) and the mind/heart and asserts that one can find all the essential teachings of Confucianism in the Analects of Confucius and Mencius.436 Yet at the age of thirty-four, he visited Hu Zongzheng for three months and

428 De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.]. 308. 429 Ibid.312. 430 Schipper, The Taoist Body. 14. 431 De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.].307. 432 Wuzhen 吳震, Luo Rufang Pingzhuan 羅汝芳評傳. (Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2005).87. 433 Ibid., 89. 434 Ibid., 93. 435 Ibid., 110. 436 Ibid., 112. 132 learned from Hu his interpretation of the Book of Change.437 When he was thirty-nine, he became very ill while passing by Shandong province and chanced upon an “old man from Mount

Tai,” who pointed out the sickness of his heart, which Luo had ignored. Wu Zheng thinks that this old man from Mount Tai might be an illusion during his meditation and believes that this is a

Daoist method of meditation, judging from the words of the old man.438 The last ten years of Luo

Rufang’s life after serving in the court for seventeen years received controversial comments among contemporary scholars. Some scholars believed he deviated from the Confucian path by resorting to mystic practices of Daoism. Li Zhi, however, pointed out that Luo “spent the end of his life with Daoist masters and Buddhist monks, stricken with sickness and afraid of death” and regarded Luo’s affinity with Daoism and Buddhism in a positive light.439 Like Tang Xianzu, who lost his son Tang Shiqu, Luo Rufang lost both sons who were travelling with a Daoist priest to a plague in his later years.440 Luo must have been strongly attached to his sons because he took his grandson to Fujian to have a séance with the dead spirit of his sons.441 His openness to the supernatural in not in keeping with the Confucian understanding of the natural world, and this attitude evoked criticism and ridicule among some Confucian scholars. Throughout hius life, Luo

Rufang was devoted to teaching Confucian values, and was also open in talking about Buddhism and Daoism, which probably led Tang Xianzu to see the compatibility and similarity of the three.

However, devotion to Daoist practice does not mean a blind acceptance of the Daoist worldview, especially when it comes to matters of life and death. Wang Yangming for instance does not believe in immortality. He has in fact advised his students “against trying to become immortals or Buddhas,” yet he did not forbid the study of Daoism “for the sake of achieving long

437 Ibid., 112. 438 Ibid., 124-126. 439 Ibid., 143. 440 Ibid., 144-145. 441 Ibid., 148. 133 life.”442 For his own part, he studied Daoism for “longevity.”443 Just as Wang Yangming was disillusioned with the Taoist promise of immortality when his many years of practice secured for him “loose teeth and gray hair,”444 Tang Xianzu was stricken with disease and frail health after years of practice and was probably also disillusioned with gaining longevity through Daoism. At the end of his life, Tang Xianzu adopted a natural view of death, yet did not pursue immortality, or sever himself from emotions.

His poem composed at the end of his life “On Departing the World” exhibits a Daoist understanding of the world. Tang Xianzu was certainly influenced by Zhuangzi’s understanding of life and death. He wrote seven poems begging his children to find solace after his death, believing that “an enlightened person returns to emptiness” 達人返虛, and “the secular rites are too complicated and stifling” 俗禮繁窒.445 The first poem entreats his children not to wail. “I have always dreaded hearing wailing and crying. Sons and daughters are filial, will naturally follow their temperament. But please do not force it. Be careful not to ask others to cry for the sake of the rituals” 生平畏問哭聲。兒女孝敬，自有至性，不可強也。慎無倩哭成禮.446 In fact, he argues that if “the mourning room was dead-silent, then the grief can be felt”447 帷宮都

遏密，偏覺有餘哀. This is reminiscent of Zhuangzi’s story of the Qin Shi, the Idle Intruder in

“Essentials for Nurturing Life” 養生主 where the Idle Intruder wailed three times for his friend’s death. He mocked the old people who were “crying over him as though they were crying for one of their own sons” and youngsters who were “crying over him as if they were crying for their

442 De Bary, Self and Society in Ming Thought / by De Bary, William T...[Et Al.].312. 443 Ibid., 312. 444 Ibid., 316. 445 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Shiwen Ji.659. 446 Ibid., 660. 447 Ibid., 660. 134 own mother.” He concluded that there must be people who wished not to cry but cried anyway, criticizing them as “fleeing from nature while redoubling human emotions” 循天倍情.448 One can see that Tang Xianzu shares Zhuangzi’s view that false crying against one’s natural emotions is not genuine and departs from the Way. Yet it should also be noted that Tang confirms his children’s genuine filial piety and natural emotions and does not see genuine grief as departing from nature, as Zhuangzi believes. Tang’s belief in genuine qing did not diminish towards the end of his life. Tang went further by composing a forty-one-character eulogy for his guests because “in the past the eulogies that he saw were exaggerated and artificial” 往見奠章，誇揚

爛漫.449 The eulogy expresses hope and wishes for Tang to “return to the emptiness and back to the genuine” 歸虛返真450 as well as the guests’ condolences. Again, one sees Tang’s unswerving belief in simplicity, emptiness and genuine feelings.

Furthermore, in “Ultimate Joy,” Zhuangzi did not weep for his wife’s death but celebrated the natural transformation of life and death by “beating a basin and singing” 鼓盆而

歌.451 Zhuangzi compared the transformation of life and death to the progression of the four seasons, thus guarding his heart from melancholy. Tang Xianzu treated death as a natural process of returning to the void, and asked his children to “clothe him with sackcloth and straw sandals”452 用麻衣冠草履以襲. He tried to simplify the funeral, avoid animal sacrifice, which would pollute the pure emptiness that he sought after, and avoid the underworld money. He also begged his children to avoid a fancy cliff burial, which “dazzles people’s eyes” 誑人眼453 where

448 Zhuang Zi and Mair, Wandering on the Way : Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu.28. 449 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Shiwen Ji.661. 450 Ibid., 661. 451 Zhuang Zi and Mair, Wandering on the Way : Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu.168. 452 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Shiwen Ji. 658. 453 Ibid., 661. 135 the coffins were not interred underground, but stored high up in the caves of the cliffs. He even asked to be swiftly “buried wherever was available” 隨在便安置.454 Tang’s poems therefore not only confirmed his belief in Daoist cosmology, simplicity and the natural transformation of life into death, but also flouted the Confucian conventions of having a meticulous funeral and the detailed and strict instructions for burial and mourning which are stipulated in The Book of Rites.

Yet Tang approved of genuine emotions such as his children’s grief. To Tang, the natural feelings are not foolish or excessive.

In addition to poems touching on Daoist beliefs, Tang’s farewell poems also include one on the Buddhist service, or rather on doing without the service. He believed there was no need to disturb the tranquility of Buddhist monks, but simply asked his sons to chant the Heart Sutra for a few weeks to “serve as the light to cast away darkness” 聊為破暗燈,455 and provide vegetarian meals for the monks. Buddhist funerary rites were popular and very elaborate. In fact, according to Timothy Brook, “at most levels of society in the late-imperial period, the Buddhist tradition was the preferred rites.”456 Buddhist rites included dressing the corpse, a ceremony for the transfer of the soul to the soul tablet, the requiem mass for the soul’s repose with mostly chanting of the Amitabha Sutra, masses that last for a total of seven weeks, services for a hundred days, and three anniversary memorial services.457 The rites are reminiscent of the elaborate Buddhist rites that Chunyu Fen practiced in Nanke Ji to help the deceased ascend to the heavens. Chunyu was able to renounce his foolish desires and become a Buddha in the story. I argued in Chapter

Three that Chunyu’s sudden enlightenment was more likely an instance of irony or mockery,

454 Ibid. 455 Ibid. 456 Timothy Brook, "Funerary Ritual and the Building of Lineages in Late Imperial China," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 49, no. 2 (1989).482. 457 Ibid.481-482. Timothy provided detailed descriptions of the Buddhist funerary rituals and explanations for their purposes. He also cited a description of a Neo-Confucian funeral from a prefectural gazetteer in Hubei in the eighteenth century. The latter is simpler. 136 rather than a reflection of Tang Xianzu’s own belief; here, I would argue, Tang’s own poem and instructions provide further confirmation that Nanke Ji cannot be taken simplistically. Despite his affinity with and devotion to Buddhist traditions, Tang Xianzu did not fully subscribe to

Buddhism, nor did he renounce his faith in qing.

It is also interesting to note that a member of the late-Ming gentry had to make a choice between Buddhist and Neo-Confucian rites for the burial and mourning of a deceased family member. Timothy Brook believes that the Buddhist rites placed family as the focus of the ritual event and were favored by commoners, whereas the Neo-Confucian ones made the lineage central focus and were favored by the gentry.458 At the end of the fifteenth century, The Family

Rituals (jia li 家禮), which was attributed to Zhu Xi, was circulated among the educated.

However, only some of the gentry practiced the Neo-Confucian rituals in the south. By the sixteen century, the practice spread to the north as well, with statements appearing in the local gazetteers. By the seventeenth century, Zhu Xi’s work was “second in popularity only to the

Analects according to the Jesuit missionary Jean-François Fouquet (1665-1741).”459 The Neo-

Confucian funeral rites include offering ritual libations, singing verses from The Book of Songs, inscribing the banner of accomplishments and ancestral tablet, funerary progression to the grave and the interment, weeping for a hundred days and transferring the soul tablet on the ancestral altar.460 Not only is the Neo-Confucian funeral more expensive than the Buddhist funeral, but it also “offered little spiritual comfort” to the bereaved as its focus was on conferring the status of ancestor to the dead.461 The Buddhist rituals promise those who suffer loss that there is an afterlife for the departed, and that the living are still connected to them, and can help “ease their

458 Ibid., 490. 459 Ibid., 480. 460 Ibid., 482, 486. 461 Ibid., 491. 137 passage beyond this life.”462 Tang Xianzu’s instructions on his own funeral ignored most features of the Confucian rituals, clearly favoring a simple and natural funeral which reflected a Daoist worldview. The consolation that Buddhist rituals and sutras can bestow on the grief-stricken people may have drawn Tang Xianzu to the scriptures; his lifelong friendship with Daguan when he was bereaved of his children and kinsmen no doubt also influenced him in this regard as well.

Although Tang Xianzu dismissed the lavish Buddhist services for his own funeral, he asked his children to chant the Heart Sutra several times, perhaps out of his wish to offer consolation to the living.

Comparison of the Original Story “Zhenzhong Ji” and Handan Ji

The original story “Zhenzhong Ji” was composed by Shen Jiji in the Tang dynasty. It ends with Lu Sheng’s awakening from a dream, his repentance over desiring and pursing wrong things in life, and his attainment of a deeper understanding of the meaning of life. “He took a bow and left”463 in the story. Whereas the last scene in Tang’s play, “Gathering the Immortals,” is entirely Tang Xianzu’s addition. I wish to argue that the last scene cannot be read at face value, but rather it reflects Tang Xianzu’s struggle with dream and reality, and his distrust of the Daoist pursuit of immortality. Throughout the play, Tang Xianzu also exposes the affected and material qing that traps mundane people. Readers and spectators are given a full dose of irony in Tang’s play, which is not present in the original story.

One sentence that stands out is Lu Sheng’s lamentation that “I’ve been hindered by qing all my life.”464 Quite similar to Chunyu Fen’s carnal qing for beautiful women, it seems that

Lusheng’s qing refers to his obsession and desire for women, wealth and fame. Tang Xianzu was

462 Ibid., 492. 463 Mao Xiaotong 毛校同, Tang Xianzu Yanjiu Ziliao Huibian. 1256. 464 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji.528. 138 determined to denounce and ridicule this disingenuous qing, which was embodied in excessive attachments to worldly things and pleasures. Zhang Guolao, the eldest immortal, points out that he “has become foolish thinking about serving in the court and gaining fame.”465 He further notes Lu Sheng’s attachment to qing even after he becomes a disciple of immortal Lü; upon reaching the Penglai Island, Lü scolds him, “Although you have reached the desolate mountain, it seems that you haven’t severed the foolish qing (chi qing, 癡情). I will invite the immortals to refresh your memory. You will repent each experience.”466 Recognition of his own folly is not enough to become an immortal. The foolish qing should be completely abandoned through repeated repentance and exercises of oblivion. He instructs Lu Sheng to “ask Tieguai Li to smash the pillow into pieces; and ask He Xiangu to pass on the broom to sweep away the withered petals; Sweep until there is no flower and no ground which is not rare; Sweep until you forget about the broom, and the dustpan, one is finally not foolish.” 467 It is noteworthy here that Zhang

Guolao seems to blame the pillow for Lu Sheng’s dream of a life time as he instructs another immortal to destroy the pillow which is the source of Lu Sheng’s attachment. Shen Jifei echoes such a belief in his preface, that “the extreme grief, extreme joy, extreme departure, extreme reunion, are all the result of the pillow.”468 The eight immortals then take turns pointing out the emptiness and hypocrisy of his marriage, scholarly learning, merits as an official, suffering, pleasure and kinship. Hou Wailu believes that the ironic descriptions of society in Lu’s dream evoke people’s resentment.469 It doesn’t take immortals to realize the hypocrisy and absurdity of

465 Ibid., 538. 466 Ibid., 530. 467 Ibid., 538. 468 中國古典戲曲序跋叢編 Cai Yi 蔡毅, Zhongguo Gudian Xiqu Xuba Huibian.1263. 469 侯外廬倫湯顯祖劇作四種 Hou Wailu 侯外廬, Lun Tang Xianzu Juzuo Sizhong 論湯顯祖劇作四種. (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1962). 42. 139

Lu Sheng’s pursuit. The qing that fettered Lu Sheng in the play is not genuine love that moves heaven and earth, but carnal desires for pleasure, wealth and fame.

First, Tang Xianzu satirizes erotic qing driven by physical desires, which is prone to infidelity and indulgence. It is especially poignant when it is revealed in the end that Lu’s beloved Ms. Cui is none other than his donkey. From the very beginning, Lu’s marriage to Cui is simply a matter of expediency. When Cui introduces herself, she says that “住這深院重門，未

有夫君 I live deep in this mansion behind several doors, and I do not have a husband yet.”470

When Lu enters her house by mistake, the second question she asks him is about his family members, from which she learns that he is single. It is almost too convenient that Cui immediately proposes two solutions, “to settle in private, or in the court” 私休還是官休.471 The private settlement refers to his marrying into Cui’s family, to which Lu immediately answers yes.

Since Cui “came from a prominent family dating back generations, not an ordinary one”世代榮

華，不是尋常百姓家 while Lu “behaved in a crafty and sly way” 行奸詐472, why did she propose marriage? Lu admits to being an educated “scholar dealing with scrolls of books all his life,” 黃卷生涯473 which might be one reason. But perhaps the bigger reason is Cui’s own desires for a good-looking man. Before proposing the solution, Cui asks him to raise his head to see if his appearance is attractive enough. When she is satisfied with his looks, she offers two choices, knowing that any sane person would choose marriage over court punishment. When he goes away for a shower and changes his clothes, she asks the maidservant what he is like. The maidservant thinks Cui was inquiring about his demeanor and intellectual capacity, and answers,

470 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji.58. 471 Ibid., 64. 472 Ibid., 62. 473 Ibid., 58. 140

“he is elegant and talented, neatly dressed with the bearing of a scholar” 盡風華，衣冠濟楚多

文雅. 474 Cui however asks in a low voice, “how was his inner talent,”475 referring euphemistically to his sexual virility. It is clear that Cui and Lu’s speedy marriage is the product of their physical desire for pleasure.

As described earlier, pleasure is given free rein in the last few scenes, perhaps reflecting

Tang Xianzu’s disapproval of controversial Daoist sexual practices. In the original story, the author points out that the eighty-year-old Lu Sheng was living a “luxurious and indulgent” life style, hosting “the most beautiful and talented female singers in his backyard” 後庭聲色，皆第

一綺麗.476 Tang Xianzu, however, tapped into his own imagination and wove in shocking details of Lu Sheng’s licentious life to which Tang attributed Lu’s own death. Therefore, Tang Xianzu’s attitude towards qing in the form of purely sexual pleasure is clear: it is lethal, and should be warded off.

Second, Lu Sheng’s worldly qing includes his desire for wealth and fame. His desire to be a Prize Candidate of the imperial exam and to obtain a high position in the court as well as the strong value he attached to the pursuit prompt Lü Dongbin to offer him the pillow to fulfill his wishes and to teach him the futility of his pursuit. Here, Tang Xianzu employs deep irony in condemning this futile attachment. Through Lu Sheng, Tang Xianzu aimed to portray the commonly held beliefs among scholars, which Tang presented cuttingly through Lü Dongbin’s conversation with the two customers dressed in silk and satin. The two customers think that

“alcohol, sex, wealth and temper, are the basic traits of human beings” …酒色財氣，人之本

474 ibid., 66. 475 Ibid., 66. 476 Zhang Chenghuan 張澄寰, Zhongguo Dazhong Xiaoshuo Daxi 中國大眾小說大系/1/古代卷. (Beiyue wenyi chubanshe, 1994).“枕中記”. 29. 141

等.477 Lü responds that “those who consume alcohol will rot their belly” 使酒的爛了脅肚,

“those who have short temper will burst their chest” 使氣的腆破胸脯, “those who value wealth will become slaves to money” 急財的守著家兄 and “those who are eager for sex will be enslaved by their wives” 急色的守著院主.478 This debauched life style and self-indulgence can only bring about one’s ruin. His love for fame does not die at his deathbed. He is so attached to his past grand feats that he is worried that compilers might miss recording something. He even asks Eunuch Gao, “what title I will get when I am dead” 身後加官贈諡.479 He also instructs his wife to “take off the court dress and hat, keeping them in the mourning hall for his offspring to pay respect to” 解了朝衣朝冠，收在容堂之上，永遠與子孫觀看.480 It is evident that he is deeply entangled in the desire for fame.

The attachment to fame starts with the imperial exams. Even the value of scholarship is contested in the play, where all the titles within the court can be bought with money. Cui encourages Lu to pursue a career in the court, to which Lu Sheng replies that he took so many exams but the examiners only favor those “who have wealth and power” 豪門貴黨.481 Cui assures him that she has some well-established relatives in the capital. More importantly, she has

“an older brother with whose help and recommendation, it would be effortless to be the Prize

Candidate in the exam” 一家兄相幫引進，取狀元如反掌耳.482 She explains later that “my older brother is none other than money. All my money will be at your disposal to bride your way up” 家兄者，錢也。奴家所有金錢，盡你前途賄賂. Lu Sheng is not ashamed by this

477 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji.24. 478 Ibid., 24, 26. 479 Ibid., 488. 480 Ibid., 494. 481 Ibid., 90. 482 Ibid., 92. 142 immoral transaction or by the rampant corruption at the court; instead, he is quite pleased by the prospect of a promising career: with all the money, “every word of my essay will be as beautiful as a pearl or a jade” 則小生之文字字珠玉矣.483 Tang Xianzu himself was thwarted in his pursuit of a career in the court because he rejected being part of the court’s corruption and dishonesty. The ending verse reflects Tang Xianzu’s frustration with court culture and his mockery of the contemporary depraved society and corrupt government: “how many pennies is a top candidate of the imperial exam worth” 狀元曾值幾文來.484 Not only can one buy a title for oneself, one can also ask for a title for others through one’s connections. In the original story, it is briefly mentioned that Lu Sheng’s sons all occupy important positions in the court. In the play,

Lu Sheng “wanted to ask Eunuch Gao for a position for his youngest son” 意欲和這小的兒再討

個小小應爵.485 True scholarship and merits are brushed aside. What mattered is one’s wealth, power and connections. Yet an official title was the be-all-and-end-all goal for most scholars at that time. Tang Xianzu himself attempted several times to serve the emperor in the court. Only after being exiled for offering advice to an incompetent and money-grubbing emperor did he realize the futility and irony of his own pursuit. Yet many other scholars were still lost in this dream of searching for recognition and fame, as they believed that their sense of self-worth could only be realized through serving the court as a Confucian official-scholar.

Tang Xianzu continues to ridicule this pursuit through the grandiose service Lu Sheng renders as an official. While Lu Sheng is in charge of excavating the canal, the soldiers encounter the hard rock of Chicken-Feet Mountain and Bear-Ear Mountain where shovels fail to work. Lu’s proposes an almost preposterous idea involving the five elements: “since iron doesn’t

483 Ibid., 94. 484 Ibid., 96. 485 Ibid., 490. 143 work, let me cook the mountains away with salt and vinegar” 你道鐵打不入，俺待鹽蒸醋煮

了他.486 Although everyone laughs at the idea, Lu continues to explain his plan, using wood to burn the mountain and pouring vinegar onto it so that the rocks split. He then spreads salt on the mountain in order to turn the rocks into water. Everyone is shocked that after spreading the salt, the rocks are turned into water. Given Tang’s affinity with Daoism, did Tang take this Daoist idea of transformation of the elements seriously? Judging from the comical names of the mountains, and the meticulous instructions on how to apply salt and vinegar which can only be intended as ironic, it is clear that Tang Xianzu derided this attempt and mocked the corrupt governance at that time, where local officials siphoned money from the people, yet only made absurd and useless contributions to the community.

The futility of public service is further aggravated by the fickle mind of the emperor who decides the wheel of fortune for his subjects. To say that Lu Sheng has experienced some swift turns of fortune would be an understatement. After building the canal, Lu invites the emperor to inspect, and prepares a lavish reception with a thousand singing girls, delicacies, and so on. The great efforts “brought a smile to the emperor’s face” 得近天顏微笑.487 The emperor then asks another official, Pei Guangting, to compose an essay to “praise Lu’s merits” 以彰盧生之功.488

When the former general dies in the battle with the Tubo troops, the emperor follows Yuwen

Rong’s ill-willed recommendation to send Lu to the dangerous battlefield, forgetting about his merits. When he defeats the Tubo troops, “the emperor was overjoyed” 萬歲十分歡喜489 conferring on him a title and a position at the court. Yet because of a malign impeachment letter

486 Ibid., 154. 487 Ibid., 200. 488 Ibid., 204. 489 Ibid., 274. 144 by the jealous Prime Minister, Lu Sheng is charged with treason, and is “to be brought to the

Yunyang execution ground and be brought to death in public without delay” 即刻拿赴雲陽市，

明正典刑，不許違誤.490 The fickle mind of an incompetent ruler is echoed in the Tubo kingdom where the Tubo emperor executed Prime Minister Xi Luo after seeing leaves trickling down a stream perforated with words “he would rebel.” Because of Cui’s exquisite poem begging for the emperor’s pardon, Lu Sheng is restored to his position and lives in prosperity for the next fifty years. Tang Xianzu thus cuttingly depicted Lu Sheng’s qing in this play as attachment to the worldly pursuit. Tang exposed the corruption and injustice behind the imperial exams, the pompous and ludicrous feats that officials boast and the extreme turns of fortune suffered by the officials at the mercy of an incompetent emperor. Even with the emperor’s recognition and favor, the subjects can be brought to ruin like Lu Sheng by their own indulgence in pleasure. Lu Sheng claims to be trapped by qing all his life. This qing is exactly what

Buddhism and Daoism say should be severed, the thirst for material existence and attachment to wealth, power and sex. In the last play, Tang Xianzu ridiculed the corrupt government and the futility of the Confucian model of serving the court.

The Quest for Immortality

Since Tang Xianzu attacked the Confucian values and the pursuit that trapped Lu Sheng so bluntly, did he embrace the Daoist pursuit of immortality as dramatized in Lu Sheng’s experience in the last scene? Hou believes that at the end of the play, Tang Xiangzu walked into the immortal world, and delved into passive “skepticism.”491 It is not surprising that Hou Wailu, a strong follower of Marxism and Communism in the early twentieth century, criticized the

490 Ibid., 304. 491Hou Wailu 侯外廬, Lun Tang Xianzu Juzuo Sizhong. 45. 145

Daoist renunciation of all worldly pursuits. But his premise was that Tang Xianzu wrote the last scene piously and religiously because Tang also shared the same Daoist belief as Lu Sheng and other immortals. However, in light of an ironic depiction of the dream world, how can one be sure if the immortal world should be read seriously or ironically? Is the immortal world but another dream? Where does dream end and reality start?

The question of telling dream from reality intrigued Zhuang Zi when he dreamed of the butterfly, and it resurfaces to puzzle Lu Sheng, Tang Xianzu and many others. Zhuang Zi thinks that “we cannot determine whether we who are speaking now are awake or dreaming.”492 Zhang

Guolao asks Lu Sheng “were you really dreaming,”493 implying that his fifty-some years of ups and downs of life may have been real after all, which throws the “realness” of waking up into an immortal world into question. Lu Sheng himself even casts doubt on his current “real” situation as the petal-sweeper immortal, “Old Master, your disciple is foolish. I am afraid that today’s encounter with the immortals is also a dream.”494 Thus the question of what is dream and what is reality remains before the reader’s mind. Yuan Hongdao for instance wrote in his general commentary to this play that “since the Daoist immortal Way even falls in to the shadows of dreams, then how can one obtain the big awakening.”495 Although for Yuan Hongdao, a

Buddhist practitioner, the way to obtain the answer is to “ask the Buddha,” his doubt that the immortal world in the last scene may be merely a dream is clear. Liu Shichan echoes Zhang

Guolao’s question in a preface in 1616: “a dream of sixty years is thus real; why does one have to rigidly believe that Lu Sheng has been dreaming this on a pillow?”496 Tang Xianzu himself is also intrigued by this blurred line between dream and reality. In his own preface to the play, he

492 Zhuang Zi and Mair, Wandering on the Way : Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu.62. 493 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji.530. 494 Ibid., 542. 495Mao Xiaotong 毛校同, Tang Xianzu Yanjiu Ziliao Huibian. 1244. 496 Ibid., 1246. 146 says that “only I lament that Lu Sheng in the shadowy affairs of the world, in deep slumber and sleep talking, ended in death and woke up after one cry. One can wake up when the dream dies.

What would happen when one really dies?”497 Coincidentally, Hamlet has similar thoughts wondering about what kind of dreams would one dream about after one dies—“for in that sleep of death what dreams may come when we have shuffled off this mortal coil.”498 Shen Jifei also realizes the connection between dream, death and awakening, writing that “life and death, is awakening from big dreams; awakening from dreams is a small life and death” and that “if one does not dream, one lives; if one does not wake up, one dreams.”499 He further argues that “the mundane world is a dream; the immortal world is also a dream. Waking up from the mundane world is a dream; the immortal dream is also awakening.” In Shen’s mind, life is a big dream.

One eventually wakes up after death. There are people who do not realize the evanescent nature of the mundane world and thus do not wake up. Although they wake up every morning physically, they live in a dream. There are those who dream of the immortal world, but who have been awakened to perceive the deeper realities of life. One cannot grasp or comprehend what is beyond death; one can barely grasp the present. As Tang Xianzu points out, the reason behind the difficulties of telling reality apart from dreams is that, “those who left the dream and woke up from the journey, cannot tell things apart while inside the pillow.”500 As long as one is in the dream, one cannot tell if it is a dream. By the same token, as long as one is living in the world, one cannot tell if this world is real or not until one goes beyond. Does this reflect Tang Xianzu’s own doubts that the spiritual encounter with Daoist immortals may also be a dream? I believe the answer is a resounding yes. Lu Sheng dreamed for over fifty years and he never suspected that

497 Cai Yi 蔡毅, Zhongguo Gudian Xiqu Xuba Huibian.1262. 498 Hamlet W. Shakespeare and H.H. Furness, Hamlet, (Lippincott, 1905). 220. 499Cai Yi 蔡毅, Zhongguo Gudian Xiqu Xuba Huibian. 1263. 500Ibid., 1263. 147 his world was a dream until after he died in his dream. Lu Sheng, who was instructed to sweep the petals away in the immortal island, may also be living in a dream and can only find out by leaving this immortal existence. It seems that Tang Xianzu posits that it is impossible to know for sure if Lu sheng’s Daoist immortal life is a reality or a dream while one is still alive living some sort of existence. Only after death can one be awakened to perceive with clarity the nature of the previous existence. Although Lu Sheng claims that “it is easy to wake up from the unreal, but I am afraid it is difficult to recognize the real,”501 the truth is that it is equally hard if not impossible to recognize the unreal. He himself was unable to tell for sure if the immortals that he encountered were not part of another dream. The immortals reassured him by saying, “why are you playing with your own spirit, like a foolish person who cannot tell dream from reality; After all, the immortal dream is more stable.”502 But this answer that reality is a more “stable” dream is inadequate. The immortals’ words mocking Lu Sheng for his inability to perceive the reality of the immortal world serve almost as Tang Xianzu’s mockery of the immortals’ words that it is easy to tell dream from reality, the latter being more stable. In fact, the certainty with which the immortals mock Lu Sheng reflects an obsession that blinds one to reality. Again, a literal reading of the ending of the play, which is teeming with irony and philosophical deliberations of the meaning of life, would be inadequate and unjust. Tang Xianzu definitely scoffs at the sickening and ugly events occurring at the corrupt court, the vanity of obtaining an official position of fame, the appalling contrast between a lavish and licentious lifestyle and the miserable lives of the poor and the slavish worship of money. Yet I do not agree with Hou Wailu that as a result of his perception of this harsh reality, Tang Xianzu retreats passively into a Daoist renunciation of everything in the mundane world, including qing. Recognizing the futility of striving for fame

501 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖, Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, and Shuofang 徐朔方, Handan Ji.542. 502 Ibid., 542. 148 and wealth does not entail a passive renunciation of life. Instead, it gives one the wisdom to wake up from a meaningless existence. Yet to Tang, the ultimate reality of life can only be known after death. It is entirely possible that Daoist beliefs are another set of dreams. For that matter, the Buddhist world may also be an empty dream. The immortals’ assurances offered to

Lu Sheng are too simple to be taken at face value. It may very likely be Tang’s mockery of the immortal Way rather than his pious belief in the Daoist pursuit of immorality. Tang’s own preface to Handan Ji in fact reflects his doubts about dream and reality and the possibility of being awakened to the truth in this life.

Therefore, contrary to what many scholars believe, his shortest play does not represent a passive renunciation of the world or a retreat into Daoism, but reflects his struggle to achieve awakening and enlightenment from the dream-like mundane world of wealth and fame and his realization that this may not be possible as long as one is living in the dream or in this world.

To conclude, like many late-imperial scholars such as his esteemed teacher Luo Rufang,

Tang Xianzu pursued a career as a scholar-official, but was deeply immersed in Buddhist and

Daoist philosophy and beliefs. Yet like Wang Yangming he was also skeptical of the Daoist promise of immortality. He was also not able to sever qing and sing happily at a funeral like

Zhuangzi, and probably did not wish to emulate Zhuangzi. He placed great emphasis on the zhen, genuineness and authenticity of one’s heart and mind in Daoist philosophy, and legitimized genuine qing in this light. In his farewell poems, he asked for a simple but heart-felt funeral. He dismissed an expensive and complicated Confucian funeral, which focused on venerating the dead and exaggerating their accomplishments. He also rejected an elaborate and exhausting

Buddhist funeral to help him ascend to the heavens. He opted for the Daoist funeral as he shared the Daoist view of returning to the emptiness and the real source of everything. His faith in 149 genuine qing never wavered and survived the challenges from other religions. Qing doesn’t fit well with the affectations of Confucian rituals; qing is taught to be eradicated in Buddhism; yet the qing that is natural and genuine can seek shelter with Daoism. Most Daoist practitioners were married, unlike their celibate Buddhist counterparts. Daoist emphasis on returning to the unaffected and truthful legitimized genuine qing. Given the flexibility that Daoism provided to

Confucian scholars who were drawn to its philosophy, Tang Xianzu thus kept his faith in qing under the auspices of Daoism and further equated genuine qing with the unadorned Way which gave birth to everything. Yet he was skeptical of the Daoist promise of immortality. Although

Tang understood the Buddhist and Daoist wisdom in treating death as a continuation into the next existence, he was never able to be detached and nonchalant in facing the death of his loved ones. The year before he died, he was still “inconsolable in losing his parents 慟吾親.503 Not only did he grieve for the deceased, he also loved the living deeply, consoling them with the

Heart Sutra. His own deep attachments to his friends and family may have “hindered” him from taking the leap of faith to be a Daoist master like his grandfather, or to be a Buddhist monk like

Daguan. In the end, I believe that he remained a faithful believer in genuine qing and sifted out the carnal and disingenuous qing through the fine net of Buddhism and Daoism.

503 Tang Xianzu 湯顯祖 and Shuofang 徐朔方, Tang Xianzu Shiwen Ji.657. 150

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION Liu Shixing, a Qing scholar, acknowledges Tang Xianzu not only as some “song/theatre immortal” but also as a “loyal subject,” a “filial son,” an “upright and virtuous scholar.” He believes that Tang Xianzu incorporated part of himself into the roles in the plays in order to educate the world.

People used to think of the Four Dreams as transgressions against alcohol, sex, wealth and morality: Nanke Ji, alcohol; Mudan Ting, sex; Handan Ji, wealth; Zichai Ji, morality. What people do not know is that the Master Xuanqi in Nanke Ji, The Magistrate in Mudan Ting, the immortal Lü in Handan Ji and the chivalrous knight in Zichai Ji are all Tang Xianzu himself. He embodied the characters, which is already unique. His painstaking efforts to awaken the world can be seen in his works. How can one slight his achievement as some foolish person talking about dreams!504 Tang Xianzu not only interspersed his own values and beliefs in the plays, but also elevated qing in his theatre to the level of the omnipotent and mysterious life-giving Daoist force. Although

Tang Xianzu followed a Confucian career path where he met with many frustrations and setbacks due to the corrupt court and an incompetent emperor, he was disillusioned with the worldly pursuit of fame and fortune. His belief in theatre however never wavered. His faith and passion for theatre arises from his faith in the evocative and educational power of qing. It is the qing which actors and actresses present in the plays, and which audiences feel in response to the plays, that is able to transform society for the better, as he makes clear in the Epitaph. Qing is in fact not that different from the pity and fear that tragedies evoke in the spectators, which

Aristotle so valued. Despite the comic mode of the plays, the intensity of the qing and of some tragic moments elicited strong responses. To Tang Xianzu, the pity and fear that his plays

504 Cai Yi 蔡毅, Zhongguo Gudian Xiqu Xuba Huibian.1259. 151 evoked in people not only engrossed the spectators and readers, but also transcended the boundaries and limitations of that time and gave them an almost religious status. Was this faith in the cult of qing altered, given that his last two plays were about Buddhist enlightenment and

Daoist transcendence? In Chapters Three and Four, I examined the complex and pregnant endings of both plays, showing that they should not be read simplistically, and that they cannot support the thesis of Tang’s blanket renunciation of qing. Despite his deep sympathy with the doctrine of Buddhist dharma and with Daoist tenets, Tang Xianzu was not able to accept the contradictions of the Buddhist eradication of emotions and the commendation of compassion.

Nor was he convinced of the Daoist promise of immortality, which might also be an empty dream. Rather than being a foolish person talking about dreams, he was a wise person who realized that he was in a dream, and his effort was to awaken the rest of the world to perceive the deeper reality of life and the futility of worldly pursuits. Behind all this, is his faith in authentic qing, which was refined and polished by the trials of his personal life, his thwarted Confucian career, and his exposure to Buddhist and Daoist beliefs.

152

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