DOCSLIB.ORG

The Great Qing Code Contained the Collection of Laws Written Over a Period of More Than 2,000 Years by China’S Ruling Dynas- Ties

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Great Qing Code Contained the Collection of Laws Written Over a Period of More Than 2,000 Years by China’S Ruling Dynas- Ties The Great Qing Dynasty in 1820 Qing Code: LAW AND ORDER DURING CHINA’S LAST DYNASTY THE GREAT QING CODE CONTAINED THE COLLECTION OF LAWS WRITTEN OVER A PERIOD OF MORE THAN 2,000 YEARS BY CHINA’S RULING DYNAS- TIES. THE QING, CHINA’S LAST DY- NASTY, BROUGHT THE CODE TO ITS ULTIMATE FORM. China’s first laws emerged from customs, traditions, and declarations by regional rulers. The first written code of laws appeared in 536 B.C. The purpose of the code was to control the people and maintain order. In 221 B.C., the Chin Dynasty arose and established the first centralized Chi- nese empire ruled by an emperor. This accomplishment was greatly aided by a Foundation Wikimedia law code written by Chin officials called The Qing came from Manchuria, in the northeast, which contained the provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Liaoning. “Legalists.” Their idea was to eliminate special privileges for those of high status years. In 1740, Emperor Qianlong ap- and treat everyone equally under the The Qing Dynasty proved the Statutes and Sub-Statutes of law, thus protecting the weak from the The Qing (pronounced “Ching”), the Great Qing known today as the strong. The Legalists also believed in China’s last dynasty, ruled from 1644– Great Qing Code. harsh punishments for law violations to 1912. The Qing originated in Manchuria, a land northeast of China. In the early prevent crime and disorder in society. The Great Qing Code The followers of Confucius (551– 1600s, Manchuria was a possession of The Great Qing Code of 1740 estab- 478 B.C.) opposed the Legalists. Con- China ruled by its Ming Dynasty. In lished the ultimate format of China’s fucians taught that the emperor, family 1636, Manchu leaders drove the Ming criminal and civil laws, which included ancestors, senior relatives, and those out of Manchuria and proclaimed their laws reaching back more than 2,000 of higher rank, such as government of- own Qing Dynasty to rule the country. years. The Code was basically a set of in- ficials, should be treated with great re- In 1644, the Manchus invaded structions to local officials, known as spect. Therefore, the penalties for China during a massive peasant revolt magistrates, as well as to higher author- offenders should differ, depending on against the Ming, which caused the em- ities. These instructions attempted to their family and social ranking. peror to commit suicide. The Manchus state the punishment for every possible Confucians also rejected mandat- crushed the revolt, occupied the capital offense that the emperor believed was ing harsh punishment for each crime. (now called Beijing), and established necessary to maintain law and order. They favored making the punishment the Qing as China’s new ruling dynasty. At first glance, the Code was a fit the seriousness of the offense based Over the next 150 years, Qing armies “book of punishments” as the Legalists on the circumstances of a case. conquered the rest of Ming China and would have liked it to be. But in prac- Over the centuries, Legalist and expanded China’s control over Taiwan, tice, the judicial system focused on the Confucian legal principles merged in Mongolia, Tibet, and Central Asia. facts of cases and the wording of laws the laws approved by each emperor. Meanwhile, Qing emperors restored in order to make the punishment fit the The first comprehensive law code was order throughout China and put Chinese offense, as the Confucians preferred. produced during the Tang Dynasty in and Manchu officials together to run the The first part of the Code began A.D. 653. After that time, each ruling empire’s bureaucracy. The highest offi- with “The Five Punishments.” This dynasty revised and added to the code cials, however, were always Manchu. was a schedule of the traditional penal- of the previous dynasty. China also de- The Qing began work on their code ties used throughout the Code for both veloped a judicial system of local of laws in 1646 when the emperor criminal and civil law violations. They courts and an elaborate criminal re- adopted the Ming Code. Changes and were ranked by severity: view procedure. new laws were added for the next 100 6 WORLD HISTORY (c) 2015 Constitutional Rights Foundation | Bill of Rights in Action (Vol. 30, No. 3) 1. The lightest penalty was a beating with the light bamboo stick. There were five degrees from 10 to 50 strokes. Its purpose was to physically punish and also to make one feel ashamed. 2. The next level of punishment was beating with the heavy bamboo stick. The degrees ranged from 60 to 100 strokes. (The number of strokes was later reduced by the Qing after the dimensions of both the light and heavy bamboo beat- ing sticks were enlarged.) 3. Penal servitude required forced labor in a region different from one’s home province. Its purpose was to enslave and disgrace the law violator. This punishment involved an amount of time, ranging from one to three years, plus 60 to 100 Commons Wikimedia strokes of the heavy bamboo stick. A depiction of the punishment of a beating with the heavy bamboo stick. There were no prisons, only lockups where accused persons and some- collar, tattooing, and paying a sum of magistrate to sentence by analogy. This times even witnesses were held money to substitute for a sentence meant that the magistrate had to find a pending the outcome of a case. called for by the Code. The substitu- statute or sub-statute in the Code that 4. Exile for life was considered a se- tion option usually just applied to came close to describing the act in the vere penalty since it removed a per- women, those over 70, children under case and apply its punishment. son from family and rituals at the 16, and government officials. The magistrate might also choose graves of ancestors. The degrees of The Code contained nearly 4,000 to sentence an offender to 40 strokes this punishment were based on punishable offenses. Over 800 called for of the light bamboo or 80 strokes of how far from home the convicted the death penalty, although many con- the heavy bamboo for doing “that person had to go (about 700 to demned lawbreakers received reduced which ought not to be done.” In de- 1,000 miles) plus 100 strokes of the sentences after their cases were reviewed ciding which penalty should apply, the heavy bamboo stick. This penalty by higher authorities and the emperor. Code instructed the magistrate to “con- was sometimes used by the em- The Code’s statutes (laws) were sider whether the offense is serious or peror because “he cannot bear to not organized by subject. Instead, they minor and, according to the circum- inflict the death penalty.” were placed under the name of each stances, adjudge the penalty.” 5. The death penalty originally had government department to which they “Every law comes into effect the two degrees: strangulation with a applied. The departments included ad- day it is [proclaimed],” the Code de- cord and beheading. But the Qing ministration, revenue and some civil clared. “If the offense was committed added a third degree of death by law matters, rituals, the military, pub- [before] that, the punishment should “slicing.” This was a slow death by lic works, and the Board of Punish- nevertheless be determined under the numerous cuts to the body fol- ments (which handled criminal new law.” Thus, the Code did not ban lowed finally by beheading. It was matters). The Code contained 436 ex post facto laws. reserved for especially wicked statutes and hundreds of sub-statutes. crimes such as treason and mur- One of the key principles of the Criminal Law Procedure dering a parent or grandparent. Code was the Confucian idea that sen- China’s justice system developed Death penalty sentences were ei- ior members and males within a fam- along with the laws in the Great Qing ther “immediate” or “delayed” ily held superior status. For example, Code. Criminal law procedure began until the annual Autumn Court the punishment for a son striking a with the magistrate. He was a local met to confirm or recommend a re- parent was beheading. But there was government official in charge of tax duction of sentence to the em- no penalty for a parent striking a son collection, the public granary, educa- peror. The emperor had to approve unless the son died. Even then, the tion, religious rituals, military defense all death penalty sentences. penalty was less than death. of his city, and many other duties, in- A magistrate had to tie his verdict cluding that of a judge. He was not There were other punishments in and punishment to a statute in the trained in the law, but he usually hired addition to the traditional five. These Code. When no statute directly ap- a secretary who was knowledgeable included whipping, wearing a wood plied to a case, the Code advised the about the Code. WORLD HISTORY 7 (c) 2015 Constitutional Rights Foundation | Bill of Rights in Action (Vol. 30, No. 3) Excerpts from Great Qing Code Criminal Statutes The Board of Punishments con- Statute 266. Theft with Force (Robbery) ducted yet another investigation of the In the case of theft with force when it has been committed but no property has been facts in a case. The board was almost taken, each [offender] will receive 100 strokes of the heavy bamboo and exile. But entirely concerned with the correct de- if property is obtained from an owner, do not distinguish between principal and ac- gree of punishment rather than guilt or cessory.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Limitations on Legal Privilege in the Tang Code Wallace Johnson the University of Kansas
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks 23 Limitations on Legal Privilege in The Tang Code Wallace Johnson The University of Kansas The section called “The Confucianization of Law” in Ch’ü T’ung-tsu’s Law and Society in Traditional China has had great influence on views of Chinese law ever since the book’s publication in 1947.1 Much of his essay describes the legal privileges that separated the upper classes from the commoners and to a great extent protected the former from punishment.2 The stand of this class of persons was always that reflected in The Book of Rites (Li ji 禮記 ) which stated that: “Punishments do not extend up to the Great Officials (xing pu shang tafu刑不上大夫).”3 This was particularly true in the centuries following the collapse of the Latter Han 後漢dynasty (25-219) at the end of the second century A.D. During this time, there was a resurgence of feudalism, the great families dominated China, and the central authority was weak. Dynasties came and went like a game of musical chairs. And as early as the Wei 魏dynasty (220– 265), a group of laws that codified special privileges for those at the highest levels of the political and social hierarchy appeared. They were called the Eight Deliberations (ba yi 八議) and were modeled on a similar set of regulations contained in the Rites of Zhou (Zhou li 周 禮 ), a utopian constitutional document that appeared in final form during the first part of the 4 Former Han 前漢dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Jingjiao Under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology
    religions Article Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology Chin Ken-pa Department of Philosophy, Fu Jen Catholic University, New Taipei City 24205, Taiwan; [email protected] Received: 28 May 2019; Accepted: 16 September 2019; Published: 26 September 2019 Abstract: Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of “political theology”. When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (oY) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of “political theology” and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of “ideologies” between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court’s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court.
    [Show full text]
  • The Old Master
    INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi.
    [Show full text]
  • Chen Gui and Other Works Attributed to Empress Wu Zetian
    chen gui denis twitchett Chen gui and Other Works Attributed to Empress Wu Zetian ome quarter-century ago, studies by Antonino Forte and Richard S Guisso greatly advanced our understanding of the ways in which the empress Wu Zetian ࣳঞ֚ made deliberate and sophisticated use of Buddhist materials both before and after declaring herself ruler of a new Zhou ࡌʳdynasty in 690, in particular the text of Dayun jing Օႆᆖ in establishing her claim to be a legitimate sovereign.1 However, little attention has ever been given to the numerous political writings that had earlier been compiled in her name. These show that for some years before the demise of her husband emperor Gaozong in 683, she had been at considerable pains to establish her credentials as a potential ruler in more conventional terms, and had commissioned the writing of a large series of political writings designed to provide the ideologi- cal basis for both a new style of “Confucian” imperial rule and a new type of minister. All save two of these works were long ago lost in China, where none of her writings seems to have survived the Song, and most may not have survived the Tang. We are fortunate enough to possess that titled ๵ complete with its commentary, and also a fragmentary۝ Chen gui copy of the work on music commissioned in her name, Yue shu yaolu ᑗ ஼૞ᙕ,2 only thanks to their preservation in Japan. They had been ac- quired by an embassy to China, almost certainly that of 702–704, led టԳ (see the concluding section of thisضby Awata no ason Mahito ொ article) to the court of empress Wu, who was at that time sovereign of 1 See Antonino Forte, Political Propaganda and Ideology in China at the End of the Seventh Century (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale,1976); R.
    [Show full text]
  • Making the Palace Machine Work Palace Machine the Making
    11 ASIAN HISTORY Siebert, (eds) & Ko Chen Making the Machine Palace Work Edited by Martina Siebert, Kai Jun Chen, and Dorothy Ko Making the Palace Machine Work Mobilizing People, Objects, and Nature in the Qing Empire Making the Palace Machine Work Asian History The aim of the series is to offer a forum for writers of monographs and occasionally anthologies on Asian history. The series focuses on cultural and historical studies of politics and intellectual ideas and crosscuts the disciplines of history, political science, sociology and cultural studies. Series Editor Hans Hågerdal, Linnaeus University, Sweden Editorial Board Roger Greatrex, Lund University David Henley, Leiden University Ariel Lopez, University of the Philippines Angela Schottenhammer, University of Salzburg Deborah Sutton, Lancaster University Making the Palace Machine Work Mobilizing People, Objects, and Nature in the Qing Empire Edited by Martina Siebert, Kai Jun Chen, and Dorothy Ko Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: Artful adaptation of a section of the 1750 Complete Map of Beijing of the Qianlong Era (Qianlong Beijing quantu 乾隆北京全圖) showing the Imperial Household Department by Martina Siebert based on the digital copy from the Digital Silk Road project (http://dsr.nii.ac.jp/toyobunko/II-11-D-802, vol. 8, leaf 7) Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout isbn 978 94 6372 035 9 e-isbn 978 90 4855 322 8 (pdf) doi 10.5117/9789463720359 nur 692 Creative Commons License CC BY NC ND (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0) The authors / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2021 Some rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, any part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise).
    [Show full text]
  • Costume, Ceremonial, and the East Asian Order: What the Annamese King Wore When Congratulating the Emperor Qianlong in Jehol in 1790
    Front. Hist. China 2012, 7(1): 136–151 DOI 10.3868/s020-001-012-0008-0 LECTURE NOTE Zhaoguang Ge Costume, Ceremonial, and the East Asian Order: What the Annamese King Wore When Congratulating the Emperor Qianlong in Jehol in 1790 Abstract Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty celebrated his eightieth birthday in 1790, for which Vietnam, Korea, the Ryūkyū Islands, Burma, and Mongolia sent delegates to the imperial summer resort at Chengde 承德 to pay homage. Curiously, the Annamese (or, Vietnamese) king NguyễnQuangBình (阮 光平), who had just defeated the Qing army, offered to appear in Qing costume and kowtow to the Qing emperor. The unusual act pleased Emperor Qianlong and infuriated the Korean delegates. What did costume and ceremonial mean in the context of the East Asian political and cultural order? Why did the British embassy to China led by Lord Macartney three years later cause friction with regards to sartorial and ceremonial manners? This lecture will address these questions. Keywords East Asian political and cultural order, costume and ceremonial, Emperor Qianlong , Vietnam, Korea Introduction: Three Thoughts Today, it is my honor to give a talk in the famous Fairbank Center for China Studies. This talk is, to a great extent, a tribute to Professor John Fairbank, because I am going to tell a story that happened on the eve of Western “impact” and East Asia’s “response,” a topic that Fairbank often addressed. My story explores the change and negotiation of the East Asian international order prior to the arrival of strong ships and potent weaponry from the West.
    [Show full text]
  • Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge in And
    Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès To cite this version: Vincent Durand-Dastès. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around ” The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl ” , a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China. Michael Lackner. Coping with the future: theories and practices of divination in East Asia, Brill, 2017, Sinica Leidensia, 9789004346536. hal-01695407 HAL Id: hal-01695407 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01695407 Submitted on 29 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Divination, Fate Manipulation and Protective Knowledge In and Around “The Wedding of the Duke of Zhou and Peach Blossom Girl”, a Popular Myth of Late Imperial China Vincent Durand-Dastès The story of the wedding of Peach blossom girl is a rather peculiar comic and magic narrative of late imperial China, first appearing at the end of the Yuan dynasty and afterwards continually retold and restaged. Its protagonist is a divine fortuneteller named Zhougong 周 公 (literally, “the Duke of Zhou”) who goes down into the world to open a soothsayer shop.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Cultural Resources of Taoist Landscape Architecture in Qingcheng Mountain Tan Huicun Tourism College of Sichuan
    Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 80 International Conference on Education, Culture and Social Development (ICECSD 2017) Analysis of Cultural Resources of Taoist Landscape Architecture in Qingcheng Mountain Tan Huicun Tourism College of Sichuan Agricultural University *email: [email protected] Abstract. Qingcheng Mountain as a Taoist mountain, Sichuan important tourist destination, rich in tourism and cultural resources. Qingcheng Mountain as a national 5A-class tourist attractions, which contains the rich Taoist landscape cultural resources constitute Qingchengshan tourism cultural resources is an important part of the tourists is an important source of attractiveness. Keywords: Qingcheng Mountain, Taoist landscape, Cultural resources, Tourism. 1 Introduction Qingcheng Mountain as the fifth cave of Taoism, after the operation of it has a rich Taoist landscape cultural resources. It is important to enhance the cultural experience of tourists in the tourism experience, and to explore its inner cultural connotation, to enhance the visibility and attractiveness of Qingcheng Mountain and to enhance the cultural experience of tourists in tourism. 2 A Survey of Taoist Landscape Cultural Resources in Qingcheng Mountain Taoist landscape, it refers to the Taoist architecture as the core component of the unified natural space, socio-economic elements of the overall characteristics of the collection and space system. Qingcheng Mountain as one of the birthplace of Taoism, the mountain area is rich in Taoist landscape cultural resources [1]. In the temple, gong, guan, dian, tang, miao, tai, lou, ge, guan, she, xuan, zhai, lang, que, men, tan, yu, ta, xie, fang, qiao became a part of the landscape of the Qingcheng Mountain Taoism.It greatly enriched the Qingcheng Mountain Taoist landscape cultural resources and connotations.
    [Show full text]
  • Xinshuacademy.Com Jeffrey Yuen’S Seminars 2021
    The Seminars of Master Jeffrey Yuen 2021 Edition - live streaming The Seminars of Master Jeffrey Yuen May 7, 8, 9, 2021 - live streaming Friday May 7, 2021 The 6 Sounds Qigong Saturday and Sunday May 8-9, 2021 The Study of Heart and Small Intestine Meridians xinshuacademy.com Jeffrey Yuen’s Seminars 2021 From 1998, Xin Shu is the only Institution authorized to deliver the Seminars of Master Jeffrey Yuen in Italy. Jeffrey C. Yuen is a Daoist priest, one of the world’s leading experts inChinese Medicine. He belongs to the 88th Yu Qing Huang Lao Pai generation (Jade Purity Yellow Emperor Laozi School), and the 26th generation of the Quan Zhen Long Men Pai School (Complete Reality School Dragon Gate School), Jeffrey Yuen has been designated by his adoptive grandfather, Yu Wen, as his spiritual heir, the continuer of an ancient oral tradition. An outstanding expert in Classical Chinese Medicine, Chinese Herbal Medicine and Mar- tial Arts, Master Yuen chose Xin Shu as the Italian partner for the transmission of his great knowledge and vast understanding. With great pride and infinite gratitude, we present the 2021 edition of the Seminars of Master Jeffrey Yuen, delivered, for the first time, worldwide vialive streaming. Never as in this moment of struggle against the pandemic that afflicts our planet, we need the teachings and guidance of Master Yuen. We are looking forward to being with you, as always. A warm greeting. Rosa Brotzu President of Xin Shu APS Xin Shu Programme Three days live streaming Seminars, with Jeffrey Yuen. + Six Q&A sessions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Grandeur of the Qing State
    Recording the Grandeur of the Qing: The Southern Inspection Tour Scrolls ASIAN TOPICS IN WORLD HISTORY of the Kangxi and Qianlong Emperors Asia for Educators | Columbia University THE GRANDEUR OF THE QING STATE Madeleine Zelin, Faculty Consultant SUBTOPICS The Qing state inherited a long tradition of Chinese bureaucratic • FOUR ASPECTS OF QING GOVERNMENT rule and a political system that was of great interest to many IMPRESSIVE TO WESTERN OBSERVERS: European thinkers, such as Voltaire (1694-1778), Francis Quesnay 1. Emperor and the Mandate of Heaven ÙSidebar: French Physiocrats' Admiration of (1694-1774), and Gottfried Leibniz (1646-1716), in the late 1600s Chinese Imperial System and early 1700s, when Europeans were beginning to consider 2. An Integrated Bureaucracy changes to their own political systems. The Chinese system of ÙSidebar: Benefits of Imperial Rule 3. Examination System for Entry to Government bureaucratic rule was unprecedented in human history, and it Service contributed greatly to the ability of the Qing dynasty to rule over ÙImage (Online Only): Posting of the a vast territory and to do so in a way that was fair and that also Examination Results 4. Government of "Elite Commoners" brought the benefits of imperial rule to a large number of ÙSidebar: Chinese Notion of Political Legitimacy people. [Read more about the influence of the Chinese political • GOVERNMENT BUREAUCRATS WITH LOCAL system on thinkers of the European enlightenment (PDF)] AND IMPERIAL ORIENTATIONS ÙSidebar: Emerson, Voltaire, Meadows: Admirers of Chinese Ideas on Government • QING POPULATION GROWTH AND ITS EFFECTS FOUR ASPECTS OF QING GOVERNMENT IMPRESSIVE TO WESTERN • TWO QING INNOVATIONS: TAX POLICY AND THE SECRET PALACE MEMORIAL SYSTEM OBSERVERS OF THE TIME 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Research on the Reform of Mushi Tusi and Its Influence
    2018 International Conference on Educational Research, Economics, Management and Social Sciences (EREMS 2018) Research on the Reform of MuShi Tusi and Its Influence Shuang Liang Southwest Institute of Nationalities, Southwest Minzu University, Chengdu, 610041, China Keywords: Mushi Tusi; Replacement of Tusi chieftains with government-appointed officials; Policy of Controlling Tibet Abstract: During the 470 years of the existence of Mushi in Northwest Yunnan, it was the epitome of the rise of China's Tusi system from the Yuan Dynasty to the prosperity of the Ming Dynasty and the decline of the Qing Dynasty. The reasons for the reform of Mushi Tusi can also fully reflect that the existence and abolishment of the Tusi system is influenced by the central dynasty's borderland policy. By combing the process and its influence on the reform of Mushi Tusi, this paper makes it clear that the reform of Mushi is related to the adjustment of the Qing government's policy on Tibet and to ensure the smooth route of the Qing army to Tibet. 1. Introduction The Mushi Tusi in northwest Yunnan rose from the Yuan Dynasty, reached its peak after the Ming Dynasty, and finally was diverted in the early Qing Dynasty. During the 470 years of its existence, "When the army came to attack, they bowed down and became king when they retreated, so there was no great war for generations, and there were plenty of minerals, and the leader was richer than any other leader." [1]Mushi Tusi for the Naxi people in the Han, Tibetan and other ethnic struggle in the gap to survive, while the continuous development, but also for other ethnic minorities in Northwest Yunnan to create a relatively stable living environment; As a local leader, he made positive contributions to the construction of the border and the control of Tibet by the central government on the basis of regional stability.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Alternative: Kang Youwei's Confucian Reforms in The
    China’s Alternative: Kang Youwei’s Confucian Reforms标题和包含列表的内容布局 in the Late Qing Dynasty • 在此处添加第一个项目要点 • 在此处添加第二个项目要点 • 在此处添加第三个项目要点 ZongFang Li Rhodes College Source: The Qianlong Emperor's Southern Inspection Tour, Scroll Six: Entering Suzhou along the Grand Canal Research Questions & the Origin of Research What happen to the Five books and Four Classics 四书五经? Why Modern China have an anti-Confucian sentiments? Why did China went through an age of revolution? Were there efforts of reforming China through a more peaceful transition instead of a revolution? Was it possible for China to form a Constitutional Monarchy similar to Japan? Source: The red guards were destroying Confucian temples during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s Was Confucianism an inevitable obstacle for China’s modernization? Historical Contexts of Modern China and the Qing Dynasty 1800 1636 1644 to 1912 The Civil Examination 1939 Reached Reach its Establishment of Qing Governed China in by Neo-Confucian The Opium War peak in terms of the most Chinese way Standard empire size “One Hundreds Years of Humiliation” 1840-1895 1850-1864 1850s-1895 1895 1911 to 1949 Losing Hong Kong, Ili, Taiping Rebellion The Tongzhi Restoration The First Sino- Revolution and Taiwan, Annam (Vietnam) & The Nian & The Self-Strengthening Japanese War Division and the unequal treaties Rebellion movement Reasons behind the “100 Years of Humiliation” Corruptions Population Growth 551-479 BCE Confucius What Poverty were the problems High inflation rate and inflow of foreign behind capital the Qing dynasty? Lack diplomatic experiences because of the tributary systems Scientific and military gap without the 1130-1200 Industrial Revolution Zhu Xi and Neo- Confucianism Natural disasters “Confucianism was the problem” Wang Anshi in Song dynasty (960-1276) tried to conduct reforms, making examination more practical and building a stronger royal army.
    [Show full text]