other than the author are used in accordance with

Urban segregation t purposes. reproduction is strictly prohibited. fi clichy-sous-bois | paris

kathrin riemenschnitter

m. arch I

thesis submitted to the faculty of the virginia polytechnic in- stitute and state university in partial fulfi llment of the require- ments for the degree of

master of architecture

chair prof. hans rott committee member prof. donna dunay committee member prof. heinrich schnoedt unless otherwise noted, the images herein are the original work of the author. all images reproduced herein from sources unless otherwise noted, the images herein are original work of author. april 29th 2008 blacksburg campus│virginia the fair use clause. of any and all images or quotations is strictly for educational non-pro author’s note: urban segregation│clichy-sous-bois│social segregation│prefabricated building│social housing this thesis investigates, whether or not, and to what abstract degree architecture effects the urban and social segregation of suburbs which are built prima- rily to house industrial labor in times of economic growth. the city of clichy-sous-bois, which became well known because of its riots in 2005 was the par- ticular focus of this study. the work informs the reader about the historical background of clichy and its dedicated french metropolis paris. it gives back- ground information about the riots of 2005 and today‘s situ- ation of the banlieue. then, the thesis follows some general examples about the “hauss- mannisation” of paris and gives a short insight in the statistical coherences of crime and urba- nism. after that, it takes a quick look at special housing examp- les in east-germany and vien- na. it concludes with a summary and comparison of researched information and a possible proposal to improve the con- ditions in clichy-sous-bois. abstract

section

introduction

definitions urban(e) segregation social segregation migrant banlieue integration

0-11 clichy sous bois

2-3 history 6-7 riots section situation and upgrading 10-11 measures

12-47 studies

haussmann napoleon paris 12-13

14-17 crime and urbanism

prefabricated buildings, 18-27 18-21 eisenach-nord, east-germany

22-25 social buildings, vienna/schöpfwerk, austria 26-27

summary 28-33 idea/proposal 34-59

60-65 sources

60-63 iterature page 64-65 picture introduction

why is someone writing a the situation? and what can ween crime and problems thesis about urban segre- architecture do to improve of urbanism. then I analysed gation? and why would one the quality of life in clichy? some comparable examp- choose the city of clichy- clichy represents only one les, which were built around sous-bois? of many suburbs worldwi- the same time. I informed de that was built to house myself about the prefabri- the fi rst time I heard industrial labor and expe- cated houses in the former about clichy was becau- rienced economic and so- german democratic republic se of the riots in 2005. cial decline after the indus- (gdr) and the schöpfwerk in I read a lot of articles about try closed and moved away. vienna, austria. in addition, those riots and their cir- to understand the circum- I extended my view on the cumstances. in particular stances of the situation, I traditional and still success- the questions of liability analysed the history of cli- ful social housing in vienna. for the actions in the ban- chy and searched for back- at the end of my thesis I lieue came up. In most of ground information for the make a proposal, how ar- the literature the role of ar- riots. I dealt with the “haus- chitecture could improve the chitecture was discussed smannisation” of paris to living-quality in clichy. along with the lack of social understand the historic de- all information used, I recei- programs and missed op- velopment of the banlieues ved from books and through portunities for integration. around paris and picked internet research. all sources the main question emerged: up something about the are listed in the bibliography is architecture to blame for possible connection bet- at the end of the book. urban “a degree of density and mass of development, also a certain complexity of social and physical systems”1)

urbane „attribute referring to an elevated standard (and adhesion to) of qua- lity” 1) banlieue direct translated banlieue means inviolable precincts and is the french word for suburb. in a historical sense it implies the trade zone, directly around the middle age city, where it was for- segregation bidden for foreign tradesman to „when people of different classes, offer their products. races, sexes, or religions are kept apart so that they live, work or stu- defi nitions after the french revolution and es- dy seperately”1) pecially with the “haussmannisati- on”, the upper class banished the lower class in the banlieues, in or- social segregation „can be political, economic and ba- der to gain better control. after the sed on certain groub preferences, revolution, especially in paris, the such as sexual preferences, eating proletariate caused many street habits and status within corporate fi ghts in the city center or public social structures”1) since the 1970´s, banlieue has be- come a derogatory term, implying slum conditions, for the quarters migrant around the center of french big „is a person following employment cities. opportunities or other attractors today it stands for regions with which are tied to a particular loca- many immigrants and social tion or are seasonally determined, housing. banlieue epitomizes a such as agricultural harvesting, fi - high rate of unemployment, crimi- shing or industrial processes which nality and drug distributions. follow global production patterns.”1)

integration „the process of either eliminating segregation through increase in ab- sorption of diverse components of social structures into a new whole or the growth of existing meta- structures through engaging new component structures into their normal functioning. also refer to as assimilation“1) 0 1

clichy sous bois 2 3

history

clichy started as a little village a lot of industrial sites needed emigrants, refugees or people next to the forêt de bondy and to be closed or were moved to with migration-background. the initially was a desirable place other locations. because of the main part of inhabitants are to live. changing work situation, lots of coming from an islamic back- workers moved with the com- ground and the old french colo- at the beginning, clichy was in- panies out of clichy, too. nies in africa. tended to be a village for better situated parisians but with the only the least mobile poor re- industrial boom in the 60´s and mained and still form the popu- 70´s of the 20th century, the lation base of the village. this french economy grew fast and started a trend towards deteri- heavy industry was located oration of any economic base next to clichy. still present. failing to be able to raise rents the underfunded because of the need of many housing stock soon followed new homes for the industrial the decline and is in deplorable workers and forced by a lack condition today. of time for preparation, prefa- bricated residential building at present clichy-sous-bois is blocks were installed. unfor- one of the poorest suburbs of tunally after a relatively short the capital city paris. clichy is time, like in a lot of other cities, well-known for its high rate of the big industrial boom was fol- unemployment and diversity. a lowed by a slowing economy. large part of the population are © by kathrin riemenschnitter 6 7

riots

no respect, rather discriminated against. the current president and then in school they get taught civil interior minister, nicolas sarko- no prospects, rights and outside at the gate zy, titled them scalawags, dirt no hope, of the school are posted the and sleaze and fed with this three keywords of the french reaction the local anger and revolution: outrage causing an already in- no future... cendiary situation to escalate. liberté, égalité, fraternité! the clichy situation was used by imitators as a model for si- but the young people of clichy milar unrest in other parts of are not benefi ting by any of it. the country resulting in proper- they are living in their own iso- ty damage. some of this took lated world and spend their place out of sympathy for the time with street brawls and tragically killed adolescents, small-time criminal acts. they but most just to get attention. do not feel respected and no- the majority of young people in ticed. since then clichy and its poli- clichy-sous-bois belong to the ticans are more than ever in- third generation of citizens of nobody is interested in their terested in solving the grievan- the town. lives. only when they started ces in the city and started some all of them are french citizens burning cars and apartments, major urban projects, which and speak french fl uently, and with that destroying french should be fi nished by 2010. nevertheless they are not ac- status symbols, they got the cepted by french society but public’s attention. © by kathrin riemenschnitter 10 11

situation and upgrading measures

after the riots in clichy the go- the politicians planned in the ments, the renovation of 129 vernment and various social grand projet de ville to connect social apartments. moreover organisations tried to help the clichy with the metropolis paris, three malls should be torn down situation of the inhabitants with to demolish and reconstruct and replaced by two new ones. many different social and eco- the run down buildings, esta- nomic projects. they are trying blish socially mixed quarters then they are going to re- to improve the living conditions and to develop or redevelop construct and build streets and in clichy. public spaces and services. public spaces. the whole pro- because clichy itself can only ject follows the idea of a very clichy‘s economic base was provide 40 percent of the nee- rural space plan with a lot of severely diminished; in the ded capital, it gets other public green spaces. 1980‘s, Clichy and the neigh- support. the funds are subdi- boring suburb of Montfermeil vided in diverse parts, 80% is after the riots in 2006 some joined in order to gain more going in apartments/living, 9% artists started a small social economic support, thus hoping in urban structures, 7% public project in remembrance of the to improve the deplorably low institutions/services and 4% two killed youth in 2005. they standard of living and their mi- for the payment of the hired made pictures of the citizen of serably bad housing stock. engineers. the now started clichy and presented them in its main issues are to improve project pru (projet de rénovati- an exhibition. this project had the infrastructure, living con- on urbaine) stands around 480 the goal of uniting the people ditions and to support youth- million euro. of clichy and to help them to projects. especially families its key elements are the de- identify with their city. with migration background molition of 1398 and the re- should receive aid. construction of 2000 apart- 12 13

haussmann | napoleon III | paris

paris of today is the result of a narrow, dirty city center and body who actively supported after long discussions of the major renovation process in the the better situated people mo- the change. he was inspired reconstruction theme it was 19th century. this process was ved out to the healthier, clea- by the reconstruction of london fi nally decided to act on it and carried out with a certain bruta- ner border of the town. and brought in the new vision this radical urban vision was lity and, at the same time, this at this time, paris did not have of paris as a metropolis and realized. by cutting rigorous- was commensurate with its im- any working sewage or traffi c leading industrial city. ly through the old urban mass portance. system that would make it able the city was given a chance to to serve the overly dense in- napoleon III found a good „breathe“ again. the historic organical grown pa- creasing demands of the over- counsellor in the prefect ris developed itself more and loaded population. very early georges-eugène haussmann. but every pro is followed by a more to a dirty rundown, place on, various artists called atten- both envisioned an urban plan con. and breeding ground for epide- tion to these issues, but it took that forms the appearance of driven by this plan, a major part mics. the lower class was parti- a while until the government the city today. of the historic cityscape was de- cularly affected. reacted because its members stroyed and the poor population on the whole lived segregated they planned the renovation was now strategically displaced for a long time, the government in the periphery of the city. of the city center and the sur- to the banlieues. still affected of paris was only interested in rounding districts. by the revolution, the govern- the extension of the city bor- after several street battles and this reorganization involved ment thought they would gain ders and not in the restorations increasing barricade fi ghts, the broadening and straightening better control over the rebel- of the city center. this facilitated governing heads of paris beca- of streets and their connec- lious working class outside of a segregation of the diverse me aware of the need to chan- tion through sight-axis (boule- the city center. in fact, the rich social classes. the rich and the ge the situation. vards). napoleon III and haus- moved to the city and the poor poor separated into different Then, with the reign of napo- smann made regulations for a population was banished to the quarters. the poor lived in the leon III, the city found some- uniform facade design as well. defi cient, connected banlieues. 14 15

crime and urbanism

in cities the density accompa- cial-control-perspective, which nying urbanism is not alone happens at the micro-level, the reason for crime. social, where the person feels uncom- economic and moral circum- fortable because of „social dis- stances primarily promote and order“. this is shown in „ruinous determine crime. buildings, paroles on walls and loitering adolescents and drug- crime is caused by demogra- junkies“.2) phic, economic, and social factors. the effect of urban another variable is the social- planning and architecture is problem-perspective, which debatable, but they have, at exists at the macro-level where least, an effect on crime. the person’s fear is affected by media. sociology differentiates bet- ween various kinds of fear of even if the direct connection crime. between crime and architecture on the one hand there is the is diffi cult to establish, there is victimization perspective, indication that public spaces where an individual fears that exist which promote such no- direct implications of crime tions of fear. a more informed and violence designate him or planning and design approach her as a victim. could potentially redirect toward furthermore, there is the so- a positive perception.. 16 17

statistics and studies show there is only minimal informal in a study of the city of basel that areas with the most city- social and formal control. (switzerland) from 1995, men functions and biggest mass of and women were asked which people carry the highest densi- areas in a city they avoid and ty of crime. circumvent because of fear. interestingly, most of the crimi- the most named situations were nals do not live in these loca- subways, parking garages, tions. the delinquents have, in streets, parks, forests and cer- the most cases, no or a lacking tain quarters of the city. these social and spacial connection. areas were avoided during day they live often in very cram- and night time. ped and isolated conditions, in reality these locations are the carrying with them a high level ones with the smallest acts of socialization defect and a multi violence. -faceted confl ict. but more vital locations like many are coming from a low bars and restaurants, wich sug- socio-economic environment gest a higher degree of saftey, and constitute fringe group are the areas with the highest minorities. in a lot of cases the crime rates. especially during percentage of youth are very night time, people prefer spa- high. they are living crowded,

cious streets to narrow alleys. in overfi lled apartments and © by kathrin riemenschnitter 18 19

eisenach-nord east-germany (past german democratic republic) 20 21

prefabricated residential housing east germany

the uniform residential housing what was happened? in 15 big residential areas with blocks have been built becau- in 225,700 buildings, about se of the lack of apartments as after the fall of the wall in no- 300,000 apartments remained a result of the world war II. vember 9th 1989 and the ger- empty. man reunifi cation, the fake today they are the social boi- local economy plummeted. in response to this situation the ling point in eastern germa- many industries closed and a government and the different ny. unlike in earlier times, the lot of people in the eastern part cities tried to counteract the prefabricated building blocks of germany lost their jobs. structural and social breakdown now act as a collection point of with renovations, reconstruc- immigrants, asylum-seekers, in the following ten years, tions, or demolitions. many re- welfare-recipients, as well as around 2 million people left constructed buildings, like the an incubator of racism and the housing blocks. on one residential blocks for the expo crime. hand, people wanted to satisfy 2000 in leinefelde, which were their vision of the new western very appealing to new custo- the dream for many german dream to own their own house. mers. democratic republic citizens on the other hand, they were regarding the urban micro-cos- satisfi ed to fi nd a better-paid mos with its own infrastructure job in the west. was displaced into the satellite- city. the solidary social-mixed the poorest individuals re- house community succeeded mained in the empty apart- in an ethnically and socially ments. out of approximately 3 uniform area. million apartments, distributed 22 23

schöpfwerk vienna austria 24 25

social housing vienna

the social housing in vienna ditional bath and laundry facili- maintains a long tradition sin- ties, child and daycare centers, ce the early 20’s when the fi rst and shops. building of this style was built. in its basic conception, the the city of vienna quickly beca- social housing was designed me aware of the fact that the to upgrade the living circum- quality had to be more impor- stances of immigrants. tant than quantity, especially in social buildings. all buildings in order to address the threat are not only very detailed in of cumulative health problems, their space plan and functions, a big focus was put on direct but also in the design of their air ventilation and natural il- facades. The various buildings lumination of the apartments. possess countless unique qua- every apartment received an lities with the additions of de- individual view to the street corative elements such as little or backyard, in addition to oriels, special colored stucco, the direct access to daylight. sculptures, statues, decorative both types of apartments are fountains, mosaics, and wall similar, including their own and ceiling paintings. balcony or loggia, while all apartments feature their own there is a large spectrum of mo- sanitary facilities. most of the tifs.many of them strongly sym- social housing units have ad- bolizing social progress. 26 27

schöpfwerk vienna

the residential area at the very important and characteri- and cultural aspects of urban schöpfwerk in the 12th munici- stic for the mode of operation life.“ 4) they also could be asked pal district of vienna, was built is the relationship between the to be the connector between in the 80´s of the 20th cen- social worker and individual the before listed institutions of tury. according to the census inhabitant. helper and resi- government (politic, admini- in december of 2006, 7,675 dent respected each other as stration). in their whole work migrants from circa 20 diffe- equals and kept in contact with they counted on the initiative rent nationalities were living one another in a continuous di- of the inhabitants themselves, in the buildings. the average alog. the inhabitants were not the so called empowerment. age was between 30-35 years. guided in a dominating fashion in their decisions. they were until now, this strategy has wor- the schöpfwerk was distinguis- empowered by the social wor- ked out very well and is very hed by its good socio-political kers to solve upcoming social, much accepted and appreciated environment. onsite, specially economic and moral problems by the people of the schöpfwerk. trained social workers helped by themselves. the workers un- the only potential of confl icts is the inhabitants to orientate derstood their position as “pro- the building condition because and integrate into their new vocateur of the luck to be auto- of the lack of acoustical privacy. surroundings. to integrate the nomous” 3) and saw each other migrants, also beyond the bor- in the position of a confi dant, ders of the residential area, neutral troubleshooter and a the infl uence area of the so- kind of confl ict arbitrator. they cial workers contained the tried to familiarize their pro- neighbouring regions, as well. tégé with „economic, spatial, structural, ecological, judicial

28 29 →

summary

in my research, I found several each of those fi elds, all areas themselves with the area and work to new locations. several similarities between the diffe- speak in uniform architectural with the work connected to the apartments stayed empty. no rent areas of clichy-sous-bois, language. In all regions, the region. they had been fulfi lling new residents wanted to move the prefabricated housing in the prefabricated buildings defi ne a societal role. in the morning in. the owners of the apartment past gdr (german democratic the urban appearance. hours people left for work buildings missed rental income republic), and the schöpfwerk and in the evening they came and therefore did not renovate in vienna. during the time of the industrial home and met their familys or the buildings. the apartments boom, the prefabricated buil- friends(which worked for the lost their value and the rent every area has a signifi cant dings did a great job to incre- same company too). sank. the buildings deteriora- proportion of the social low- ase the shortage of housing for ted. the employed inhabitants er class. the stratum involves the industrial workers. for that the gdr-buildings have been moved out and the poor people poor or citizens living in preca- time period, the newest and especially popular because moved in, most of which were rious conditions, immigrants, most cost effi cient technology they promised an upgrade welfare recipients. refugees, and asylum-seekers. was used, while a very fast of the living standards at the unemployment rate is in all construction time was main- that time. many of the resi- today these regions mark the cases very high as well. tained. dents enjoyed the feeling of biggest problem zones in the new luxury with their very cities. they are the retention ba- all researched areas, which these residential areas func- own sanitary arrangements. sins for disadvantaged groups. were built between the big in- tioned as long as all environ- it is in these areas that the fi ght dustrial booms of the 1960´s mental components of industry in the 1980´s and 1990´s the with social brutalization began. until the early 1980´s, under- and employment were fulfi lled. industry shrank. as a matter with the disappearance of the went or are still undergoing so- the work and the labor union of fact, a big part of the wor- industry and work, the identifi - cial and economic segregation. defi ned the circadian rhythm of kers left the residential building cation with themselves and the considering the architecture in the inhabitants. they identifi ed blocks. they moved with their region disappeared. only those 30 31

) ) ?

)

remained who had no hopeful in clichy, there are a lot of ur- more attractive again. they be- priority to the quality of each outlook towards the future or ban, social, and economic gan initiating a lot of architec- building. all houses are more of any opportunities for tangible project operating in parallel. tural and urban redevelopment an elaborate architecture, rather improvement. the big goal is the improve- projects. they were driven by than the fast built living blocks ment of the infrastructure and the facts that this area, had presented in the other examp- this situation primarily reveals living standards in the suburb. the highest vacancy, as well les. to each and every social that architecture alone cannot areas are being reconstructed as the highest rate of building building is attached a special solve existing social, economic, and reorganized where possi- demolition compared to the decorative element. nowadays and moral problems. architec- ble and destroyed and rebuilt other two examples. social housing in vienna is very ture and urban planning and where necessary. established. more than ever, it design can only furnish suppor- based on the examples of stands for innovation in residen- ting environments for positive the schöpfwerk in vienna is the cooperative social housing in tial housing and is of interest to and progressive social and in- most successful and long-la- Vienna and studies relating several well known architecture dividual circumstances.archi- sting program so far. crime and urban sociology, offi ces (coop-himmelb(l)au, tecture can only provide room in the area with the biggest va- one may get a preliminary delugan&meisel). the existing for life, but it cannot be the sole riance of nationalities, a group impression in which areas ar- apartments are very popular in remedy for existing socio-politi- of social workers engaged po- chitecture and urbanism might every social class. cal problems. sitively. they gave integrative positively effect the quality of help to the inhabitants and life in the various urban quar- a cursory examination of le in all areas, the government or their neighborhoods. ters. corbusier‘s “unité d‘habitation“ other socio-political organiza- hints that the numeric density tions started more or less suc- in the example of eisenach- contrary to the prefabricated of a high- or mid-rise alone may cessful social and architectural nord, the government and the houses of the gdr, the social not necessarily lead to social projects. town started to make the city housing in vienna gives more segregation. from an architec- 33 33

→

tural point of view, it is perhaps loggias or terraces. in the form unstructured and desires a ho- top could be transformed into a the repetitive production and of usable rooftops (corbusier) mogenous organization. semi-public community area. assembly of bland and uncon- or additional semi-public room clichy requires more than an Also, the remaining free space sidered units that are missing on one of the fl oors in the buil- upgrade of the building sub- needs a new defi nition and the esprit and cleverness of the ding (niemeyer). stance. it needs a whole rede- could be used as additional unité and the viennese social sign, reorganization and a new little allotments, like “schreber- buildings. an opposite example are the defi nition of public, transitional garten”. buildings of le corbusier and and private areas. nevertheless, the high rise in niemeyer. they provide the clichy lack space. they lack a community with semi-public the apartments need to be ad- sense of inner spaciousnes for space in the form of usable opted to the new needs of their self-development of their resi- rooftops (corbusier) or additio- inhabitants. this means an in- dents and they miss transitional nal semi-public room on one of crease of the apartment size space between public and pri- the fl oors in the building (nie- and a decrease of the numb- vate areas. at the moment, the meyer). er of units per building, which apartments are too small for the also includes a whole reorga- needs of their residents. room the public recreational areas, nization. for existential things are not like parks, green spots and present such as working, lear- forests, of clichy, are also very the entrances need a new de- ning, playing or simply storage undefi ned. parking spaces fi nition and have to be more space. even important transiti- and garages are very unorga- recognizable. the addition of onal areas are missed, where nized, in a sense of openness loggias and balconies give the people meet and communicate and clarity. the whole area of residents an additional open- on areas such as balconies, clichy seems very unclear and private space. the unused roof- idea/proposal

 34 35

?

40 41

my proposal of steps to improve the existing building substance and its direct surrounding

)

step one steps % % removing of the façade to light up the apartments with more natural light

in this case displacing the small windows with a c whole transparent façade

step two

making the fi rst fl oor more transpa- rent and clear & giving it a new function

in this case removing parts of the existing wall d and give it the function of a half- open parking garage

 42 43

step three

lighting up the main traffi c space

in this case removing some of the fl oor levels

outside the traffi c core and redefi ne  some of the fl oors as loggias and e balconies

step four

increasing the living volume and % decreasing the quantity of apart- ments

in this case adding extending cubes and rear- f range the organization of apart- ments

% %

step fi ve +six

revitalizing and reusing the rooftop g and thereby creating an additional community space

in this case using the roof as secondary gar- den for all inhabitants of the house through adding little cubical gar- dens. it is a place where people can relax or meet and has also a socia- lizing function for the tenants h 44 45

step seven

upgrading the direct surroundings of the building and light up the fi rst fl oor

in this case installing of water basins to get re- i ( fl ection and additional light in the fi rst fl oor

step eight

celebration of the entrance

in this case the ramp acts a big entrance ge- sture and is symbolic of a tongue that captures the inhabitants in the j ( step nine upgrading and orga- nizing the surroun- dings of the building. creating an outdoor, public and semi-pu- blic space in this case building a public space and a kind of plaza in the front and creating a pri- vate-public garden space next to the building. both spaces ( are functioning as community spaces, where people can meet. every apart- ment of the house has its own garden- parcel(s) and can be used independently k ( by their owners 4774

50 51

my proposal is a multi-family house with a variable cube sy- stem. the entrance and main ser- ving space is in the center of the building. the private traffi c space is always on the inside of every cube, which widens the spectrum of apartment possi- bilities. one cube has the size of approximately 45 sqm. the 45 added outside extension has around 20 sqm. 45 + 20 the inside of the cubes is varia- ble. there are also many possi- bilities to add to the cubes. the 45 + 45 cubes can be arranged hori- zontally and vertically. 45 + 45 + 20 the house should be a home for all people from all social 45 + 45 + 45 classes and backgrounds.

45 + 45 + 45 + 20

45 + 45 + 45 + 45

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 20

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 20

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 20

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 20

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45

45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 45 + 20 ... 52 53

schemata different building types

→ →

↑ ↑

↔ ↔ ↔ ↔ ← ←

proposal proposal

south-north east-west → → ← ← ↕ ↕ ↕ ↕ ← ←

old old 54 55

m 1: 10 kathrin riemenschnitter 56 57 59 60 61 defi nition 1) handed out by prof. hans c. rott; wikipedia: banlieue, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banlieue, 2.12.2007; banlieue, http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banlieue, 2.12.2007. history of clichy wikipedia: unruhen in frankreich 2005, http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unruhen_in_Frankreich,1.02.2008;

unrast-verlag.de bernhard schmid, zu den unruhen in den französischen banlieues –hintergründe und auswirkungen-, 11.11.2005, http://www.unrast-verlag.de/unrast,3,0,246. html, 2.13.2008;

ostblog.de emmanuelle piriot and kamil majchrzak, frankreich- eine art selbst verstümmelung, linked in the internet from michal stachura/perma link, 4.20.2006, 9.39pm, http://www.ostblog.de/2006/04/frankreich_eine_art_selbstvers.php, 2.14.2008; interview of emmanuelle piriot and kamil majchrzak, translated from bernhard schmid, unruhen in frankreich: der universalismus ist das problem, linked in the internet from michal stachura/permalink, 7.05.2006, 1.55 pm, http://www.ostblog.de/2006/07/der_universalismus_ist_das_pro.php, 2.14.2008; literature ))) riots in clichy wikipedia: unruhen in frankreich 2005, http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unruhen_in_Frankreich,1.02.2008;

jungle-world.com bernhard schmid, von wegen alles anders, jungle world nr.44, 11.2.2006, http://jungle-world.com/artikel/2006/44/18499.html, 2.14.2008; bernhard schmid, frankreich im herbst, jungle world 44,11.1.2006, http://jungle-world.com/seiten/2006/44/8778.php, 2.14.2008; bernhard schmid, kommentierte brände, jungle world nr. 44, 11.2.2006, http://jungle-world.com/artikel/2006/44/18500.html, 2.14.2008; andreas merx, die sprache der gewalt, november 2005, http://www.migration-boell.de/web/integration/47_365.asp, 2.15.2008;

zeit.de michael mönninger, aufstand in paris, 3.10.2005, http://www.zeit.de/2005/11/paris_streik,11.20.2007; „geld ist nichts, respekt ist alles“, 11.7.2005, http://www.zeit.de/2005/46/Paris_Krawalle,11.20.2007; nachbeben, 12.08.2005, http://www.zeit.de/2005/50/Krawall,11.20.2007; paris braucht jetzt politik, 11.07.2005, http://www.zeit.de/online/2005/45/paris_mm_711, 11.20.2007;

tahar ben jelloun, verbrannte erde, 11.10.2005, http://www.zeit.de/2005/46/UnruheFrankreich,11.20.2007; author’s note: frank drieschner und martin klingst, unless otherwise noted, the images herein are raus aus dem ghetto, 11.10.2005, the original work of the author. all images re- http://www.zeit.de/2005/46/dt__Integration,11.20.2007; produced herein from sources other than the author are used in accordance with the fair feuerschein der gewalt, copyright dpa, 11.06. 2005, use clause. use of any and all images or quo- http://www.zeit.de/online/2005/45/paris_411, 11.20.2007; tations is strictly for educational and non-profi t purposes. ausnahmezustand in frankreich, copyright dpa, 11.08.2005, reproduction is strictly prohibited. http://www.zeit.de/online/2005/45/paris_12te_nacht,11.20.2007; 62 63 riots in clichy wikipedia;

unrast-verlag.de;

ostblog.de.

situation and upgrading measures clichy-sous-bois.fr: http://www.clichy-sous-bois.fr, rénovation urbaine, http://www.clichy-sous-bois.fr/jsp/site/Portal.jsp?page_id=5, projet de rénovation urbaine, les grandes orientations du projet, http://www.clichy-sous-bois.fr/jsp/site/Portal.jsp?page_id=84, 3.25.2008;

jungle-world.com;

unrast-verlag.de;

ostblog.de;

zeit.de. haussmann napoleon III paris g. braziller, haussmann, paris transformed, saalman howard, new york, usa, 1971;

haussmann´s renovation of paris, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haussmann%27s_renovation_of_Paris, 2.19.2008. crime and urbanism 2) noah bubenhofer, www.bubenhofer.com, publikationen, städtebau und kriminalität, http://www.bubenhofer.com/publikation.php?pubID=3&Thema=3, 2.26.2008. prefabricated buildings eastern germany leben im plattenbau, zur dynamik sozialer ausgrenzung, carsten keller, campus- verlag gmbh, frankfurt/main, germany, 2005;

plattenbau, http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plattenbau, 3.17.2008;

plattenbau, http://www.lexi-tv.de/lexikon/thema.asp?InhaltID=1797, 3.17.2008. social housing vienna austria kunst und kunstgewerbe in den neubauten der stadt wien, josef bittner, verlag gerlach &wiedling, vienna, austria, 1930; neubauten der stadt wien, josef bittner, verlag gerlach & wiedling, vienna, austria, 1930. schöpfwerk vienna austria 3) renate schnee, sabine haslinger, stefan hauk: http://www.bassena.at/content/site/ stadtteilzentrumbassena/wiewirarbeiten/index.html, 1.05.2008;

4) renate schnee, sabine haslinger, stefan hauk: http://www.bassena.at/content/site/ stadtteilzentrumbassena/gemeinwesenarbeit/index.html, 1.05.2008; & renate schnee & christoph stoik, skriptum: gemeinwesenarbeit – defi nitionen und begriffe, tele>sozial_fernlehre in der sozialarbeit, bm:bwk, fh-wien, vienna, austria, author’s note: page 2, internet: http://www.telesozial.net/cms/uploads/tx_kdcaseengine/Skrip- unless otherwise noted, the images herein are tum_Gemeinwesenarbeit_Defi nitionen_und_Begriffe_01.pdf, 3.05.08; the original work of the author. all images re- produced herein from sources other than the bassena, stadtteiltzentrum am schöpfwerk, http://www.bassena.at/, 1.05.2008; author are used in accordance with the fair use clause. use of any and all images or quo- renate schnee & christoph stoik. tations is strictly for educational and non-profi t summary purposes. interbau berlin 1957, internationale bauausstellung berlin gmbh, reproduction is strictly prohibited. berlin-charlottenburg, germany, 1957;

and all previous quotes. page 64 65 introduction

defi nition

history of clichy 4-5 kathrin riemenschnitter, clichy-sous-bois, france, jan 2008.

riots in clichy 8-9 kathrin riemenschnitter, clichy-sous-bois, france, jan 2008.

situation and upgrading measures

haussmann napoleon III paris

crime and urbanism images ))) 18-19 kathrin riemenschnitter, clichy-sous-bois, france, jan 2008.

prefabricated buildings eastern germany

social housing vienna austria

schöpfwerk vienna austria

summary

author’s note: unless otherwise noted, the images herein are the original work of the author. all images re- produced herein from sources other than the author are used in accordance with the fair use clause. use of any and all images or quo- tations is strictly for educational and non-profi t purposes. reproduction is strictly prohibited.