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Music and Memory at Liberation

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Music and Memory at Liberation 16 SOUTHERLY JOSEPH TOLTZ Music and Memory at Liberation How do we receive personal musical memories emerging out of the Holocaust experience? My question is addressed to that moment of individual hearing: to the intimate point where we encounter expe riences shared with us, where we are positioned as listener and witness. This article draws on a series of oral history interviews made in 2008 in Sydney with Jewish Holocaust survivors who parti - cipated in a project of documenting and preserving private musical experi ences and memories during the Nazi era. In presenting these cases, I am arguing for two considerations. First, I wish to advocate a scholarly model of care, of attentive listening to a wide variety of archival material, including living musical testimony of survivors. It is fairly uncontroversial to acknowledge that sonic experiences remain in memory and travel with us throughout our lives, pro - viding moments of nostalgia, evocations of past connections, ties to culture, friends and family, frames of reference. Is it confron- tational to extend this ability of our sonorous bodies to imagine that musical memories of dark, distant and difficult times continue to be embodied within and around us? Second, and more speci - fically, I wish to draw atten tion to the diversity of experiences at the point of liberation. The resonance of a musical memory awakens the fragility of an aporetic moment between oppression and freedom, where the testifier may allow themselves the space for doubt, uncertainty, questioning and absurdity. Holocaust testimony generally focusses on experiences of Jewish civilians entrapped in ghettos, labour and death camps. Musical activities (be they coerced, voluntary, or clandestine) had more chance of being recorded in testimony or documentation, and confirmed afterwards by a greater number of witnesses to such events. Songs performed at or immediately after liberation mark a JOSEPH TOLTZ 17 less certain point of transition; they appear as sonic border zones (Bohlman 135–6) that facilitate arrival and departure (both in the moment and in the memory), and are, in turn, powerful subjective aides-memoire for survivors. Instances of songs being sung at the point of liberation have been materially captured, the two most famous being a recording of Bergen-Belsen survivors singing the Zionist hymn Hatikvah for the BBC after the liberation of the camp; the other being the account given by Fania Fenelon in her wartime account of libe - ration by British troops, also set inBergen-Belsen: “Sing, Fania, sing!” someone shrieked. The order galvanized me; I opened my mouth desperately. The soldier thought I was at my last gasp; he lifted me out of my filth, took me in his arms, showing no signs of disgust. How comfortable it was, how light I must feel (I weighed sixty-two pounds). Held firmly, head against the chest, drawing my strength from his, I started on the first verse of the Marseillaise. My voice had not died; I was alive. The fellow was staggered. Carrying me in his arms, he rushed outside towards an officer, shouting, “She’s singing, she’s singing.” (Fénelon, Routier and Landry 7) Fenelon’s account goes on to mention that the BBC recorded her singing God Save the King and the Internationale. It is not untoward to assume that such instances of singing spontaneously occurred for those liberated from camps and ghettos, that is, those with enough strength to be able to sing. In my interviews with over 110 Holo - caust survivors over a period of 15 years, three survivors speci fically recalled moments of spontaneous musical performance at or just following liberation. Each retelling of the experience brings further complexity and ambiguity to suchmoments. Peter Rössler: Schöne Isabelle von Castilien Peter Rössler was born June 1930 into a wealthy secular Jewish family of spice merchants from Prague. Together with his older brother 18 SOUTHERLY Honza and parents, the family were in the second of five transports of one thousand Prague Jews deported directly to Łódź in October 1941, prior to the establishment of the Terezín Ghetto. Of these 5000 Czech Jews deported to Łódź, only 277 survived to liberation. Rössler came from a musical family; his mother Lilly was a pianist, and he studied violin in occupied Prague with a friend of his father’s, Mr Freund. Rössler’s first memory of music in the Łódź ghetto was sitting in a makeshift accommodation centre in Lagiewnicka Street, listening to Mr Freund practising violin (Dvořák’s Humoresque). In the same room he also remembered a fellow deportee performing Weill and Brecht’s “Mackie Messer” (“Mack the Knife”) from Die Dreigroschenoper (The Threepenny Opera). In March 1942 Rössler’s father Karel passed away; in September of that year, through the mercy of a nurse at the hospital, the brothers managed to save their mother Lilly from deportation during Aktion Gehsperre, a week-long rounding up of the elderly, the infirm and the children of the ghetto. Approxi mately 12,000 people were deported to Chełmno’s mobile gas units during this period of terror. Owing to lack of proper medical treat ment, Lilly passed away soon after, at the age of 36, in the dilapidated wooden house occupied by the extended Rössler family. By late 1942 Rössler’s uncle and aunt had died, and their cousin Herbert had disappeared. Miraculously, both boys managed to survive on their own until June 1943, when a ghetto social worker discovered them, and took them to live in one of the last remaining ghetto orphanages in Gnieznienska Street. The orphanage was a place of relative nor mality, with proper beds and food regularly distributed. On the eve of the Sabbath the children sang traditional songs and recited poetry, and there was a library. One of these songs utilised the melody of Franz Lehár’s “Vilja Lied” from Die Lustige Witwe, with contra factum Polish words “Wagony Wagony zielone, czerwone” (Freight wagons, green, red). Following the Gehsperre, all inmates of the ghetto were obliged to work, including the children who had managed to avoid the roundups. Rössler and his brother found jobs in the various small factories that produced goods for the Reich: first in the Schneider Ressort (tailoring division) producing army uniforms for the Reich; later on in the Metall Ressort processing metal JOSEPH TOLTZ 19 parts, and finally in the Schuh Ressort, making clogs (canvas uppers nailed to wooden soles). In August 1944, with the dissolution of the Łodź Ghetto, Rössler and his brother Honza were transported to Auschwitz where the 14-year-old Peter unwittingly ignored the direction of selection, and followed his 16-year-old brother to the right (thus saving his life). After time spent in the Zigeunerlager 1, Rössler and his brother fortunately found labour camp work and were trans ported in a cattle truck to Kaufering IV, near Landsberg in Bavaria, officially classed as a Krankenlager (camp for the sick) (Raim 17, 109). Because they did not wish to be separated, both brothers were sent there because Peter had sustained a severe leg injury from a brutal SS guard. On arrival the medical supervisor of the camp, a Czech doctor called Leon Halpern sent his friend Poldie to meet the transport, calling for Czech Jews to identify themselves. Through this intervention Peter’s life was saved, with Dr Halpern imme - diately seeing to the appropriate treatment of the leg. Once healed, Dr Halpern also obtained for Rössler an assignment as läufer (runner) for sentries, and for this work the young man received extra soup rations. By the end of April 1945, the American army was approaching, and Kaufering was liquidated. The residents were sent on a death march for fifty kilometres for three days and nights, whence they arrived at camp Allach, a satellite camp of Dachau on the outskirts of Munich. Allach was a camp of horrific conditions with parts of unburied corpses littering the ground, and only skeletal survivors greeting the horrified marchers. Rössler was lucky in having to endure this for only a few days before the liberation by the US forces. When the US jeeps rolled in, a fellow German Jewish inmate began singing in praise of the arriving forces. After talking at length with Rössler, he could only remember the tune, and a fragment of three words from the song, Isabella von Kastilien; from this, I was able to sur mise that the fragment was from the popular Schöne Isabella von Kastilien, originally performed by the most popular vocal ensemble of Weimar Germany, the Comedian Harmonists (Bootz and Karlick; IrRrIS1l3nt): 20 SOUTHERLY Ref: Schöne Isabella von Chorus: Lovely Isabella of Castilien Castile, pack deine ganzen Utensilien pack up your utensils und komm zurück zu mir nach And come back to me, Spanien! to Spain! Du weißt doch: You know, do you not that Nur im schönem Lande der only in the fair land of the Toreros Toreadors wirst du dein Herzchen Will you lose your heart, and und noch mehr los. even more. Drum komm zurück zu mir So, come back with me nach Spanien! to Spain! Kommst du nicht bald, mein If you don’t come soon, my Schatz, darling, brauch ich Gewalt, mein Schatz,2 I will use force, my dear Ich mach erst halt, mein Schatz, I will only stop, my dear, when wenn du mich küßt, you kiss me und du wieder bei mir bist! And you are again with me! Also bitte, bitte: (Ref) So please, please: (Chorus) Leise fleh’n zur Laute meine My songs beckon softly on the Lieder, lute: komm wieder, Come back! denn Du bist meines Herzens For you are my heart’s desire.
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